& ft*  lfcw,09W  ^ 


PRINCETON,  N.  J. 


Purchased  by  the  Hamill  Missionary  Fund. 


Division 


Section  * 


"P24 


CHINA:  PAST  AND  PRESENT 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 
in  2016 


https://archive.org/details/chinapastpresent00park_0 


CHINA 


PAST  AND  PRESENT 


EDWARD  HARPER  PARKER 


PROFESSOR  OF  CHINESE  AT  THE  OWENS  COLLEGE,  MANCHESTER  ; 
FORMERLY  H.B.M.  CONSUL  AT  KIUNGCHOW  ; AUTHOR  OF  “ CHINA,' ” “ JOHN 
CHINAMAN,”  ETC.,  ETC. 


NEW  YORK 

E.  P.  DUTTON  & CO. 

3t  WEST  TWENTY-THIRD  STREET 


/ 


TO 

THE  MEMORY 

OF 

“OLD  OW” 


« 3 


INTRODUCTION 

Events  have  succeeded  each  other  so  rapidly  in  China, 
that  a few  months  often  suffice  to  convert  “ intelligent 
anticipations”  into  irrevocable  history.  This  being  so,  the 
reader  who  honours  these  pages  with  perusal  must  charitably 
make  allowances  for  views  expressed  under  conditions  which 
have,  in  some  instances,  now  become  obsolete. 

In  a few  cases — as,  for  instance,  the  first  chapter — the 
matter  appears  in  print  for  the  first  time.  In  others,  para- 
graphs, and  even  whole  pages,  have  been  entirely  rewritten 
or  recast.  Acknowledgments  are  due  to  several  senates, 
societies,  faculties,  and  associations  ; also  to  the  editors  and 
publishers  of  many  magazines,  for  their  uniform  kindness 
in  allowing  the  present  republication  in  book  form.  In 
particular  I am  requested  to  state  that  the  “ Letter  from  the 
Emperor  of  China  to  King  George  the  Third  ” is  reprinted 
by  permission  from  the  Nineteenth  Century;  the  three 
articles  “ Diet  and  Medicine,”  “ Life  of  a Chinese  Mandarin,” 
and  “The  Imperial  Manchu  Family,”  by  permission  from 
the  Cornhill  Magazine;  the  paper  on  “The  Chinese 
Imbroglio,”  by  permission  from  the  Asiatic  Quarterly  Review  ; 
that  on  “ The  Multifarious  Duties  of  a British  Consul,”  by 
permission  from  Temple  Bar  ; and  that  on  “Chinese  Sports,” 
by  permission  from  the  Badminton  Magazine.  The  map  of 
China,  based  upon  the  late  Dr.  Bretschneider’s  first  edition, 


Introduction 


viii 

is  reproduced  by  kind  permission  from  Mr.  John  Murray. 
If  I do  not  mention  each  of  the  other  sources  by  name,  it 
is  because,  in  receiving  consent,  I have  not  been  asked  to 
do  so,  and  not  because  I am  ungrateful. 


1 8,  Gambier  Terrace,  Liverpool, 
July , 1903. 


E.  H.  PARKER. 


CONTENTS 

BOOK  I 

HISTORICAL  AND  STATISTICAL 


CHAPTER  PAGE 

I.  A Sketch  of  Chinese  History i 

II.  The  Population  and  Revenue  of  China  ...  25 

BOOK  II 

THE  “BOXER"  WARS 

I.  The  Revolt  of  the  “Boxers”  in  China  ...  42 

II.  The  “Boxers” 47 

III.  The  “Boxer”  Imeroglio  of  1900 57 


BOOK  III 

RELIGIOUS 


I.  The  Religion  of  the  Chinese 80 

II.  Personal  Reminiscences  touching  Christian  Mission- 
aries in  China,  Corea,  Burma,  etc.  93 

III.  The  Second  Manchu  Emperor  of  China  and  Filial 

Piety 115 

IV.  Letter  from  the  Emperor  of  China  to  the  Pope  . 123 


X 


Contents 


BOOK  IV 

THE  IMPERIAL  POWER 

CHAPTER  PAGE 

I.  The  Imperial  Manchu  Family 128 

II.  From  the  Emperor  of  China  to  King  George  the 

Third 138 

III.  The  Emperor  of  China  and  Lord  Amherst  . . 151 

BOOK  V 

THE  FOREIGNER  IN  CHINA 

I.  Life  in  China 159 

II.  Personal  Reminiscences  touching  Opium-smoking  . 175 

III.  The  Multifarious  Duties  of  a British  Consul  . 192 

IV.  The  Foreign  Office,  the  Tsung-li  Yamen,  and  the 

Far  East 207 

BOOK  VI 

MANDARIN  OR  OFFICIAL 

I.  The  Way  China  is  governed 223 

II.  The  Life  of  a Chinese  Mandarin  . . . .240 

III.  What’s  in  a (Chinese)  Name? 253 

IV.  The  “Peking  Gazette”  and  Chinese  Posting  . . 259 

BOOK  VII 

CELESTIAL  PECULIARITIES 

I.  Diet  and  Medicine  in  China 270 

II.  Lepers  in  China 280 

III.  Chinese  Games  and  Sports 286 


Contents 


xi 

BOOK  VIII 

POLITICAL 


CHAPTER  PAGE 


I. 

A Plea  for  Russia 

. 298 

II. 

The  Balance  of  Power 

• 308 

III. 

The  Far  Eastern  Question 

• 326 

IV. 

The  German  Sphere  of  Influence  in  China 

• 35° 

V. 

Anglo-Russian  Relations 

• 366 

BOOK  IX 

THE  SEAMY  SIDE 

I. 

Chinese  Punishments 

• 376 

II. 

Infanticide  in  China 

• 387 

III. 

Chinese  Slavery  

• 397 

CHINA:  PAST  AND  PRESENT 


BOOK  I 

HISTORICAL  AND  STATISTICAL 
CHAPTER  I 

A SKETCH  OF  CHINESE  HISTORY 

With  us  in  Europe  history  means  a great  deal  more  than  a 
mere  tale  of  dynastic  changes  and  race  struggles.  More 
especially  in  these  islands,  where  free  men  have  always  to  a 
large  extent  created  or  approved  their  own  Governments,  the 
annals  of  the  people  are  just  as  interesting  a study  as  the 
annals  of  our  princes.  How  we  began  our  first  intelligible 
career  as  a dependency  of  Rome  ; how  we  adopted  a veneer 
of  Roman  civilization  ; became  a prey  to  Saxon  and  Danish 
invasions  ; drove  out  the  Roman  garrisons  ; softened  our  rude 
manners  with  Christianity  ; fell  under  the  feudal  organization 
of  Frenchified  Scandinavians  called  Normans ; gradually 
welded  Celtic  and  Teutonic  elements  into  one  race  speaking 
a mixed  language ; forced  our  Kings,  our  priests,  and  our 
nobles  to  share  their  power  with  the  commons ; took  full 
advantage  of  printing  ; created  a navy  ; developed  our  trade  ; 
built  up  an  over-sea  empire ; and  rather  late  in  the  day 
extended  the  benefits  of  education  to  all  classes.  In  a word, 
we  have  a history  of  material  and  social  progress  to  deal  with, 
as  well  as  a record  of  race  struggles  and  royal  ambitions. 

But  with  China  it  is  different.  Setting  aside  for  the 
moment  the  important  fermentations  which  have  taken  place 
within  the  past  thirty  years,  and  more  especially  the  last 

B 


2 


China:  Past  and  Present 


two  years,  we  must  first  of  all  recognize  the  preliminary 
fact  that  material  civilization  is  there  now  very  much  in  the 
stage  it  was  2000  years  ago.  The  vast  majority  of  the 
population  is  made  up  of  peasantry,  mostly  living  in  mud, 
untrimmed  stone,  rough  timber,  or  reed  houses,  according  to 
climate,  locality,  and  available  material  for  building  ; few  of 
even  the  best  houses  (except  in  towns)  are  floored  ; almost 
none,  even  in  cities,  have  a ceiling  ; and  if  they  have,  it  is  of 
unsubstantially  hung  or  pasted  sheets  of  paper.  Any  accu- 
mulation of  wealth  beyond  land,  cattle,  and  stores  of  farm 
produce,  consists  in  feast-day  clothes,  women’s  ornaments, 
and  buried  silver.  There  are  no  carriages,  horses,  or  fine 
harness ; no  pictures  worth  more  than  a few  shillings  ; no 
well-laid  breakfast  or  dinner  tables;  no  newspapers,  postmen, 
railways,  tramways,  omnibuses,  or  even  decent  roads  and  side- 
paths  to  walk  on  ; no  bookcases,  bedsteads,  easy-chairs,  pianos, 
carpets,  table-cloths,  writing-desks,  gas,  lamps,  matches,  or 
even  respectable  candles  ; no  house-games,  cigars,  wine,  beer, 
clean  linen,  washstands ; or,  in  short,  any  articles  of  luxury. 
There  is  little  difference  between  the  unutterable  meanness  of 
Chinese  poverty  and  that  of  Russian  peasant  poverty,  as 
described  by  Princess  Kropotkin.  One-storeyed,  often  one- 
roomed  houses,  standing  on,  not  built  into,  the  mother  earth ; 
a few  wooden  or  cane  chairs,  couches,  and  tables  ; one  or  two 
iron  or  copper  pans  and  kettles  ; a rude  hatchet,  a knife  or  two, 
and  scoops  or  ladles  ; coarse  rice-bowls  and  teacups,  wooden 
chopsticks ; a spinning-wheel  ; coarse  cotton  clothes,  patched 
and  darned  ; water-buckets  ; a cow  or  an  ox  for  ploughing  ; 
dirty,  ragged  bed-quilts ; a dog,  pigs,  and  chickens  ; rats  all 
over  the  house,  and  vermin  too. — The  one  bright  spot  in  this 
dead  level  of  material  backwardness  is  the  village  school, 
where  a very  fair  practical  education  is  given,  or  a basis  for  it 
is  suggested,  by  the  study  of  books  hundreds  and  even 
thousands  of  years  old,  which  are  nearly  as  intelligible  in  all 
dialects  now  as  they  were  when  first  composed.  Of  course, 
it  is  understood  that  large  towns,  and  especially  those  in  reach 
of  foreign  trade,  do  not  in  all  respects  fall  within  the  above 
indictment ; and  it  must  be  added  that  the  money-squeezing 
officials,  the  “ eaters  ” of  the  people,  enjoy  a certain  degree  of 
sensuous  luxury  in  valuable  clothes,  rich  food,  and  expensive 


This  Strange  Eventful  History  3 

harems.  But  they  form  a small  minority,  like  the  Russian 
minority  which  feeds  on  the  helpless  ignorant  millions. 

I just  digress  for  an  instant  from  my  proposed  subject  in 
order  to  point  out  that  the  outline  history  of  China  is  not 
exactly  a history  of  material  progress  and  popular  develop- 
ment ; and  it  may  therefore  be  told  in  a much  simpler  and 
shorter  way  than  the  labyrinthian  history  of  Europe.  There 
is  no  legal,  medical,  social,  political,  theological,  or  other 
obtrusive  science  to  complicate  plain  government  matters. 
The  people,  subject  after  great  wars  to  certain  periodical 
changes  in  status  between  freemen  and  slaves  or  prisoners  of 
battle,  have  always  been  free  and  comparatively  independent 
farmers  on  their  own  land,  or  merchants  in  their  own  guilds, 
as  they  are  now.  They  have  governed  themselves  in  muni- 
cipal and  village  communities ; with  a few  rare  and  well-known 
exceptions,  no  central  government  has  ever  done  anything  for 
them  except  tax  them  in  grain,  salt,  money,  merchandise  in 
transit,  labour,  and  military  service.  No  sanitation,  registry, 
passport,  marriage,  funeral,  educational,  or  other  limits  or 
laws.  No  public  works,  except  to  keep  off  inundations ; no 
maintenance  of  roads,  proclamation  of  laws,  popular  voting, 
parliamentary  representatives,  licences,  game-laws,  fishing- 
laws,  testamentary  laws,  or  interference  with  family  arrange- 
ments. Local  custom  has  governed  the  people,  and  the  people 
have  formed  custom  for  themselves.  History,  then,  is  simply 
this : What  group  of  adventurers  shall  fatten  and  batten  on 
the  people  who  thus  till  the  earth  ; and  who  shall  do  this 
under  the  time-honoured  sanction  of  Heaven’s  decree?  The 
written  history  of  China  is  no  philosophical  science.  It  is 
merely  a bare  but  priceless  and  accurate  record  of  events 
jumbled  together  without  sense  of  proportion  day  by  day  for 
2000  years.  Thus,  Monday,  January  ist,  601  : “The 
Turks  raided  Peking.”  Tuesday,  ‘‘Dame  Jones  made  concu- 
bine of  the  second  class.”  Wednesday,  “ Tribute  from  Persia 
and  Borneo.”  Thursday,  “The  Dowager  vomited  blood.” 
Friday,  “ General  Smith  defeated  by  the  Canton  insurgents  ; 
all  his  relations  executed.”  Besides  this  bare  record,  there 
are  special  chapters  on  great  men,  the  calendar,  barbarous 
States,  music,  and  ceremonies.  It  is  for  us  Europeans  to 
create  a science  out  of  individual  facts,  just  as  botanists  have 


4 


China:  Past  and  Present 


created  a science  by  simply  grouping  in  literary  form  the 
flowers  growing  one  by  one  under  our  very  noses. 

All  the  old  civilizations  of  antiquity,  besides  fighting  for 
possession  amongst  themselves,  have  had  to  defend  their 
existence,  both  in  Asia  and  in  Europe,  against  the  inroads 
of  the  horse-riding  or  Tartar  hordes.  (The  word  Tartar  is  a 
mediaeval  Chinese  word,  used  vaguely,  as  with  us,  for  “ nomad 
peoples.”)  When  first  the  Chinese  are  heard  of  (and  they 
themselves  are  the  sole  authority,  for  no  one  else  records  any- 
thing about  them),  they  occupied  the  valley  of  the  Yellow 
River  and  its  tributaries  as  tillers  of  the  soil,  paying  to  their 
rulers  a portion  of  the  produce  as  taxes  in  grain,  silk,  and 
hempen  cloth.  Despite  speculations  touching  their  possible 
Babylonian  or  Akkadian  origin,  there  exists  no  evidence 
whatever  to  show  how  they  got  there  ; but  there  they  certainly 
were  2700  years  before  Christ ; and,  from  that  date  until  the 
creation  of  a truly  historical  empire  about  200  years  before 
Christ,  they  were  from  time  to  time  engaged  in  pushing  the 
indigenous  tribes  towards  the  sea,  and  in  defending  themselves 
against  the  inroads  of  Turks  to  the  north  and  Tibetans  to  the 
west.  (I  use  these  two  designations  for  brevity’s  sake,  but 
the  word  “Turk”  is  never  heard  previous  to  A.D.  550,  nor  the 
word  “Tibet”  until  several  centuries  subsequent  even  to  that 
date.)  This  long  period  of  2500  years  is  by  no  means  desti- 
tute of  events,  nor  is  there  any  statement  of  fact  which  taxes 
our  credulity.  We  gain  a very  tolerable  notion  of  travel  and 
geography,  and  a fairly  clear,  if  inspired,  smack  of  humdrum 
Chinese  life.  The  only  thing  is  that  dates  are  often  incon- 
sistent, self-contradictory,  or  vague  ; the  picture  lacks  definite- 
ness, and  there  are  more  sermonizings  and  heart-searchings 
than  specific  lively  events  and  results  ; more  talk  than  action. 
The  chief  mouth  of  the  then  almost  unknown  river  Yangtsze 
ran  across  from  near  the  treaty  port  of  Wuhu  to  Hangchow  ; 
much  of  modern  Kiang  Su  province  was  awash  with  the 
ocean  ; the  Yellow  River  entered  the  sea  farther  north  than 
at  present,  near  Tientsin  ; successive  dynasties  and  emperors 
shifted  their  capitals  to  various  points  in  its  valley ; and 
it  is  quite  clear  that  the  governing  classes  possessed  astro- 
nomical knowledge  of  no  mean  order.  Certainly  1000, 
and  probably  4000  years  ago  they  had,  by  means  of  a 


Their  Exits  and  their  Entrances 


5 


seventy-six-year  cycle,  brought  the  tropical,  lunar,  and 
diurnal  year  into  harmony  ; and  their  method  of  computation 
enables  us,  if  not  to  verify  even  their  semi-historical  records, 
at  least  to  say  that  there  is  no  reasonable  ground  to  suspect 
the  truth  of  their  standard  chronicles  ; and  even  for  a con- 
siderable period  beyond  4000  years  ago  it  is  only  early 
Chinese  ignorance  of  the  winter  solstice,  or  neglect  to  make 
observations  at  the  recurrence  of  that  event,  that  causes  their 
remotest  chronology  to  be  vague  and  unsatisfactory  to  modern 
astronomers. 

The  semi-historical  period,  as  distinguished  from  the  semi- 
mythical  period  above  described,  begins  about  1100  B.C.,  and 
now  it  is  that  we  find  a new  dynasty  has  to  cope  with  northern 
Tartars  as  well  as  western  Tibetan  invaders,  who  were  the 
chief  bane  of  earlier  dynasties  ; in  fact,  this  dynasty,  which 
was  practically  invited  in  by  the  people,  owing  to  the  misrule 
of  the  ejected  Chinese  monarch,  is  described  as  being  of 
“ western  stranger  ” origin — a term  which  sounds  much  more 
suggestive  than  it  really  is,  for  no  great  distance  is  meant. 
At  this  moment  all  China  south  of  the  Yangtsze,  all  the 
Upper  Yangtsze  valley  and  the  Shan  Tung  promontory,  were 
still  in  the  hands  of  barbarian  tribes.  Nothing  was  yet  known 
of  Mongolia,  Manchuria,  Corea,  Japan,  Tonquin,  Tibet,  or 
Kokonor.  The  condition  of  China  was  much  like  that  of  the 
Roman  Empire  after  the  conquest  of  Italy,  but  previous  to 
the  Punic  wars.  In  Europe  there  was  some  vague  notion  of 
Britain,  Germany,  Spain,  France,  the  barbarians  of  the 
Danube,  and  so  on,  all  of  which  peoples,  if  strange  to  the 
Romans  and  Italians,  were  at  any  rate  of  Aryan  race  like 
themselves.  Rome  had  usurped  the  Greek  place  in  civiliza- 
tion, and  was  confronted  with  Semitic  and  Hamitic  rivals  to 
the  south,  in  the  shape  of  Carthage  and  Egypt.  In  China  it  is 
not  to  be  doubted  that  the  unconquered  tribes  to  the  south 
were,  as  they  still  are,  of  tone-using,  monosyllabic  race,  akin 
to  the  Chinese.  The  more  westerly  and  new  dynasty  usurped 
the  old  one’s  place  in  civilization,  and  was  confronted  with 
Turanian  rivals  to  the  north.  Rome’s  expansion  was  north- 
wards amongst  her  own  kind : her  truly  foreign  foes  lay 
southward  across  the  seas.  China’s  expansion  was  southwards 
amongst  her  own  kind  : her  truly  foreign  foes  lay  northward 


6 China:  Past  and  Present 

across  the  deserts.  The  policy  of  the  new  dynasty  was  to 
parcel  out  the  “ middle  kingdom  ” (which  is  still  the  current 
name  for  China)  into  fiefs  or  principalities,  the  Emperor 
reserving  a moderate  province  to  his  own  direct  rule,  and 
exercising  over  his  feudal  relatives  a sort  of  loose  supervision 
akin  to  that  which  the  Popes  of  the  Middle  Ages  practised 
over  European  States.  Copies  of  all  the  most  important 
vassal-state  archives  and  chronicles  were  preserved  at  the 
imperial  capital,  which  also  issued  ceremonial,  astrological, 
and  other  functional  directions  and  rules.  There  is  evidence 
to  show  that  many  dialects  were  spoken  then,  as  now,  and 
that  the  methods  of  writing,  whilst  maintaining  a general 
resemblance,  differed  in  slight  detail  in  the  various  States. 
Documents  were  scratched  with  a style  upon  thin  tablets  of 
wood  or  bamboo,  almost  as  we  may  see  at  this  day  the  Hindu 
bankers  scratching  their  accounts  upon  dried  palmyra  leaves. 
Hence  books  were  cumbrous  and  expensive,  and  recorded 
knowledge  was  necessarily  confined  (as  with  ourselves  during 
the  Middle  Ages)  to  a very  limited  official  and  literary  class. 
Parts  of  Manchuria  were  now  conquered,  but  political  dealings 
with  that  region  were  subsequently  confined  to  the  principality 
situated  about  modern  Peking,  and  have  no  important  bearing 
on  general  or  imperial  history. 

There  are  fairly  trustworthy  accounts  or  traditions  that 
about  B.C.  977  a Chinese  Emperor  made  a great  military  tour 
of  inspection  over  Mongolia  and  the  highroads  to  the  West ; 
there  is  specific  mention  of  kumiss , or  mares’  milk,  and  of  a 
mountain  known  to  be  near  modern  Urga  and  the  Russian 
town  of  Kiachta.  In  the  whole  of  Chinese  history  and  tradi- 
tion there  does  not  seem  to  be  the  faintest  hint  of  any  know- 
ledge of  the  Great  West  anterior  to  this.  Though  we  have 
thousands  of  clay  inscriptions  in  London,  some  of  them  6000 
years  old,  not  even  the  mere  mention  of  writing  on  clay  ever 
once  occurs  in  Chinese  tradition,  so  that  we  must  wait  for 
specific  evidence  before  we  couple  Chinese  culture  with 
Akkadian.  This  travelling  Emperor  seems  to  have  lost  the 
old  influence  over  the  Tibetan  tribes  on  his  frontier,  and 
about  B.C.  874  the  westernmost  principality  of  Ts'in  first 
secured  that  influence,  and  then  separated  from  the  Chinese 
federal  system  altogether.  A few  years  later  we  find  the 


Devote  to  Universal  Wrack 


7 


Emperor  approving  one  of  the  vassal  successions  in  Shan 
Tung;  but  subsequent  to  this  the  central  authority  begins  to 
wane,  and  this  waning  of  the  central  power  is  coincident  with 
the  date  which  the  first  and  greatest  Chinese  historian  (whose 
book,  written  2000  years  ago,  is  perfectly  good  and  plain 
reading  now)  assigns  to  the  commencement  of  true  and  exact 
history  ; that  is,  B.C.  827. 

Now,  although  we  arrive  at  last  at  the  portals  of  true 
history,  the  chief  difference  between  it  and  the  more  doubtful 
history  is  that  the  dates  are  precise,  and  exhortations  to  act 
give  frequent  place  to  intelligible  action.  The  more  certain 
facts  in  no  way  either  differ  in  quality  from  or  discredit  the 
older  uncertain  ones.  It  is  evident  that,  if  all  English  records 
previous  to  1800  were  absolutely  annihilated,  our  defective 
memories  and  traditions  would  soon  force  us  to  confess  that 
the  true  history  of  England  began  in  1801.  So  with  Chinese 
history.  It  is  sober  enough.  There  is  no  reason  why  we 
should  not  accept  as  vaguely  true  what  we  are  vaguely  told  ; 
no  reason  for  inventing  what  we  are  not  told  ; and  no  reason 
(judging  by  the  provable  fidelity  of  the  true  later  history)  to 
suppose  that  the  less  exact,  and  therefore  less  provable, 
history  ever  was  unfaithful.  Chinese  history  begins  2700  B.C., 
but  it  is  insipid  and  intangible  until  B.C.  800,  which  is  about 
the  date  when  genuine  western  history  began  too  ; that  is  to 
say,  until  the  quite  recent  discoveries  in  Asia  Minor,  Crete, 
Egypt,  Babylonia,  and  Persia  yielded  to  our  archaeologists 
whole  libraries  of  forgotten  records,  some  dating  long  anterior 
to  the  supposed  creation  of  the  world.  If,  instead  of  cumber- 
some but  perishable  wood,  the  Chinese  had  used  still  more 
cumbersome  but  unperishable  baked  mud,  we  might  hope  to 
achieve  in  due  course  the  same  triumphant  results  for  China. 
As  matters  stand,  it  is  no  exaggeration  to  say  that  we  have 
scarcely  a single  Chinese  document  of  importance  actually 
existing  now  as  it  existed  2000  years  ago  ; all  the  ancient 
writings,  with  trivial  exceptions,  are  copies  from  memory,  or 
transcriptions  in  a modified  form  of  writing,  from  defective 
manuscripts. 

From  800  to  200  B.C.  the  Chinese  imperial  power  declined, 
very  much  as  the  Roman  power  and  the  mediaeval  Germano- 
Roman  power  successively  declined  in  Europe.  The  feudal 


8 


China:  Past  and  Present 


princes,  ruling  over  territories  roughly  corresponding  to  the 
now  existing  northern  provinces,  contested,  both  with  each 
other  and  with  the  Emperor,  for  supremacy ; very  much  as 
France,  Spain,  England,  Germany,  and  Italy  intrigued  with 
each  other,  and  with  the  Pope,  for  temporal  advantages, 
whilst  at  the  same  time  accepting  the  Pope’s  spiritual 
supremacy  when  it  suited  them.  Dovetailed  in,  between 
what  the  Chinese  called  the  half-dozen  Great  Powers,  were 
minor  states  corresponding  to  our  Belgium,  Holland,  Switzer- 
land, and  Denmark.  Looming  away  to  the  west  was  the 
untamed  state  of  Ts'in,  like  Russia  in  Peter  the  Great’s  time, 
developing  her  resources  in  distant  secrecy,  and  nourishing 
vast  ambitions.  Along  the  line  of  the  Yangtsze  River  were 
powers  only  half  Chinese,  which  may  be  compared  with  our 
half  European  Turkey,  Saracen  Spain,  and  Egypt  or  Syria. 
Sometimes  one  great  Power  became  doyen,  or  “ holder  of  the 
cow’s  ear;”  sometimes  the  other;  offensive  and  defensive 
alliances  were  formed,  minor  Powers  rose  and  fell,  the  Emperor 
was  hustled,  barbarian  aid  (chiefly  Tibetan)  was  invoked,  and 
finally,  between  400  and  200  B.C.,  the  vassal  States  openly 
assumed  independent  regal  status,  just  as  the  Teutonic  and 
other  countries,  nominally  under  the  sovereignty  of  the  Roman 
Augustus  or  Supreme  Emperor,  arrogated  to  themselves,  first 
the  title  of  Caesar  or  Associate  Emperor,  and  then  that  of 
Augustus.  It  was  in  the  middle  of  this  transition  period, 
say  500  B.C.,  that  Confucius  occupied  a commanding  position 
as  statesman  in  the  vassal  kingdom  of  Lu  (part  of  Shan 
Tung).  Lu  was  a highly  respectable  power,  but  never  a 
great  one,  and  Confucius’  aim  was  to  suppress  violent  ambi- 
tions and  mean  passions,  to  restore  the  Emperor’s  supreme 
authority,  and  to  do  away  with  “Jingoism,”  both  in  political 
and  in  provincial  life.  The  end  of  all  this  was  that  Ts‘in, 
which  in  B.C.  374  had  rejoined  the  federal  system  after  a 
separate  and  semi-barbarian  existence  of  500  years,  gradually 
intrigued  or  fought  the  other  States  one  by  one  out  of  their 
independence,  until  at  last,  in  B.C.  221,  the  triumphant  King 
of  that  country  assumed  the  new  title  of  Hwang-ti,  or  Impe- 
rator,  which  continues  in  use  to  this  day. 

During  all  this  time  the  various  vassal  States  had  naturally 
increased  their  knowledge  of  South  China,  Corea,  and  other 


Tempora  mutantur  9 

outlying  parts  ; but  although  Chinese  colonies  pushed  along 
the  lines  of  the  great  rivers,  it  seems  quite  certain  that  no 
part  outside  the  area  of  the  Yellow  River  and  its  tributaries 
was  yet  any  more  truly  Chinese  than  Britain,  Gaul,  Batavia, 
Spain,  Pannonia,  Africa,  and  other  parts  colonized  or  occupied 
by  Roman  power  were  truly  Italian.  The  nationality  idea 
was  in  neither  case  yet  born.  It  is  important  to  bear  this 
in  mind,  and  to  remember  that  in  most  of  the  southern  and 
western  provinces  there  are  still  mountain  communities  of 
indigenous  tribes,  akin  to  the  Chinese  in  the  same  remote 
and  undefined  way  that  the  Norwegians,  Roumanians,  Portu- 
guese, and  Poles  are  akin  to  older  Aryan  communities,  such 
as  the  Greeks.  There  were  from  time  to  time  brushes  with 
the  various  Tartar  horsemen  in  the  north,  and  several  great 
walls  were  built  a century  or  more  before  the  so-called  First 
Emperor  conquered  the  whole  of  China,  and  constructed  or 
increased  the  long  line  of  now  ruined  fortifications  still 
extending  from  the  Shan-hai  Kwan  (during  1900-1  in  our 
occupation)  to  near  Lake  Kokonor. 

It  was  in  B.c.  221  that  occurred  one  of  those  great  epoch- 
making  events  upon  which  hinges  the  main  history  of  the 
world.  Since  her  re-admission  into  Chinese  diplomacy  in 
B.C.  374,  the  western  State  of  Ts'in  had  made  such  excellent 
use  of  her  opportunities  in  agriculture,  diplomacy,  and  war, 
that  the  other  States,  including  the  Imperial  State,  fell  one 
after  the  other  into  her  toils,  and  were  crushed  out  of  political 
existence,  as  already  stated.  The  King  of  Ts'in  (who,  like 
the  modeller  of  our  own  new  system,  William  the  Conqueror, 
was  a bastard),  at  last  declared  himself  Supreme  Ruler  of  the 
world  (as  then  known) ; divided  what  we  now  call  China 
proper  into  thirty-six  provinces ; and  set  about  making  a 
series  of  military  promenades  in  person,  which,  however, 
never  extended  southward  of  the  lakes  Poyangand  Tungting. 
The  Tartars  were  driven  beyond  the  Yellow  River;  an 
attempt  was  made  to  simplify,  to  assimilate,  or  standardize 
the  various  forms  of  writing ; the  present  writing-brush  was 
invented  or  improved  ; the  axles  of  all  carts  were  made  of 
the  same  breadth,  so  as  to  facilitate  trade  movements ; an 
adjusted  calendar  was  circulated  ; laws,  weights,  and  measures 
were  verified  ; and  metal  arms  were  called  in  to  be  recast 


IO 


China:  Past  and  Present 


into  bells  and  images.  Whilst  touring  towards  the  Shan-hai 
Kwan  and  modern  Chefoo,  the  Emperor  heard  vague  rumours 
of  certain  islands  beyond  the  sea,  which  the  vassal  kingdom 
around  modern  Peking  had  already  either  discovered  or 
heard  of  a century  before  this.  These  islands  were' Japan  ; 
but  as  yet  nothing  definite  was  known  of  Japan,  Corea, 
Manchuria,  Mongolia,  Tibet,  Indo-China,  or  even  Canton, 
Foochow,  and  Yiin  Nan.  However,  the  thirty-six  provinces 
nominally  included  Liao-si,  Liao-tung  ( i.e . west  and  east  of 
the  Liao  River),  South  China,  and  the  valley  of  the  Upper 
Yangtsze,  as  far  as  it  is  navigable.  As  the  learned  men  of 
the  empire  disapproved  and  criticized  these  innovations,  a 
general  battue  and  holocaust  of  bookworms  and  books  was 
organized  in  B.C.  213 — a much  easier  matter  than  might  at 
first  sight  be  supposed,  if  we  reflect  that  the  Emperor  himself 
read  a fixed  allowance  of  120  pounds  weight  of  despatches 
a day  ; that  is,  each  book  of  importance  was  so  cumbrous  and 
expensive  that  its  whereabouts  was  as  notorious  as  our  early 
editions  of  Shakespeare,  and  its  bulk  almost  as  hard  to  con- 
ceal as  would  be  the  Assyrian  man-bulls  in  the  European 
museums. 

This  revolutionary  Emperor  died  in  B.C.  210,  whilst  on 
tour,  and  at  a spot  quite  close  to  where  2100  years  later  a 
murder  of  German  missionaries  led  up  to  the  present  situation 
in  China.  His  son  was  a poor  eunuch-ridden  creature, 
incompetent  to  carry  on  the  grandiose  ideas  of  the  father, 
in  consequence  of  which  revolts  broke  out  through  the  whole 
“ black-head  ” region  (as  the  restricted  area  of  true  China  was 
then  called),  and  several  rival  adventurers  struggled  for 
power.  This  is  one  of  the  most  charming  and  vivid  stories 
in  the  history  of  the  world,  and  yields  not  one  whit  in  interest 
when  compared  with  the  accounts  of  the  two  Caesars’  struggles 
with  Pompey  and  Mark  Antony.  Any  one  who  can  under- 
stand French  may  read  every  line  of  it  in  a translation  of 
China’s  first  great  history,  recently  published  by  Professor 
Chavannes,  of  Paris. 

At  last  the  adventurer,  known  from  his  appanage  as  the 
Prince  of  Han,  succeeded  in  destroying  all  his  rivals,  and  in 
establishing  himself  as  Emperor  at  modern  Si-an  Fu  (the 
place  to  which  the  flying  Empress-Dowager  betook  herself 


Thereby  hangs  a Tale  1 1 

in  the  year  igoo).  There  were  two  or  three  successive 
editions  of  the  Han  dynasty,  which  from  first  to  last  endured 
from  B.C.  206  to  A.D.  263.  There  was  a short  break  at  the 
time  of  Our  Lord’s  birth,  but  by  A.D.  25  the  Eastern  Han  had 
got  rid  of  revolutionary  pretenders,  and  had  planted  its  new 
capital  securely  at  modern  Ho-nan  Fu.  Between  A.D.  220  and 
263  the  empire  was  divided  into  three,  owing  to  Imperial 
decay  and  rival  ambitions.  The  northern,  or  Old  China  part, 
was  entirely  in  the  hands  of  a rival  house,  founded  by  the 
celebrated  General  Ts'ao  Ts'ao,  whose  achievements  are  as 
much  a matter  of  notoriety  in  China  as  the  contemporary 
struggles  between  Septimius  Severus  and  his  rival  Clodius 
Albinus  for  the  possession  of  Rome  in  Europe.  The  third 
edition  of  the  Han  house  ruled  in  what  we  now  call  Sz 
Ch’wan,  which  was  then  a congeries  of  Tibetan  and  other 
half-savage  tribes,  mixed  with  Chinese  colonists  along  the 
navigable  rivers.  South  China,  but  thinly  populated  by 
tribes  of  the  Annamese,  Siamese,  and  Lolo  type,  was  loosely 
held  up  by  a third  successful  family,  which  thus  had  a 
monopoly  of  the  Roman,  Persian,  and  Indian  shipping  trade. 
Rome,  or  Roman  Syria,  was  then  called  Ta-ts‘in. 

The  total  results  of  these  460  years  of  Han  rule  may  be 
shortly  summarized  as  follows.  The  power  of  the  Hiung- 
nu  Tartars  or  Huns  had  been  so  broken  that,  before  Jesus 
Christ  was  born,  one-half  of  their  hordes  had  been  driven 
far  away  towards  the  Aral  Sea  and  the  Volga  ; the  other  half 
became  pensioners  and  allies  of  the  Chinese.  But  even  these 
gradually  fell  a prey  to,  or  wore  themselves  out  in  struggling 
against,  the  rising  power  of  the  Tungusic  Tartars  ; so  that 
when,  in  the  third  century  A.D.,  China  split  up  into  three 
empires,  the  nomads  were  unable  to  take  advantage  of  the 
general  anarchy  further  than  to  seize  portions  of  undefended 
territory,  and  temporarily  to  set  up  as  aspirants  for  power, 
after  the  fashion  of  the  Ostrogoth,  Visigoth,  and  Vandal  chiefs, 
who  used  to  take  similar  advantage  of  Roman  dissensions. 

This  protracted  400  years’  struggle  for  existence  with 
the  Hiung-nu  (as  the  much  later  Turkish  tribes  were  then 
called)  had  some  very  important  side  results.  First  of  all 
the  Tartars,  when  at  the'  height  of  their  power  in  B.C.  200, 
had  driven  westwards  a once  powerful  race  of  nomads 


12 


China : Past  and  Present 


called  the  Yiieh-tch'f  or  Yet-ti.  After  a period  of  hustling  with 
hostile  neighbours,  these  Yet-ti  migrators  at  last  settled  down 
in  the  Affghanistan  and  Bactrian  region,  where  they  came  into 
contact  with  the  remains  of  the  Greek  civilization  introduced 
by  Alexander,  and  ended  by  founding  a powerful  Indo- 
Scythian  empire,  embracing  the  modern  Punjab.  The 
Chinese,  in  their  endeavours  to  secure  the  assistance  of  these 
Yet-ti  fugitives  against  their  common  enemies  the  Tartars, 
had  to  coax  and  fight  their  way  through  Turkestan.  All  this 
led  first  to  a knowledge  of  the  Tarim  valley,  the  Pamirs, 
Khotan,  and  Kashgar ; then  to  an  acquaintanceship  with 
modern  Kokand,  Samarcand,  the  Oxus,  and  Jaxartes  ; to 
vague  rumours  of  India  and  a possible  route  thither  through 
the  Upper  Yangtsze  region;  to  the  introduction,  from  India 
by  way  of  the  Yet-ti  empire  and  Turkestan,  of  Buddhism  ; 
to  certain  notions  touching  Parthia  and  the  overland  silk  trade 
with  Rome ; and  to  ill-defined  traditions  of  the  Roman 
Empire  itself.  The  necessity  of  turning  the  eastern  flank  of 
the  Tartars  led,  in  the  same  way,  to  a closer  knowledge  of 
Liao-tung  affairs  ; to  the  temporary  conquest  of  North  Corea  ; 
to  relations  with  Japan  ; and  so  on. 

The  premature  collapse  of  the  mighty  fabric  conceived 
as  described  by  the  Ts‘in  Emperor  in  B.C.  221,  caused  the 
vassal  kings  in  the  Canton  Yiin  Nan  region  to  be  isolated  for 
many  years,  and  the  new  Han  dynasty  was  obliged  to  carry 
its  arms  up  the  southern  rivers  in  order  to  compel  recognition 
of  the  new  dynasty  by  disloyal  satraps. . This  led  first  to  the 
conquest  of  Canton  and  Foochow;  to  a knowledge  of  Indo- 
China  ; to  an  application  of  the  strategic  and  commercial 
uses  of  the  Si-kiang,  or  “ Western  River  ; ” — and  then  to  the 
further  consideration  of  the  southern  road  to  India  question. 
When  it  is  remembered  that  even  now  the  south-western 
provinces  are  more  than  half  populated  by  non-Chinese  races  ; 
and  that  even  in  all  the  south-eastern  provinces  there  are 
tribes — some  of  them  quite  independent — more  or  less  like 
the  Chinese  in  appearance,  language,  and  dress,  but  bearing 
distinctive  national  names ; it  becomes  easy  for  us  to  realize 
the  first  great  illustrative  fact  in  Chinese  history — that  the 
cultured  representatives  of  the  great  yellow  monosyllabic 
races,  starting  so  far  as  we  can  reach  back  from  the  Yellow 


The  World's  mine  Oyster  13 

River  valley,  have  gradually  advanced,  fan-like,  towards  the 
sea,  the  Himalayas,  and  the  desert ; colonizing  the  natural 
roads  and  rivers,  and  driving  before  them  or  assimilating  the 
various  Tungusic,  Turkish,  Tibetan,  Siamese,  and  Annamese 
rivals.  In  the  two  cases  of  Tibet  and  Indo-China,  there  have 
been  the  rival  Hindu  influences  to  contend  with;  but  in  all 
other  cases  the  enemies  of  China  have  either  been  absorbed 
beyond  recognition,  have  adopted  some  modified  form  of 
Chinese  civilization,  have  sullenly  retired  to  the  mountains 
as  ignorant  barbarians,  or  have  remained  independent  under 
nominal  Chinese  suzerainty.  Hence  China  has  good  excuses 
for  imagining  a world  in  herself. 

China  was  reunited  in  A.D.  265  in  the  hands  of  the  Tsin 
dynasty,  founded,  like  most  Chinese  dynasties,  by  a success- 
ful general  taking  advantage  of  a decrepit  and  corrupt  court. 
From  the  very  beginning  this  new  ruling  house  (which  must 
not  be  confused  with  the  Ts'in  dynasty  of  B.C.  221)  had  to 
contend  with  a pack  of  Tartar  and  Tibetan  adventurers,  more 
or  less  instructed  in  Chinese  ways,  and  usually  prompted  by 
renegade  Chinese  interpreters  and  secretaries.  With  the 
space  at  our  disposal  it  is  impossible  to  say  more  than  that 
China,  with  her  capital  still  at  Loh-yang  (Ho-nan  Fu),  was 
like  the  more  easterly  Roman  Empire  under  Diocletian, 
Constantius,  and  Constantine.  The  centre  had  shifted. 
Buddhism  had  now  obtained  a firm  foothold  in  China,  as 
Christianity  had  in  Europe.  Just  as  the  Gauls,  Germans, 
Goths,  and  Vandals  pressed  upon  Rome  and  Constantinople, 
so  the  Coreans,  Tunguses,  Hiung-nu,  and  Tibetans  pressed 
upon  the  two  capitals  of  China.  In  yet  a second  way  does 
history  repeat  itself.  In  A.D.  3 86  the  Tungusic  Tartars  of 
the  Toba  house  succeeded,  not  only  in  driving  away  all 
Tartar  and  Tibetan  rivals,  but  also  in  dividing  the  Chinese 
Empire  with  the  Tsin  dynasty,  which  had  then  already  for 
seventy  years  been  driven  by  the  contending  Tartars  to  the 
modern  Nanking.  The  Tsin  dynasty  soon  afterwards  col- 
lapsed altogether,  and  for  200  years  five  short  Chinese  houses 
ruled  one  after  the  other  in  the  south,  whilst  the  Toba  Tartars 
had  undisputed  possession  of  North  China.  This  period  of 
200  years  is  what  the  historians  call  the  “ North  and  South 
Dynasties  Period.” 


1 4 China : Past  and  Pvesent 

I just  now  gave  a general  sketch  of  the  main  results  of 
the  400  years’  policy  abroad  on  both  sides  of  the  year  1 
of  our  Lord.  The  general  development  in  the  succeeding 
400  years — that  is,  up  to  A.D.  600 — may  be  described  as 
follows.  The  southern  dynasties  have  developed  a consider- 
able sea  trade  with  India,  Ceylon,  Indo-China,  and  the 
islands  of  the  southern  seas.  The  Toba  Tartars  ruling  in 
North  China  have  reopened  a connection  with  the  Far  West 
as  far  as  Persia,  but  nothing  new  is  learnt  about  Mesopotamia 
or  the  Roman  Empire.  These  same  Tobas,  who  were  appa- 
rently akin  to  what  we  now  call  Mongols,  have  only  driven 
their  rivals,  the  Hiung-nu,  away  to  the  West  in  order  to  find 
another  nomad  power — that  of  the  Geougen — developing  in 
the  desert  regions.  Gibbon,  following  the  lead  of  the  Jesuit 
missionaries  of  the  eighteenth  century,  has  identified  this  new 
power  with  the  Avars  ; but  this  view  cannot  possibly  be 
sustained.  The  general  situation  in  North  Asia  may  be  thus 
stated  in  A.D.  580,  the  date  of  China’s  once  more  reuniting 
under  a native  dynasty  called  the  Sui.  Japan,  Corea,  and  Man- 
churia had  all  become  better  known,  and  had  all  had  diplo- 
matic relations  with  both  northern  and  southern  dynasties ; 
but  none  of  them  had  exercised  any  important  political 
influence  beyond  their  own  spheres  of  unlettered  develop- 
ment. The  old  Hiung-nu,  who  had  harassed  China  so 
persistently  from  B.C.  200  to  A.D.  200,  had  now  quite  dis- 
appeared as  a ruling  power  bearing  that  name,  and  after 
forming  principalities  in  Sogd  and  other  Aral-Caspian 
regions,  had  crossed  the  Volga  and  burst  upon  Europe  in 
the  shape  of  Attila  and  his  Huns.  The  ancient  Tungusic 
Sienpi,  formerly  vassals  of  the  Hiung-nu,  had  either  absorbed 
or  had  made  slaves  of  those  of  their  ancient  masters  who  had 
not  betaken  themselves  West;  and  they  had  besides,  under 
the  dynastic  name  of  Toba,  for  two  centuries  also  ruled  the 
northern  half  of  China  as  Chinese  Emperors.  But  the  neces- 
sity of  thus  dividing  their  attention  had  given  opportunity 
to  a new  great  nomad  power  to  grow  in  the  north.  This 
Geougen  power,  which  appears  to  have  been  Turko-Finnish, 
but  as  to  whose  exact  ethnological  elements  we  are  still  in 
the  dark,  had  to  its  west,  in  the  Lake  Balkash  region,  a power 
called  Yiieh-pan,  and  this  Yiieh-pan  is  distinctly  stated  to  be 


i5 


The  Hyperborean  Wilds 

one  of  the  Hiung-nu  principalities  founded  during  the  western 
flight  several  centuries  before.  The  Tobas  endeavoured, 
about  A.D.  450,  to  arrange  with  these  Yiieh-pan  a common 
attack  upon  the  Geougen,  and  after  this  they — the  Yiieh-pan 
— utterly  disappear  from  Chinese  history.  Meanwhile  a petty 
Hiung-nu  tribe  of  iron-workers,  vassal  to  the  Geougen,  and 
bearing  in  A.D.  550  the  name  “Turk,”  had  slowly  grown 
into  importance  in  the  old  region  vacated  B.C.  200  by  the 
Yet-ti.  When  at  last  the  Toba  dynasty  split  up  into  two 
rival  factions,  one  faction  allied  itself  with  the  Turks  against 
the  other  faction,  allies  of  the  Geougen.  To  cut  this  com- 
plicated tangle  short,  China  emerged  from  the  general  fray 
united  under  one  native  emperor  of  the  Sui  dynasty:  Tartar 
dynasties  of  all  kinds  were  driven  from  China,  and  the  whole 
of  Siberia,  Mongolia,  and  Manchuria  was  once  more  reunited 
under  the  sway  of  energetic  Turkish  khans. 

I am  afraid  it  will  be  rather  difficult  for  readers  to  follow  me 
through  this  Geougen  tangle,  which,  however,  is  more  clearly 
explained  in  an  article  which  appeared  in  the  Asiatic  Quarterly 
Review  on  the  1st  of  April,  1902.  But  I particularly  wish  to 
point  out  the  important  results.  Both  Turks  and  Avars 
appeared  at  Constantinople  in  or  about  568,  and  we  know  from 
European  history  what  part  the  Huns  and  Avars  took  in  the 
European  race  struggles  during  the  growth  of  the  Frankish 
power.  The  opinion  I have  formed  is  that  these  Asiatic  in- 
vasions of  Europe  accord  exactly  with  disappearances  from 
China.  The  Hiung-nu  were  the  Huns,  the  Yiieh-pan  branch  of 
the  Hiung-nu  were  the  Avars.  The  Geougen  were  destroyed, 
never  fled  West,  and  could  not  possibly  be  the  Avars. 

Just  at  the  time  when  united  China  was  thus  left  face  to 
face  with  united  Turkey  (if  we  may  use  this  term),  news  came, 
apparently  through  Persia  and  Turkey,  of  a great  power  in 
the  Far  West  called  Fuh-lin,  stated  to  be  identical  with  the 
Ta-ts‘in,  first  vaguely  heard  of  during  the  first  century  of 
the  Christian  era,  trading  envoys  from  which  place  came  to 
China  by  sea  in  the  second  and  third  centuries.  This  Fuh- 
lin  I take  to  be  the  growing  power  of  the  Franks,  who  had 
already  come  into  contact  with  the  Avars  in  Bavaria.  To 
this  day  Ferreng,  Afrang,  Folang,  or  Filing  is  the  almost 
universal  word  in  Eastern  languages  for  Europeans  of  all 


i6 


China : Past  and  Present 


kinds,  and  it  is  from  this  date,  say  A.D.  600,  that  I trace  the 
commencement  of  true  intercourse  and  free  interchange  of 
thought  between  the  Eastern  and  the  Western  group  of  civili- 
zations. Our  word  “ China  ” is  not  a whit  more  clear  in  its 
origin  than  is  the  Chinese  word  “ Ferreng.” 

But  now  Mahomet  arose  in  Arabia ; the  isolated  power  of 
Tibet  had  grown  amazingly  under  the  impulse  of  Hindu 
culture ; a powerful  Shan  or  Siamese  empire  had  developed 
in  Yiin  Nan  ; Japan  had  adopted  Buddhism,  and  had  also 
acquired  an  extensive  knowledge  of  Chinese  civilization  ; 
Nestorian  Christians  had  found  their  way  overland  to  China  ; 
the  three  petty  kingdoms  of  Corea  had  become  metamorphosed 
into  cultured  States  ; and  the  great  T'ang  dynasty  of  China 
had  overthrown  and  developed  the  grandiose  ideas  of  the  Sui, 
whose  magnificent  rule  suddenly  collapsed  in  the  same  way, 
and  for  the  same  reasons,  as  when  the  Han  empire  took  over 
the  succession  of  Ts'in. 

At  last  we  are  brought  face  to  face  with  people  we  can 
recognize,  and  facts  we  can  prove,  by  evidence  available  to 
this  day.  In  the  Tibetan  city  of  Lhassa  the  original  bi- 
lingual Sanskrit-Chinese  inscriptions  dated  822  still  remain 
there,  carved  upon  stone,  to  confirm  the  statements  of  Chinese 
history ; the  celebrated  Syriac-Chinese  Nestorian  stone  still 
stands  in  Si-an  Fu,  to  explain  who  the  Franks  were,  and 
what  Christianity  was ; the  stone  inscriptions  of  Ta-li  Fu 
in  Yiin  Nan  remain  to  corroborate  the  rise  and  fall  of  the 
first  Siamese  empire  ; within  the  past  fifteen  years  numerous 
Turkish-Chinese  bilingual  slabs  have  been  found  by  the 
Russians  in  various  parts  of  Mongolia,  proving  that  the 
Hiung-nu  of  B.C.  200  to  A.D.  200  were  the  Turks  of  A.D.  500 
to  700 ; and  that  during  the  migrations  West  an  alphabet  of 
Aramoean  or  Syrian  origin  had  been  introduced,  by  way  of 
Sogd,  into  Mongolia. 

The  whole  face  of  China  was  now  changed  ; colonists 
and  fugitives  from  the  north  had  populated  all  the  more 
accessible  regions  south  of  the  Yangtsze;  Arab  civilization, 
commerce,  and  culture  had,  under  the  impulse  of  Mahomet’s 
new  doctrine,  displaced  Hindu  influence  all  along  the  sea- 
line  from  Arabia  to  Hangchow  ; the  troops  of  the  Khaliphs 
had  conquered  nearly  all  the  Aryan  land  covered  by 


Strong  upon  the  Strongest  Side  17 

Alexander  a thousand  years  before  ; had  come  face  to  face 
with  the  Turks  in  Bactriana  ; and  had  even  taken  part  in 
the  desperate  struggles  between  the  Siamese  and  Tibetan 
empires  on  the  Burmese  frontier  ; Japan  advanced  claims  to 
recognition  as  an  equal  State,  but  kept  aloof  from  Chinese 
politics  ; Corea  was  twice  overrun  by  Chinese  armies,  in 
order  to  cut  her  off  from  Turkish  influence  ; the  struggle  for 
existence  with  the  predatory  Turks  was  almost  as  prolonged 
and  as  desperate  as  the  contest  of  the  Han  dynasty  had 
been  with  the  Hiung-nu  ; the  Chinese  had  all  they  could  do 
to  protect  their  west  and  south-west  frontiers  from  the 
ambitious  attacks  of  the  Tibetans  and  Siamese ; and  the 
Tungusic  peoples  between  the  Turks  and  Corea,  whilst 
trimming  between  rival  powers  as  it  suited  them  best  for  the 
moment,  had  opportunity  once  more  to  develop  a very  serious 
power. 

After  a brilliant  rule  of  300  years  the  T'ang  dynasty  fell 
into  decrepitude,  partly  in  consequence  of  the  exhaustion 
brought  about  by  its  incessant  struggle  with  the  Tartars, 
Tibetans,  and  Siamese ; partly  from  eunuch  influences,  and 
internal  corruption.  The  Turkish  power  had,  in  the  seventh 
century,  been  divided  and  crushed  just  as  the  Han  dynasty 
had  split  up  and  driven  west  the  Hiung-nu  power ; but  the 
other  results  had  been  the  same.  China  was  so  impoverished 
in  blood  and  treasure  that  the  Tungusic  powers  had  once 
more  time  to  grow,  and  the  remains  of  the  Turks  intrigued 
for  rule  in  North  China  exactly  as  the  remains  of  the  Hiung- 
nu  had  done.  China  fell  to  pieces,  and  for  about  half  a 
century  there  ruled  a succession  of  five  short  dynasties,  three 
of  them  rather  Turkish  than  Chinese;  but  they  only  ruled 
over  Central,  or  what  may  be  called  “ Old  China,”  and  even 
this  only  at  the  cost  of  paying  tribute  to  the  Cathayans  of 
modern  Peking.  The  Cathayans,  it  must  be  explained,  were 
simply  a reshuffle  of  the  ancient  Sienpi,  just  as  the  Turks 
were  a reshuffle  of  the  ancient  Hiung-nu.  Meanwhile  the 
south  and  west  of  China  were  once  more  divided  into  a number 
of  semi-independent  Imperial  States  ruling  at  or  near  what 
we  now  call  Canton,  Foochow,  Hangchow,  Nanking,  Hankow, 
and  Ch‘eng-tu.  A strong  mixed  power,  usually  described  as 
Tangut,  and  consisting  chiefly  of  Tibetan  elements  under 

C 


i8 


China:  Past  and  Present 


migrated  Toba  rulers,  gradually  gained  consistence  in  the 
region  of  Ordos  and  Kokonor  ; Corea,  Annam,  Yiin  Nan,  and 
Tibet  took  advantage  of  the  anarchy  to  recover  their  practical 
independence ; and  there  followed  a series  of  devastating 
wars. 

Towards  the  close  of  the  tenth  century  the  situation  stood 
thus.  A successful  General  had  succeeded  in  reuniting  the 
whole  of  Old  China  and  South  China  under  a new  native 
dynasty  called  Sung.  The  Cathayans,  assisted  by  Chinese 
renegades,  and  fed  by  enormous  relays  of  artisans,  culti- 
vators, and  other  prisoners  of  war,  founded  a very  strong 
empire  of  what  may  be  called  the  Parthian  or  Boer  type, 
i.e.  half  horse-back  and  half  settled.  For  200  years  this 
Cathayan  empire  monopolized  the  whole  of  the  supreme 
power  in  Mongolia,  receiving  tribute  from  the  remains  of  the 
Turks  to  the  west  and  the  rising  Manchu  tribes  to  the  east. 
Although  one  or  two  complimentary  missions  came  from  the 
Khaliphs,  from  Persia,  Khotan,  and  other  western  places,  it 
may  be  said  roughly  that  when  the  bulk  of  the  Turks  fled 
west,  to  hide  their  new  movements  in  the  new  forms  of 
Ghaznivides,  Seldjuks,  and  Osmanli,  they  drew  after  them 
the  holes  into  which  they  crept.  For  many  centuries  all  land 
knowledge  of  the  Far  West  is  blotted  out  from  Chinese 
minds.  The  Tangut  Kingdom  effectually  blocked  the  way 
between  China  and  Turkestan,  and  the  chief  occupation  of 
that  capable  state  was  in  playing  off  South  China  against 
the  Cathayans,  paying  normal  tribute  to  both.  Tibet,  Yiin 
Nan,  Indo-China,  and  Japan  were  left  entirely  alone,  to  work 
out  their  own  developments  in  comparative  oblivion.  The 
south-sea  trade  developed  rapidly,  and  there  grew  up 
important  Arab  and  Persian  trading  colonies  at  various 
ports  between  Canton  and  the  Yangtsze ; but  even  at  this 
comparatively  late  date  the  Governments  of  Central  China 
seem  to  have  known  but  little  of  the  economical  development 
which  was  taking  place  along  the  coasts.  Trade  was  as  yet 
a purely  popular  and  unofficial  institution. 

The  tyranny  of  the  Cathayans  over  their  eastern  vassals, 
the  true  Tunguses,  or  Manchu  States,  then  collectively  known 
as  the  Niichen,  led  to  a revolt  in  those  little-known  regions. 
The  tribes  in  question,  hardened  by  the  discipline  of  a 


19 


A Great  Feast  of  Languages 

hunting  life,  had  by  degrees  evolved  a military  strategy  of 
no  mean  order.  Their  masters,  the  Cathayans,  had  become 
correspondingly  corrupt  and  softened  by  two  centuries  of 
close  contact  with  Chinese  luxury.  The  upshot  of  all  this 
was  that  the  southern  Chinese  intrigued  with  the  Niichens 
on  the  basis  of  regaining  for  China  the  Peking  plain,  which 
had  been  so  long  a part  of  Cathay.  As  seems  to  have  been 
the  invariable  case  in  the  history  of  the  world  when  a weak 
power  asks  the  aid  of  a strong  one,  the  Niichens  not  only 
drove  out  of  North  China  the  common  Cathayan  enemy, 
but  soon  found  pretexts  for  keeping  the  Peking  plain  for 
themselves,  and  encroaching  farther  upon  China  proper. 
Simultaneously  with  the  substitution  of  the  Niichens  for  the 
Cathayans  in  North  China,  the  Sung  or  pure  Chinese 
dynasty  found  it  necessary  to  move  their  capital,  which  was 
in  1136  transferred  to  Hangchow.  The  powerful  state  of 
Tangut,  on  being  summoned  to  do  so,  promptly  transferred 
to  the  Niichens  the  limited  amount  of  homage  it  had  once 
paid  to  the  Cathayans,  and  continued  to  keep  the  two  balls 
in  the  air,  so  to  speak,  by  playing  off  North  China  against 
South  China. 

The  chief  picture  to  focus  before  the  eye  with  reference 
to  this  period — 900  to  1200  A.D. — is  that  Tartars  of  a Tun- 
gusic  kind,  first  of  the  Mongol  type,  and  next  of  the  Manchu 
type,  had  absolute  and  exclusive  rule  of  the  Peking  plain  and 
the  parts  west  of  it  as  far  as  the  Ordos  bend.  To  the  north 
lay  the  rest  of  their  vast  Mongol-Manchu  empire,  with  which 
South  or  literary  China  had  no  concern.  Throughout  the 
whole  of  this  period  the  mixed  Tibeto-Chinese  populations, 
under  the  rule  of  a migrated  Tungusic  family,  maintained  a 
really  powerful  empire,  by  Europeans  styled  Tangut,  on 
account  of  the  preference  given  to  Tangut  or  Tibetan  speech. 
Owing  to  this  large  infusion  of  Tartar  blood,  the  northern 
dialects  of  China,  and  notably  that  of  Pekin,  which  is  the 
best  known  to  Europeans,  became  corrupted  in  exactly  the 
same  way  that  Latin  became  corrupted  in  Gaul.  Hence 
the  Pekingese,  or  other  “ mandarin  ” dialects  may  be  styled 
the  French  of  China,  whilst  the  true  Latin  or  ancient  classical 
pronunciation  must  be  looked  for  in  the  south.  Thus  it 
comes  that,  Corea  and  Annam  having  practically  been  shut 


20 


China  : Past  and  Present 


out  for  many  centuries,  we  find  that  the  numerous  Chinese 
words  imported  into  these  regions  two  thousand  years  ago, 
confirm,  better  than  does  any  other  pure  Chinese  dialect,  the 
key  to  ancient  sounds  still  furnished  by  colloquial  Cantonese. 
During  this  period  of  divided  empire,  the  southern  Chinese 
got  into  the  habit  of  humorously  describing  the  northerners 
as  ta-ta,  or  ta-tsz , being  our  vague  word  “Tartar.”  By  way 
of  return  compliment,  the  northerners  ridiculed  the  southern 
men  as  man-tsz , or  “ fuzzy-wuzzies.”  During  this  same  300- 
year  period  nothing  whatever  is  said  of  either  Christianity  or 
Islamism  ; the  remains  of  the  Turks  seem  to  have  quietly 
developed  their  new  religion  in  political  relation  with  the 
Khaliphate,  and  to  have  gone  their  way  totally  unheeded  by 
either  North  or  South  China. 

Now  occurred  one  of  those  events  upon  which  hinge  the 
higher  history  of  the  world.  The  chief  of  an  obscure  Turko- 
Tungusic  tribe,  often  called  Ta-ta,  and  apparently  identical 
with  a branch  of  the  Cathayan  type  already  for  centuries 
known  as  Mung-wa,  became  incensed  at  the  tyrannical 
insolence  of  the  Niichen  tax-gatherer,  spit  in  his  face,  and 
told  him  (as  we  should  say)  to  “go  to  the  devil”  with  his 
imperial  master.  This  chief  was  the  future  Genghis  Khan, 
and  this  first  insubordinate  act  led  by  degrees  to  the  over- 
throwing of  the  Niichen  dynasty.  Like  all  Tartar  leaders 
who  have  once  succeeded  in  rousing  enthusiasm,  the  chief  of 
the  Mung-wa  or  Mung-ku  tribe  soon  succeeded  in  attracting 
to  his  banner  the  innumerable  hordes  of  Turkish  and  mixed 
race  scattered  about  with  their  horses,  cattle,  tents,  and 
waggons  over  the  vast  expanse  of  North  Asia.  One  of  the 
first  things  was  to  sweep  away  the  intervening  Tangut 
empire  which  stood  in  his  way.  He  seems  to  have  had  no 
particular  idea  of  western  conquest  until  the  Mussulman 
Sultan  of  Otrar  in  Turkestan  behaved  in  an  outrageous  way 
to  some  Mongol  ambassadors.  This  led  to  the  conquest  of 
Turkestan,  Bucharia,  all  the  countries  of  the  old  Ephthalite 
or  Yet-ti  empire  between  the  Indus  and  the  Euphrates 
destroyed  by  the  Turks  about  550,  and  ultimately  to  the 
incorporation  of  the  Kirghis,  Kipchaks,  Armenians,  and 
Russians.  At  one  time  even  Western  Europe  trembled  with 
apprehension,  and  it  is  from  the  accounts  left  behind  by 


21 


A Cycle  of  Cathay 

Rubruquis  and  other  emissaries,  sent  by  the  Pope  and  the 
King  of  France  to  the  Mongol  khans  in  Russia  and  Mongolia, 
that  we  derive  much  of  our  information  about  those  times. 
This  information  is  amply  confirmed  by  the  Chinese  histories. 
The  native  historians,  it  is  true,  understood  little  or  nothing 
of  the  outlandish  persons  and  places  they  described  on  the 
authority  of  return  warriors  in  Hungary,  Russia,  and  Persia  ; 
but  fortunately  they  “ nailed  their  names  at  least  to  the 
counter,”  and  scanty  though  the  context  is,  it  is  sufficient  for 
us  to  know  by  these  names  that  there  is  no  serious  distortion 
of  the  fact  as  we  are  sure  of  it  from  Western  sources.  But 
even  with  all  this  practical  experience  of  the  West,  and  the 
occasional  reappearance  of  the  word  Fuh-lang,  or  “Frank,’’ 
the  Mongols  carried  back  to  China  no  definite  notion  of  what 
kind  of  people  the  Franks  really  were,  and  how  they  stood 
in  relation  to  the  old  Roman  Empire  of  Ta-ts‘in.  They 
may  be  partly  excused  by  the  circumstance  that  the  Byzan- 
tine Roman  Empire  had  then  practically  ceased  to  exist,  and 
that  the  miserable  remains  of  it  to  be  found  at  Constantinople 
were  barely  on  a footing  of  equality  with  the  Popes  of  Rome, 
and  with  the  Teutonic  Roman  Empire,  or  the  Western  Powers 
of  Spain,  France,  England,  and  Germany. 

On  the  first  menacing  appearance  of  the  great  Mongol 
Power,  the  Niichen  Emperor  had  appealed  in  vain  to  Tangut 
to  forget  old  grudges  and  unite  against  an  invader  who  would 
otherwise  destroy  both  in  turn.  The  Southern  Chinese 
empire  had  the  same  bitter  experience.  After  assisting  the 
Mongols  to  drive  out  the  Niichens,  the  Man- tsz  (Marco  Polo’s 
Mansi ) empire  was  devoured  piecemeal  by  Genghis  Khan’s 
successors,  and  in  1280  Kublai  Khan,  grandson  of  Genghis, 
having  completed  the  conquest  of  China,  reigned  over  the 
greatest  empire  ever  seen  in  the  Far  East. 

Marco  Polo’s  faithful  narrative  best  enables  those  who 
cannot  yet  study  Chinese  history  to  judge  what  this  empire 
was.  Members  of  Kublai’s  family  ruled  over  Russia,  the 
Caucasus,  Persia,  all  the  Pamir  countries,  all  the  useful  parts 
of  Siberia,  and  Manchuria.  Mongol  viceroys  dictated  con- 
ditions to  Corea,  Tibet,  Burma,  and  Annam.  Mongol  influence 
extended  fitfully  to  Sulu,  Java,  Sumatra,  the  Bay  of  Bengal, 
and  Ceylon.  Japan  alone  succeeded  in  absolutely  repelling 


22 


China:  Past  and  Present 


any  attempt  at  invasion.  But  the  usual  course  of  events 
followed  : Saul  among  the  prophets  was  not  more  out  of 
place  than  are  nomad  Tartars  on  a civilized  throne.  Success 
begat  insolence  and  carelessness,  and  Kublai’s  successors  soon 
dissipated  their  great  inheritance.  Even  Kublai  himself  only 
ruled  immediately  over  China  proper,  and  his  empire  beyond 
that  was  much  less  firmly  knit  together  than  is  the  Manchu 
empire  even  now.  His  cousins  in  the  west  soon  proclaimed 
their  independence,  and  in  1368  the  Chinese  rose  en  masse 
against  their  oppressors,  who  were  promptly  driven  back  to 
their  native  deserts  and  steppes.  It  must  be  conceded,  how- 
ever, that  the  Mongols  were  tolerant  of  foreign  religions 
and  foreign  science.  Islam,  Christianity,  and  Buddhism  all 
enjoyed  as  much  countenance  as  Confucianism. 

The  priestly  founder  of  the  purely  Chinese  Ming  dynasty, 
whose  venerated  tomb  is  still  respectfully  preserved,  if  not 
guarded,  at  Nanking,  completely  changed  the  face  of  affairs. 
China  for  the  Chinese  was  his  motto,  and  the  provinces  were 
soon  reorganized,  much  on  their  present  basis,  with  a firm 
hand.  The  Mongol  policy  of  conquest  and  forced  homage 
was  modified,  if  not  entirely  abandoned.  Corea,  Tibet, 
Annam,  and  other  bordering  States  were  encouraged  by  just 
treatment  to  attach  themselves  voluntarily  to  the  new  empire, 
but  otherwise  left  to  administer  themselves.  Messages  were 
sent  by  Frankish  merchant  envoys  to  Europe  ; the  change  of 
dynasty  was  notified  to  the  Central  Asian  States  ; and  a very 
lively  sea-trade  sprang  up  in  the  early  part  of  the  fifteenth 
century  with  Japan,  Loochoo,  Manila,  Borneo,  Java,  Sumatra, 
Siam,  India,  Arabia,  and  the  north-west  parts  of  Africa. 
This  was  the  only  period  in  Chinese  history  (and  it  did  not 
last  many  years)  when  Chinese  commerce  assumed  a truly 
aggressive  and  even  military  aspect  in  the  Indian  Ocean  ; 
the  accounts  given  by  Marco  Polo  prove  that  the  Mongol 
trading  junks  had  frequented  exactly  the  same  ports  as  were 
a century  later  visited  by  powerful  Chinese  fleets.  The  dis- 
appointed Mongol  hordes  naturally  endeavoured  to  avenge 
their  dismissal  to  the  deserts,  and  gave  incessant  trouble  by 
hovering  aggressively  upon  the  northern  frontiers,  just  as  the 
Hiung-nu,  the  Turks,  the  Cathayans,  and  the  N lichens  had 
successively  done  before  them.  The  very  name  of  all  these 


23 


A linos t thou  per suadest  me 

nationalities  had  now  utterly  disappeared  from  men’s  minds. 
Mongol  was  the  only  name  now  for  all  Tartars,  except  that 
the  powerful  western  Mongols,  or  Kalmucks,  were  usually 
distinguished  as  Eleuths.  The  Niichens,  or  Manchus,  were 
loosely  grouped  as  Uriangkha  Mongols,  and  forgotten. 
Christianity  utterly  disappeared  for  over  two  centuries,  and 
very  little  was  heard  of  Islam.  The  Japanese,  aroused  to 
secular  hostility  against  China  partly  through  the  recollection 
of  Kublai  Khan’s  abortive  invasion,  kept  up  incessant  piratical 
attacks  upon  the  coasts.  The  difficulty  of  repelling  the 
Mongol  attacks  by  land  and  the  Japanese  raids  by  sea  led 
China  to  adopt  a policy  of  exclusion,  which  was  further 
accentuated  when  the  Folangki,  or  Franks,  in  the  shape  of 
Portuguese  and  Spaniards, appeared  upon  the  scene  about  1520. 
They  were  not  at  first  recognized  as  the  old  Fuh-lin,  but 
were  supposed  to  be  strange  savages  from  the  southern  ocean. 

It  may  be  said  that,  between  the  collapse  of  the  Mongols 
and  the  arrival  by  sea  of  Europeans,  China  kept  pretty  closely 
within  her  shell.  Marco  Polo’s  story  was  long  regarded 
in  Italy  as  a mere  sailor’s  yarn,  and  the  ignorance  of  China 
throughout  Europe  was  absolute.  As  for  Zipangu,  or  Japan, 
it  was  appraised  by  us  Westerners  as  a fictitious  invention, 
until  Mendez  Pinto  actually  visited  the  place  about  1542. 
During  this  period  of  comparatively  peaceful  seclusion,  the 
Niichen  tribes,  driven  away  by  the  Mongols,  and  for  300  years 
almost  entirely  forgotten,  had  time  to  grow  strong  in  their 
distant  obscurity.  Under  the  new  and  ill-explained  name  of 
Manchu,  they  began  to  come  into  prominence  on  the  Chinese 
frontier  just  at  the  very  time  Japan  was  nervously  wrestling 
in  her  own  domains  with  Christianity,  and  when  the  jealous 
Japanese  Napoleon  Hideyoshi  was  sending  his  Christian 
Generals  to  the  front,  like  so  many  Uriahs,  to  attack  China 
through  Corea.  Meanwhile  eunuch  misgovernment  and 
excessive  taxation  had  provoked  serious  internal  rebellions 
in  Shan  Si  and  Ho  Nan.  Expiring  China  had  succeeded, 
before  these  broke  out,  in  saving  Corea  from  permanent 
occupation  by  Japan,  and  the  first  Jesuit  missionaries 
managed  to  imbue  the  Chinese  Emperor  with  a kindly  and 
tolerant  feeling  towards  Christianity.  At  this  auspicious 
moment,  a lucky  turn  might  have  made  China  a Christian 


24 


China  : Past  and  Present 


country  under  friendly  European  tutelage : but  it  was  already 
too  late ; the  hungry  and  discontented  Chinese  rebels  took 
Peking  ; the  Emperor  committed  suicide  ; the  Manchu  enemy 
was  foolishly  called  in  to  assist ; and  of  course  he  did  what 
all  Tartars  had  done  before  him,  and  what  the  Russians  seem 
to  aim  at  now  in  Manchuria — he  took  the  contested  quarry 
for  himself.  Under  pretext  that  there  were  no  legitimate 
heirs  to  the  Ming  throne,  the  Manchu  prince,  in  1644,  declared 
himself  Emperor  of  China,  and  proceeded  to  extend  and 
consolidate  his  conquests. 

Many  readers,  after  the  events  of  the  past  three  years,  will 
think  it  incongruous  when  I suggest  that  the  Manchu  dynasty 
is,  perhaps,  the  very  best  the  Chinese  ever  had.  But  it  is  so. 
The  first  Emperor  died  young ; the  second,  K'ang-hi,  ruled 
gloriously  for  sixty  years,  and  has  left  a name  which  both 
in  literature  and  in  war  is  imperishable.  He  thoroughly 
conquered  and  consolidated  the  Chinese  Empire,  besides 
securing  his  position  in  Mongolia,  Russian  Siberia,  and  Corea. 
His  grandson  K'ien-lung  also  reigned  for  full  sixty  years;  he 
was  one  of  the  wittiest  and  most  intelligent  men  that  ever 
sat  upon  a throne.  The  Kalmucks,  Tibet,  Turkestan, 
Formosa,  Annam,  Nepaul,  Burma — all  these  were  either 
crushed  or  severely  handled  in  turn  ; and  at  last  the  boun- 
daries of  his  vast  empire  were  fixed  as  we  see  them  marked 
now  on  the  maps.  Lord  Macartney  visited  him  just  over  a 
century  ago. 

Decay  and  rebellion  set  in  with  the  nineteenth  century  just 
expired.  None  of  the  Emperors  were  particularly  bad  men 
as  rulers,  but  they  have  all  been  inferior  in  capacity  to  the 
two  excellent  monarchs  above  specified.  The  introduction 
from  India  of  opium  on  a large  scale  undoubtedly  led  to  a 
hostile  feeling  against  foreign  trading  concessions  generally, 
just  as  the  introduction  of  profitless  religious  disputes  upon 
mere  points  in  empty  dogma  exercised  an  unfavourable  in- 
fluence upon  the  reception  accorded  to  European  religions. 
The  Opium  War  of  1839-42,  the  “Arrow”  lorcha  War  of 
1858-60,  the  Taiping  rebellion  of  1854-64,  the  Mussulman 
revolts  in  Ylin  Nan  and  Kashgaria,  the  stealthy  advance  of 
Russia,  the  Japanese  seizure  of  Formosa  in  1874,  the  French 
hostilities  of  1884,— all  these  mark  steps  in  disaster;  but,  with 


Like  a Wounded  Snake 


25 


astonishing  sagacity  and  vitality,  China  was  gradually  sur- 
viving the  ill  effects  of  all,  and  was  consolidating  her  position, 
when  the  unfortunate  Japanese  war  broke  out.  This  blow 
fairly  staggered  China.  As  she  attempted  to  struggle  to  her 
feet,  Germany  delivered  a final  knock-out  blow  in  the  shape 
of  the  Kiao  Chou  affair ; then  took  place  a rush  for  the 
spoils  of  the  dying  gladiator.  In  sheer  desperation  the  old 
empire  made  one  last  mad  dying  lunge  for  freedom  in  the 
shape  of  the  foolish  “Boxer  ” revolt.  Undoubtedly  she  would 
have  been  torn  to  pieces  this  time  had  it  not  been  for  the 
remnants  of  conscience  ultimately  exhibited  by  Great  Britain, 
the  United  States,  and  Japan,  for  an  alliance  with  which 
last-named  gallant  country  I,  with  others,  have  pleaded  from 
time  to  time — I am  glad  to  say  now,  successfully. 


CHAPTER  II 

THE  POPULATION  AND  REVENUE  OF  CHINA 

It  has  been  occasionally  reproached  upon  those  who  have 
dealt  with  Chinese  subjects  that  they  have  been  a little  too 
ready  to  delve  down  into  remote  antiquity  for  a foundation 
upon  which  to  build  their  theories.  In  the  present  instance, 
references  to  the  past  will  be  confined  to  a few  indispensable 
statistical  data. 

The  Rev.  J.  Ross,  of  Manchuria,  is  the  only  European 
student  who  has — at  least,  so  far  as  I am  aware — produced 
figures  from  ancient  Chinese  history  indicating  what  the 
population  was  supposed  to  be  at  a given  date.  I possess 
the  Chinese  originals,  but  I have  not  verified  all  his  figures, 
though  I see  no  reason  for  doubting  their  accuracy.  The 
period  is  too  distant,  and  the  social  and  economical  conditions 
of  those  times  are  too  little  known  to  us,  that  we  should 
accept  these  bare  figures,  apart  from  their  context,  as  evidence 
bearing  upon  the  population  of  modern  times.  I merely  quote 


26 


China:  Past  and  Present 


them  as  an  introductory  illustration  for  purposes  of  proportion, 
and  I ignore  all  numbers  below  a hundred  thousand. 

In  A.D.  609,  after  the  expulsion  of  the  Tartar  rulers,  and 
under  the  strong  unifying  native  dynasty  of  Sui,  there  were 
8,900,000  families ; but  a few  years  later  devastating  wars 
with  the  Turks,  bringing  in  their  train  the  establishment 
of  a new  Chinese  dynasty,  greatly  reduced  this  figure.  In 
A.D.  723  there  were  7, 900,000  families  and  45,500,000  souls  ; 
say,  rather  under  six  mouths  to  a family : the  increase  of 
families  and  souls  in  the  same  proportion  went  on  steadily 
until  A.D.  755,  when  we  find  there  were  9,100,000  families 
and  53,000,000  souls.  A fearful  drop  to  3,100,000  families 
had  taken  place  by  A.D.  781,  in  consequence  of  anarchy,  civil 
war,  and  external  invasions.  This  fact  alone  throws  us  on 
our  beam  ends  so  far  as  any  chance  of  righting  our  historical 
position  goes.  The  Thirty  Years’  War  in  Europe  is  but  a 
Western  instance  of  what  has  taken  place  every  few  centuries 
in  China. 

When  the  present  Manchu  dynasty  had  seated  itself 
securely  on  the  throne,  it  set  about  taking  stock  of  its 
possessions.  In  1651  there  were  10,630,000  taxable  units; 
in  1652  the  total  had  gone  up  to  14,500,000  ; but  this  increase 
simply  points  to  further  conquests  of  territory ; and  there 
are  then  various  ups  and  downs  until  1657,  when  we  reach  our 
first  secure  basis  of  18,600,000.  From  this  time  to  1672  there 
is  steady  progression  year  by  year  up  to  19,500,000.  But  the 
“ Revolt  of  the  Three  Satraps  ” had  by  1676  gradually  reduced 
this  figure  to  16,000,000,  and  it  was  not  until  1683  that  lost 
ground  was  fully  recovered.  From  this  time  onwards  we 
find  the  official  returns  are  usually  the  same  for  pairs  or 
triplets  of  years,  showing  apparently  that  they  were  no  longer 
sent  in  annually  ; but  still  the  increase  was  steady  and  fairly 
uniform  up  to  1712,  when  the  Emperor  resolved  upon  a new 
system.  At  this  date  the  number  of  taxable  heads  was 
24,600,000,  and,  roughly  speaking,  each  taxable  head  paid  one 
tael  * a year.  The  way  it  was  done  was  this : The  poll-tax 
was  merged  in  the  land-tax.  Each  taxable  unit,  say,  was  an 
acre  of  first-class  ground,  and  there  were  at  that  time  about 

* Six  shillings  and  eightpence,  but  now  only  worth  from  half  a crown  to  three 
shillings  in  gold. 


Scot  and  Lot 


27 


100.000. 000  English  acres  taxed.  But  that  computation  does 
not  mean  that  only  100,000,000  acres  were  cultivated.  Two 
second-class  acres  count  as  one  good  ; four  poor  as  one  good  ; 
ten,  or  even  twenty,  barren  as  one  good.  In  other  words, 
nearly  the  whole  available  land  in  the  empire  ( i.e . in  China 
proper)  was  appropriated  ; and,  as  the  revenue  was  sufficient, 
the  Emperor  decided  that  in  future,  no  matter  how  the 
population  might  increase,  the  land,  being  a fixture,  ought 
never  to  pay  more  than  100,000,000  units  divided  amongst  a 
quarter  that  number  of  taxable  heads.  Hence  from  1713  to 
1734  we  have  a double  computation,  divided  into  taxable  and 
non-taxable  units.  By  1734  the  taxable  units  had  increased 
to  25,500,000  ; not  because  taxes  had  been  any  way  enhanced 
contrary  to  the  new  rule,  but  (probably)  because  emigrants 
had  brought  Mongol  lands  under  cultivation  ; reclamations 
of  marshes  and  river-beds  had  been  made ; and  the  remain- 
ing scraps  of  untilled  lands  had  been  “ raised  to  taxability.” 
The  progressive  increase  of  untaxable  heads  is  interesting, 
showing  to  us  exactly,  as  it  does,  the  rate  of  comparative 
growth  year  by  year.  In  1713  the  “free  heads”  numbered 

60.000,  and  this  proportionate  rate  of  increase  upon  the  double 
total  was  pretty  uniform  up  to  1734,  when  the  total  had 
reached  940,000. 

During  the  Kalmuck  wars  of  1735-40,  no  returns  were 
sent  in  ; but,  so  soon  as  the  Emperor  found  time  to  turn  his 
attention  to  home  affairs,  he  asked  : “What  is  the  use  of  our 
counting  taxable  heads  when  they  never  increase,  and  un- 
taxable heads  when  they  pay  no  poll-tax  or  land  revenue  ? 
I want  to  know  how  many  human  souls  we  possess.” 
Accordingly,  in  1741  the  first  return  of  all  ages,  castes,  and 
sexes  was  sent  in,  showing  a total  of  143,400,000  souls ; or 
(adding  the  940,000  to  25,500,000)  just  a trifle  under  six  souls 
to  a (taxable  or  untaxable)  family  head — the  same  proportion 
as  in  A.D.  723.  Of  course,  between  1734  and  1741  the  untaxed 
heads  must  have  increased.  Let  us  therefore  assume,  from 
the  official  figures  issued  by  the  Emperor’s  own  authority, 
that  in  1741  there  were  27,000,000  “doors,”  or  families,  con- 
taining 143,400,000  souls. 

From  this  time  to  1851,  when  the  population  had  risen  to 
432,164,047,  the  official  returns  are  given  year  by  year,  with 


28 


China:  Past  and  Present 


the  following  exceptions:  1747-48,  1757,  1768,  1777,  1780, 
1789,  1820.  It  is  not  explained  why  they  are  not  given  in 
those  years.  The  increase  up  to  1774  is  steady,  uniform,  and 
unbroken  ; but  in  1775  there  is  a sudden  and  unexplained 
jump  from  221,000,000  to  265,000,000,  which  I can  only  guess 
is  partly  to  be  accounted  for  by  the  formal  annexation  of 
Turkestan,  Kalmuckia,  and  Tibet;  but  all  these  together, 
including  even  Mongolia,  Kokonor,  and  Manchuria,  would 
scarcely  account  for  44,000,000  souls.  I hope  to  elucidate  the 
mystery  some  other  time. 

Starting  from  this  new  basis,  the  population  increases 
regularly  up  to  313,000,000  in  1794,  after  which  there  is  a 
great  drop,  in  consequence  of  certain  rebellions ; low-water 
mark  is  reached  in  1797,  and  it  is  not  until  1805  that  lost 
ground  is  recovered.  Two  remarks  of  the  Emperor  are 
worth  noting  as  showing  (1)  that  the  returns  were  issued 
under  his  solemn  authority,  and  (2)  that  there  were  good 
reasons  required  for  sudden  fluctuations.  He  says  in  1793  : 
“ I notice  that  the  total  population  for  1792  (307,500,000)  is 
thirteen  times  the  number  of  taxable  heads  in  1710;  hence  it 
is  clear  each  taxable  head  now  feeds  a dozen  mouths  off  the 
same  land.”  In  1806,  after  the  crushing  of  formidable 
rebellions,  the  Emperor  “notices  with  pleasure  an  increase 
from  304,500,000  in  1804  to  332,000,000  in  1805;”  alluding, 
of  course,  not  to  the  rate  of  breeding,  but  to  the  pacification 
of  territory  and  the  possibility  of  once  more  securing  full 
returns. 

The  vagaries  of  the  Yellow  River  cause  a good  deal  of 
irregularity  during  the  next  decade,  and  I may  note  (for  the 
benefit  of  the  student  of  original  documents)  that,  when  it  is 
said  “ minus  the  returns  of  such  a province  not  yet  received,” 
this  qualification  of  a total  does  not  appear  to  mean  exactly 
that;  but  rather,  elliptically,  “quoting  last  year’s  returns  for 
such  a province,  which  has  not  yet  sent  its  papers  in.”  From 
this  point  things  go  on  with  uniformity  until  1851,  when  the 
record  total  of  432,000,000  is  reached.  The  book  from  which 
I take  these  official  returns — the  Tung-hwa-luh — had  not 
been  brought  (for  publication)  beyond  the  year  1735  until 
ten  years  ago,  and  consequently  the  later  returns  which  I give 
were  unknown  to  the  last  generation  of  Europeans.  But  in 


Cato  the  Censor 


29 


1862  the  Rev.  W.  Lobscheid  translated  from  the  Russian,  and 
published  in  Hong  Kong,  a report  by  M.  Sacharofif  of  Peking, 
who  had  himself  obtained  from  the  Chinese  Board  of  Revenue 
the  Rolls  for  the  years  1841  and  1842  ; these  gave  the  totals 
as  413,457,311  and  414,686,994,  which  are  exactly  those  given 
in  my  book.  M.  Sacharoff  incidentally  makes  the  remark 
theft  “the  population  for  1783  was  98,685,457  greater  than 
that  of  1757.”  Now  1757  is,  as  I have  said,  one  of  the  blank 
years  in  the  Tung-hwa-luh,  and  1783  gives  us  284,033,785  ; 
so  that  we  get  the  missing  figure  185,348,328  for  1757  to  com- 
pare with  186,615,514  given  for  1756.  M.  Sacharoff  also 
gives  the  increase  between  1782  and  1812  as  77,68 5,394,  and 
that  between  1812  and  1842  as  53,993,797:  total,  131,679,191. 
M.  Sacharoff’s  intermediate  figures  do  not  correspond  with 
mine;  but  his  total  increase  of  131,679,191  between  1782  and 
1842  is  sufficiently  near  mine  of  132,864,319  ; especially  when 

we  bear  in  mind  that  the  expression  “ from to ,”  or 

“ between and ,”  often  leaves  it  doubtful  from  or  to 

which  year  the  inclusion  begins  or  extends  ; and  this  doubtful 
factor  may  also  account  for  the  apparent  decrease  between 
1756  and  1757. 

Having  now  examined  the  sole  evidence  upon  which  we 
can  reasonably  base  our  estimates,  and  arrived  at  conclusions 
which,  though  necessarily  approximate  and  defective,  are  the 
only  ones  logically  possible  on  the  premises,  let  us  see  how 
far  the  Taiping  rebellion  of  forty  years  ago  reduced  the 
population.  In  1852  there  was  already  a reduction  of 
100,000,000;  and  by  i860  (the  last  year  for  which  official 
estimates  are  given)  a further  reduction  of  70,000,000.  The 
precise  figures  are  334,403,315  and  260,924,675.  Of  course 
this  does  not  necessarily  mean  that  170,000,000  people 
perished  in  ten  years  (50,000  a day),  but  probably  that  the 
anarchy  prevailing  rendered  it  impossible  to  secure  any 
returns  at  all  in  devastated  districts.  Peace  has  now  reigned 
for  35  years  at  least,  and  it  will  therefore  be  pretty  safe  to 
assume  that  the  increase  between  i860  and  1895  was  as 
great  as  that  between  1797  (the  next  last  low-water  mark 
after  a rebellion)  and  1832  ; i.e.  as  great  as  the  difference 
between  271,333,544  and  397,132,659.  In  other  words,  by 
applying  to  definite  evidence  rules  of  interpretation  already 


30 


China:  Past  and  Present 


proved  historically  sound,  we  have  a primd  facie  right  to 
assume  that  the  present  minimum  population  of  China  is  not 
far  from  385,000,000. 

The  evidence  we  possess  in  support  of  this  primd  facie 
assumption  once  more  comes  through  Russian  sources ; the 
Russians  alone  having  taken  the  trouble  to  do  what  any  one 
else  can  do  in  China,  i.e.  purchase  the  necessary  official  docu- 
ments. But  this  evidence  is  always  the  same ; it  is  simply 
the  record  of  the  Board  of  Revenue.  There  is  no  other.  M. 
Popoffs  returns  were  translated  and  published  in  Shanghai 
ten  years  ago;  ten  provinces  were  for  1882,  and  eight  for 
1879 — a singular  arrangement  which  seems  to  point  to  a 
practice  such  as  I have  above  surmised  to  exist,  that  of  con- 
tinuing to  use  the  same  returns  until  the  next  set  are  sent  in 
for  the  defaulting  province.  His  total  is  382,078,860,  a figure 
at  first  sight  twelve  years  too  high  ; but  it  must  be  remem- 
bered that  the  Yellow  River  reduced  the  population  between 
1811  and  1821  ; so  that,  instead  of  385,000,000  for  1895,  we 
should  add  on  ten  years’  increase  to  that  figure.  In  1828 
this  was,  in  fact,  about  the  population  ; and  by  1838  it  had 
gone  up  to  409,000,000,  which,  therefore,  by  abstract  reasoning 
should  be  the  true  figure  for  1895.  M.  Popoff  once  more 
comes  to  the  rescue.  He  has  recently  published  in  the 
Russian  Geographical  Society’s  Journal  the  returns  for  1894, 
obtained,  as  usual,  from  his  accommodating  friends  at  the 
Board.  His  figures  for  the  eighteen  provinces  of  China  proper 
are  421,870,716.  But  Formosa  is  included  in  this  total,  and 
in  1842  Formosa  had  not  yet  developed  a true  Chinese  status, 
so  that  the  difference  between  409,000,000  and  421,870,000 
(both  on  the  basis  of  excluding  Formosa)  is  not  so  very 
great. 

Having  now  explained  how  the  population  of  China  came 
to  be  432,000,000  in  1852  and  422,000,000  in  1894,  I will  give 
two  tables,  both  obtained  by  M.  Popoff,  at  different  dates, 
from  the  Board,  showing  the  effects  upon  the  population  of 
each  province  produced  by  the  Taiping  rebellion  chiefly  in 
the  Yangtsze  Valley,  the  Panthay  rebellion  in  Yiin  Nan,  and 
the  Mussulman  rebellion  in  Kan  Suh.  For  convenience  I 
knock  off  or  add  all  fractions  of  100,000  as  being  both 
uncertain  and  unessential. 


Multitude  of  Counsellors 


3i 


Name  of 
Province. 

1842. 

Popoff. 

1894. 

Popoff. 

1879. 

Popoff. 

1882. 

Popoff. 

1885. 

(In  case  of 
Fuh  Kien, 
1884.) 

An  Hwei  ... 

36,600,000 

35,800,000 

20,600,000 

None  given 

Cheh  Kiang 

30,400,000 

11,800,000 

— 

11,600,000 

11,700,000 

Chih  Li  ... 

36,900,000 

29,400,000 

17,900,000 

— 

None  given 

Fuh  Kien  ... 

25,800,000 

25,200,000 

25,800,000 

— 

23,500,000 

Ho  Nan 

29,100,000 

21,000,000 

— 

22,100,000 

22, 100,000 

Hu  Nan 

20,000,000 

22,000,000 

— 

21,000,000 

21,000,000 

Hu  Peh  ... 

28,600,000 

34,300,000 

— 

33,400,000 

33,600,000 

Kan  Suh 

19,500,000 

9,800,000 

5,400,000 

— 

None  given 

Kiang  Si  ... 

26,500,000 

22,000,000 

— 

25,000,000 

25,000,000 

Kiang  Su  ... 

39,600,000 

24,600,000 

— 

21,000,000 

21,000,000 

Kwang  Si  ... 

8, 100,000 

8,600,000 

5,100,000 

— 

None  given 

Kwang  Tung 

21,100,000 

29,900,000 

— 

30,000,000 

30,000,000 

Kwei  Chou  . . . 

5,700,000 

4,800,000 

7,700,000 

— 

None  given 

Shan  Si  ... 

17,100,000 

11,100,000 

— 

12,200,000 

10,800,000 

Shan  Tung  ... 

36, 200,000 

37,400,000 

— 

36,200,000 

36,500,000 

Shen  Si  ... 

10, 300,000 

8,400,000 

8,400,000 

— 

8, 300,000 

Sz  Ch'wan  ... 

22,300,000 

79,500,000 

— 

67,700,000 

71,100,000 

Yiin  Nan  ... 

5,800,000 

6,200,000 

11,800,000 

— 

None  given 

Rough  totals 

419,600,000 

421,800,000 

102,700,000 

280,200,000 

It  will  be  noticed  that  I give  also  three  columns  explana- 
tory of  the  change  of  population  between  1842  and  1894. 
Columns  1879  and  1882  combine  to  make  M.  Popoff  s second 
total  of  382,000,000  as  above  explained.  The  third  column 
1885  (in  the  case  of  Fuh  Kien,  1884)  is  anonymous,  but  I 
think  I recognize  in  it  the  hand  of  a very  able  British  official, 
who,  of  course,  had  his  reasons  for  privacy.  It  will  be 
noticed  that  in  every  case  where  M.  PopofF  had  been  obliged 
to  fall  back  upon  1879  to  eke  out  his  estimates  for  1882,  the 
anonymous  writer  had  also  failed  (except  in  the  case  of  Shen 
Si)  to  secure  returns  for  1885. 

In  the  case  of  An  Hwei  we  know  from  Pere  Havret, 
S .J.,  who  has  recently  written  a book  on  that  province,  that 
in  1761  the  population  was  22,800,000.  After  wandering 
over  the  province  for  many  years,  he  estimated  the  popu- 
lation in  1892  at  25,000,000 ; but  of  course  such  casual 
estimates  can  have  little  value.  In  the  case  of  Cheh  Kiang, 
I possess  the  Governor’s  returns  for  1879-93 — always  between 
eleven  and  twelve  millions  ; moreover,  I have  myself  tramped 
throughout  the  length  and  breadth  of  the  province,  and  seen 
its  desolation.  Chih  Li  is  unsatisfactory,  for  we  do  not  know 


32 


China:  Past  and  Present 


if  the  metropolitan  district  is  included,  not  to  mention  the 
Mongols  : the  population  of  the  Jehol  (Mongol)  military 
circuit  was  725,000  in  1885.  Fuh  Kien’s  exact  figures 
(25,799,556)  are  exactly  the  same  for  1842  and  1879,  so  that 
we  may  be  certain  they  have  been  “ carried  on  ” for  many 
years.  Ho  Nan  lost  ground  during  the  Yellow  River  flood 
of  1887.  Hu  Nan  and  Hu  Peh  need  no  justification.  Yakub 
Beg  and  the  Dungans  almost  depopulated  Kan  Suh  previous 
to  the  Chinese  reconquest  in  1873-4;  probably  the  Mussul- 
man rebellion  of  1895-6  has  reduced  the  population  to 
8,000,000.  There  was  a famine  in  Kiang  Si  a few  years  ago, 
but  I am  surprised  to  see  the  population  so  much  reduced. 
Kiang  Su  (and  part  of  Cheh  Kiang)  was  the  scene  of 
Gordon’s  operations,  and  suffered  most  from  the  Taiping 
scourge  ; I suspect  the  Kiang  Si  and  Kiang  Su  figures  for 

1894  have  been  accidentally  transposed  by  M.  Popoff,  for 
Kiang  Su  could  hardly  increase  20  per  cent,  in  ten  years. 
Kwang  Si  was  the  birthplace  of  the  Taiping  rebellion,  as  it 
now  is  of  another  anti-dynastic  rebellion.  Kwang  Tung  has 
recently  suffered  from  floods,  drought,  and  plague.  The 
Kwei  Chou  figures  for  1879  are  probably  a misprint  for 
4,700,000:  anyway,  nothing  has  occurred  between  1879  and 

1895  to  reduce  the  population,  and  I was  twice  there  myself 
in  1 880-1.  On  the  other  hand,  the  Panthay  and  Taiping 
rebellions  both  affected  the  province  between  1852  and  1872. 
Shan  Si  was  half  depopulated  by  famine  and  rats  during 
1877-9;  the  Rev.  D.  Hill  has  published  full  accounts  of  the 
hideous  suffering  undergone.  Shan  Tung  is  stationary ; it 
sends  off  its  surplus  population  to  Manchuria,  Mongolia,  and 
even  Corea.  Shen  Si  suffered  by  the  Dungan  rebellion.  I 
cannot  possibly  believe  that  the  Sz  Ch'wan  people  trebled 
their  numbers  in  forty  years.  I have  travelled  on  foot 
thousands  of  miles  in  that  province,  which  is  particularly 
remarkable  for  the  small  size  of  its  chief  towns  ; also  for  the 
almost  entire  absence  of  plains  exceeding  a few  miles  in 
extent.  The  capital  is  the  only  really  populous  town,  and 
its  plain  is  the  only  extensive  plain.  Certainly,  there  is  a 
vast  and  steady  immigration  of  Kiang  Si,  Hu  Nan,  Hu  Peh, 
and  Shen  Si  men ; but  at  least  half  the  province  is  the 
almost  inaccessible  resort  of  Lolos  and  Tibetan  tribes.  True, 


33 


The  Things  which  are  Ccesars 

peace  and  prosperity  have  reigned  for  fifty  years,  and  the 
figures  given  are  positive.  I simply  do  not  believe  them, 
and  leave  readers  to  judge  for  themselves  whether  a moun- 
tainous country  like  Switzerland,  with  a cultivated  area  not 
greater  than  that  of  France,  can  support  a population  double 
that  of  France.  If  true,  then  the  maximum  revenue  of  six 
millions  means  that  each  soul  only  contributes  threepence  a 
year  for  all  charges  and  taxes  put  together.  As  to  Yiin  Nan 
there  must  be  some  mistake,  the  Panthay  rebellion  having 
desolated  the  whole  province  ; probably  the  figure  1 1,800,000 
for  1879  should  be  4,800,000. 

The  principles  upon  which  the  Chinese  revenue  is  col- 
lected were  explained  in  a series  of  letters  which  I wrote  to 
the  Times  during  the  year  1896  (18th  and  27th  August,  12th 
and  15th  September,  31st  December).  Since  then  Mr.  G.  J. 
Jamieson,  Consul-General  at  Shanghai,  now  retired,  has  con- 
tributed a paper  based  on  the  same  native  evidence  (Foreign 
Office  Reports,  No.  415,  1897).  I now  furnish  an  amended 
statement  of  what  I conceive  the  Chinese  revenue  to  be  : — 

The  accompanying  Revenue  Table  has  been  prepared 
with  care  from  the  accounts  furnished  to  the  Emperor  by  his 
Viceroys  within  the  past  twenty  years.  Like  the  Population 
Table,  it  is  notably  defective,  in  that  the  figures  of  each  item 
for  one  and  the  same  year  are  rarely  obtainable  ; the  Foreign 
Customs  column  alone  is  uniformly  taken  for  the  year  1896, 
and  the  true  gross  total  is  (including  fractions  of  1000) 
21,489,057  taels.  If  the  Kowloon  (Hong  Kong)  and  Lappa 
(Macao)  stations  are  included,  another  million  must  be  added, 
and  the  total  becomes  22,579,000;  but  these  two  places  are 
not  exactly  in  China,  and  the  revenue  is  practically  con- 
tributed by  the  Chinese  residing  in  British  and  Portuguese 
colonies. 

Of  the  sixteen  perpendicular  columns  only  half  the  number 
can  be  taken  seriously  in  the  sense  of  rateable  revenue.  The 
6,334,000  taels  of  loans,  benevolences,  etc.,  raised  during  the 
Japanese  war,  manifestly  have  no  place  in  continuous  pro- 
vincial economy,  and  are  therefore  not  included  in  either 
the  perpendicular  or  the  horizontal  columns  making  up  from 
different  aspects  the  one  total  of  97,077,000.  Subsidies  from 
one  province  to  the  other,  of  course,  cannot  be  allowed  to 

D 


RECEIPTS 


Money  is  the  Root  of  all  Evil  35 

count  twice  as  revenue  receipts;  hence  8,582,000  must  be 
knocked  off  the  above  gross  receipts.  The  enormous  tax 
on  grain  export  from  An  Hwei  in  1 895^6  is  not  included  in 
the  additions,  as  it  was  quite  an  exceptional  affair  ; and  in  all 
cases  duties  on  rice  are  fitful  and  uncertain,  accordingly  as 
there  may  be  scarcity  or  plenty  in  this  or  that  province  ; they 
are,  moreover,  countervailed  by  the  fact  that  official  funds  have 
to  be  spent  elsewhere  in  retailing  rice  at  or  below  cost  price. 
Tea  duties  are  of  no  very  great  importance  except  in  Fuh  Kien, 
and  even  there  it  is  doubtful  whether  they  are  not  already 
counted  in  the  likin,  or  in  the  native  customs  totals.  As  to 
Duties  on  Reed  Flats,  Rents  on  Special  Tenures,  Corvees  and 
Purveyances,  Sale  of  Titles,  etc,,  all  these  together  fall  short  of  a 
million,  and  being  all  equally  vague  and  capricious,  may  well 
go  to  swell  the  1,865,000  of  Miscellaneous.  The  extra  million 
of  Miscellaneous  under  Kwang  Tung  refers  to  the  Examina- 
tion Lottery,  which  is  farmed  out  for  an  enormous  bonus 
every  few  years,  apart  from  annual  royalties  on  tickets  sold  ; 
the  Chinese  Government  is  ashamed  of  this  iniquitous  income, 
but  is  obliged  to  accept  it  in  self-defence,  as  otherwise  Macao 
“operates”  the  business,  and  the  Portuguese  get  the  money. 
Ten  per  cent,  of  the  Foreign  Customs  Revenue  must  be 
deducted  for  running  expenses ; so  that  (even  including 
Lappa  and  Kowloon)  20,000,000  net  is  the  utmost  we  can  [i.e. 
in  1899)  allow  under  that  head.  Of  the  Manchurian  tables 
at  the  foot  of  the  Chinese  totals  I shall  speak  separately. 

I will  compare  the  conclusions  to  which  I have  come, 
after  two  years  of  further  reflection,  with  my  totals  given 
in  the  Times , and  also  with  Mr.  Jamieson’s  computations 
as  published  in  the  Foreign  Office  Report.  The  three 
Manchurian  provinces  are  in  all  cases  excluded,  and  Mr, 
Jamieson’s  Foreign  Customs  are  for  1893. 

The  fourth  column  alludes  to  an  official  estimate  presented 
to  the  Emperor  by  the  Board,  to  which  attention  was  drawn 
in  the  Economist  of  the  3rd  of  April,  1897.  As  the  Board’s  own 
total  is  “ over  80,000,000,”  it  is  evident  a misprint  of  10,000,000 
has  somewhere  occurred.  The  Board  does  not  regard  Tonnage 
Dues,  Collections  on  Chinese  Steamers,  and  Foreign  Collected 
Likin  as  “Foreign  Customs:”  hence  the  swollen  “Mis- 
cellaneous,” which  probably  covers  those  three  items  and  a 


36 


China : Past  and  Present 


Head  of  Revenue. 

The  Times. 

Jamieson. 

Present  paper. 

Board’s 
Report,  1897. 

Foreign  customs 

21,000,000 

21,989,000 

21,482,000 

15,000,000 

Land  tax 

20,000,000 

25,088,000 

25,887,000 

10,000,000 

Salt  

10,000,000 

i3.659.°0° 

12,600,000 

12,000,000 

Likbi  

1;, 000,000 

12,952,000 

11,930,000 

13,000,000 

Native  customs  ... 

3,000,000 

1,000,000 

3,360,000 

2,000,000 

Miscellaneous  

3,000,000 

5,500,000 

( 1,865,000! 
\ 1,991,000/ 

15,000,000 

Totals  

72,000,000 

80,188,000 

79,115,000 

67,000,000 

Head  of  Revenue. 

The  Times. 

Jamieson. 

Present  paper. 

Board's 
Report,  1897. 

Brought  forward 

72,000,000 

80,188,000 

79,  * r5,ooo 

67,000,000 

Excluded 

Grain  tax 

Excluded 

6,  <562,000 

7,420,000 

Native  opium 

Excluded 

2,229,000 

1,960,000 

Excluded 

Tea  taxes,  pawnshops,  and 

benevolences  

Savings  on  reduced  army 

NOT  INCLUDED. 

3,500,000 

530,000 

Amended  totals. 

72,000,000 

88,979,000 

88,495,000 

71,030,000 

Grain  tax  and  native 
opium  excluded ; now 

added  ...  

9,380,000 

By  supposed  error  of 

10,000,000  in  land  tax 

— 

— 

— 

10,000,000 

81,380,000 

88,979,000 

88,495,000 

81,030,000 

multitude  of  other  mysteries.  Salt,  Likin , Tea  Taxes,  and 
Native  Customs  are  apt  to  “run  into  each  other  like  dogs’ 
teeth,”  as  the  Chinese  say.  The  main  point  of  the  com- 
parison is  that  the  two  rough  estimates  of  myself  and  the 
Board  agree  within  250,000  taels ; and  that  the  worked-out 
estimates  of  myself  and  Mr.  Jamieson  agree  within  484,000 
taels  ; each  of  the  three  parties  having  worked  in  ignorance 
of  what  the  other  two  were  doing. 

To  complete  the  subject,  I append  to  the  Revenue  Table 
for  China  proper  further  estimates  for  Manchuria,  a subject 
upon  which  I have  also  addressed  two  letters  to  the  Times 
(May  23  and  August  1,  1898).  According  to  M.  Popoffs 
estimates  (based  upon  the  Board’s  documents)  the  total 


The  Pleasure  of  being  cheated  37 

population  of  all  Manchuria  does  not  exceed  six  millions. 
The  following  are  his  figures  for  1894: — 


Popoffs 

Population. 

Payers  of 
Land  Tax, 
I743* 

Land  Tax, 
1753,  paid 
(taels). 

Yield  in  Taels 
now  according 
to  Regulation 
(Jamieson). 

Shing  King  (alias  Feng- 
t‘ien,  alias  Kwan-tung, 
alias  Liao-tung)  or 
Manchuria  proper 
Kirin  (cradle  of  the  race) 
Tsitsihar  ( alias  Heh-lung 
Kiang) 

4.724,674 

626,232 

400,000 

47,124 
| Not  given 

38,110 
Not  given 

221,774 
Not  given 

5,750,906 

47,124 

38,110 

221,774 

The  population  exceeded  7,500,000  in  1893,  but  floods 
and  famine  carried  away  great  numbers.  The  large  revenue 
of  Manchuria  proper  has  only  been  raised  within  the  last 
two  years,  and  the  gold-mines  of  Tsitsihar  are  a very 
uncertain  asset.  Previous  to  the  Japanese  war,  it  may  be 
said  in  round  terms  that  each  of  the  three  Manchurian 
provinces  required  a subsidy  of  500,000  taels  a year,  but  a 
fearful  condition  of  confusion  and  peculation  reigned  in  all 
departments. 

Though  we  are  thus  able  to  get  near  the  total  revenue 
figures,  it  would  puzzle  the  shrewdest  firm  of  chartered 
accountants  to  arrive  at  an  exact  total  for  the  per  contra. 
Indeed,  were  it  possible  at  all  clearly  to  unravel  the  tangled 
web  of  Chinese  peculation,  the  thorough  reform  of  the 
finances  would  be  merely  the  matter  of  a few  months’  work 
by  Sir  Robert  Hart  and  his  men.  However,  I herewith 
furnish  the  best  table  I can.  It  will  be  seen  from  the  last 
column  but  one  that  one-third  of  the  total  receipts  cannot  be 
accounted  for  in  detail  at  all,  and  that  the  proportion  of 
unaccountability  varies  with  each  province.  It  is  certain 
that  official  authorized  pay  must  amount  in  each  case  to  half 
a million  or  a million  taels,  according  to  the  number  of  cities. 
On  the  other  hand,  it  must  be  remembered  that  ironclads, 
torpedo-boats,  cruisers,  Krupp  and  Armstrong  guns,  and  so 
on,  have  all  to  be  paid  for,  chiefly  by  the  Governments  of 


EXPENDITURE. 


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Russia  “ Leather  " 39 

Kiang  Su,  Chih  Li,  Hu  Peh,  and  Kwang  Tung.  Then  there 
are  the  Imperial  Tailors  or  Silk  Commissioners  at  Nanking, 
Soochow,  and  Hangchow ; the  envoys  abroad  ; the  support 
of  Duke  Confucius’  temple  and  court ; luxuries,  drugs, 
timber,  and  miscellaneous  tributes  in  kind  for  Peking ; sea- 
walls and  dykes  ; rice  lighters  ; the  payment  of  at  least 
200,000  Manchu  “ bannermen  ” at  Peking,  as  to  which  I 
possess  no  accounts,  but  which  must  absorb  4,000,000  taels 
and  1,000,000  peculs  of  rice  at  the  most  moderate  computa- 
tion. The  local  loans  must  be  paid  off ; the  walling  in  of 
the  reconquered  Turkestan  cities  has  to  be  paid  for ; the 
Board  and  the  eunuchs  want  their  “ rice  money ; ” there  are 
many  colleges  and  training  schools  at  Peking,  Canton, 
Nanking,  Tientsin,  Wuchang,  etc.  There  is  the  copper- 
mining, under  official  auspices,  of  Yiin  Nan;  official  herds 
in  Mongolia  and  Manchuria  ; presents  for  Mongol  princes  ; 
support  of  parks  and  hunting-grounds ; and  so  on.  Of  all 
these,  exact  statements  are  lacking.  The  remittances  to 
Peking  in  hard  cash  have  for  many  years  been  fixed  at 

7. 000. 000  “ ordinary,”  plus  1,000,000  extra,  so  that  our  worked- 
out  total  of  7,790,000  comes  near  the  mark.  Some  of  the 
grain  tax  is  retained  to  feed  provincial  Manchu  garrisons, 
and  several  provinces  use  up  all  their  own  grain  tax.  The 
Palace  remittances  are  certainly  now  fixed  at  very  near  the 
detailed  total  I give.  The  North-East  Fund  is  fixed  at 

2.000. 000,  but  for  many  years  it  has  admittedly  been  in 
arrear.  The  North-West  Fund  of  4,800,000  has  always  been 
promptly  remitted,  and  all  the  viceroys  and  governors  con- 
cerned were  thanked  for  doing  so  in  1896;  but,  as  will  be 
seen,  I am  1,200,000  taels  short  in  the  detail.  Both  these 
funds  simply  mean  “ Defence  against  Russia.”  The  im- 
pecunious Peking  Officials  Fund,  Extra  Military  Rations 
Fund,  and  Extra  Rations  in  place  of  Fuh  Kien  Remittances 
Fund,  I lump  together  ; but  I have  never  quite  understood 
them,  and  in  any  case  they  are  as  often  as  not  “ diverted,”  or, 
as  the  French  say,  used  as  virements.  The  Ku-pen  Fund  is 
always  steady.  The  Admiralty  Fund  is  very  capricious,  and 
in  any  event,  for  some  strange  reason,  only  four-fifths  of  the 
sums  asked  need  be  sent.  In  some  mysterious  way  the 
Railway  Fund  (pretty  steady)  is  mixed  up  with  it  ; but  also, 


40 


China:  Past  and  Present 


by  some  hocus-pocus,  is  occasionally  “ veered  ” to  do  duty 
for  the  Empress’  private  pleasures.  “ Local  armies  ” absorb 
at  least  half  of  the  total  sum  for  the  expenditure  of  which  I 
can  account,  and  this  is  the  greatest  peculation  preserve  in 
the  Empire.  The  Emperor  recently  gave  orders  for  seven- 
tenths  to  be  at  once  abolished  ; but  each  province  fights 
fiercely  for  its  “ squeezes.”  There  are  supposed  to  be  650,000 
“ green  flag  ” troops  in  the  eighteen  provinces,  which  means 
about  10,000,000  taels  a year  utterly  wasted  ; not  to  mention 
the  highly  paid  “ trained  braves,”  who  in  many  cases  show 
signs  of  degenerating  like  the  “ greens.”  I have  the  accounts 
of  all  the  arsenals,  and  am  fairly  sure  of  my  ground  there ; 
but  of  course  deduction,  in  the  case  of  Shanghai  and  Tientsin, 
must  be  mentally  made  of  the  sums  contributed  to  their 
Arsenals  by  Cheh  Kiang,  Shan  Tung,  etc.  The  Yellow 
River,  South  River  (Canal),  and  Yung  Ting  River  (Peking) 
absorb  varying  sums  according  to  whether  there  is  or  is  not 
a flood  for  the  year.  The  Aids  in  Support  (like  the  Sub- 
sidies on  the  other  side)  cannot  reasonably  be  counted  twice, 
as  they  already  form  part  of  the  total  expenditure  of  the 
provinces  granting  them. 

I have  been  tied  down  to  space,  and  cannot  therefore 
enlarge  further  upon  the  subject  of  expenditure.  No  attempt 
has  yet  been  made  to  draw  up  a Chinese  budget,  and  I can 
only  hope,  therefore,  that  this  skeleton  table,  which  at  best  is 
very  defective,  may  be  of  service  in  indicating  the  way  for 
future  inquirers.  At  present  the  only  plan  is  to  arrest  every 
fugitive  statement  of  official  fact,  nail  it  down,  group  it, 
collate  it,  and  dish  it  up  with  others  of  its  kind  in  its  presumed 
place ; accepting  this  as  statistics  until  the  moment  shall 
arrive  when  some  financier  pounces  upon  the  quarry,  and  finds 
it  possible  to  turn  chaos  into  order. 

I may  make  one  more  remark.  The  4,800,000  con- 
tributed by  the  provinces  to  Kan  Suh  seems  to  be  expended 
by  Kan  Suh  (3,400,000)  and  Shen  Si  (1,400,000)  combined  ; 
it  all  depends,  however,  upon  what  is  meant  by  “intra- 
mark ” and  “ extra-mark ; ” or,  in  other  words,  from  where 
the  “ military”  frontier  is  reckoned. 

As  to  the  military  expenditure  of  Manchuria  proper,  it 
must  be  mentioned  that  the  cost  of  General  Sung’s  I-kiin 


Beggarly  Account  of  Empty  “ Boxers  ” 41 

army  at  Port  Arthur  (later  at  Newchwang)  has  been  included 
under  Chih  Li  expenditure ; and,  generally  speaking,  the 
contributions  of  Manchuria  to  “ Northern  Ocean  ” naval  ex- 
penditure are  so  dovetailed  in  with  Chih  Li  contributions 
to  Manchurian  army  expenditure  that  it  is  difficult  to  get  a 
clear  view  of  the  whole.  Moreover,  the  Chinese  department 
of  the  Newchwang  customs  (confusingly  styled  Shan-hai 
Kwan,  though  that  place  is  far  away)  seems  to  be  under  the 
Viceroy  of  Chih  Li,  at  least  for  some  purposes. 

In  order  to  strike  a balance  between  the  Revenue  and 
the  Expenditure  Tables,  I have  been  obliged  to  adopt  the 
device  of  inserting  a minus  quantity  of  280,000  taels  under 
the  head  of  unexplained  Kirin  outgoings.  Kirin  is  the  one 
province  whose  obvious;  incomings,  even  including  subsidies, 
are  short  of  its  expenditure ; hence  the  sum  is  rather  an 
unexplained  asset  than  an  unexplained  shortage.  The  fact 
is,  I can  find  out  very  little  of  Manchurian  receipts  and 
expenditure  (three  provinces),  and  I only  happen  to  know 
the  exact  receipts  for  1897  in  Manchuria  proper  because  the 
Generalissimo  or  Viceroy  has  quite  recently  reported  them  ; 
but  it  is  not  likely  that  they  will  continue  at  so  high  a figure, 
as  the  chief  item  (opium  licences,  etc.)  savours  of  time 
monopolies  and  bonuses  paid  in  advance.  The  whole 
question  of  Manchurian  receipts  and  expenditure  is  a very 
loose  one,  and  I only  include  those  three  provinces  in  order 
to  indicate  a basis  for  future  inquiry. 

»*-***-* 
Since  the  above  was  first  printed,  the  “ Boxer  ” troubles 
have  saddled  China  with  an  additional  Tls.  18,700,000  a year, 
apart  from  losses  on  exchange ; but  the  sources  of  revenue 
remain  much  as  before,  except  that  the  price  of  salt  has  been 
generally  raised,  foreign  import  duties  have  been  increased, 
likin  and  native  customs  have  been  in  part  made  over  to 
Sir  Robert  Hart’s  administration,  and  certain  of  the  war 
funds  formerly  sent  to  Peking  have  been  diverted  to  the 
service  of  foreign  loans. 


BOOK  II 


THE  "BOXER"  WARS 

CHAPTER  I 

THE  REVOLT  OF  THE  “ BOXERS  ” IN  CHINA 

The  following  Imperial  decree  was  issued  in  the  name  of 
the  Emperor  on  April  13,  1900:  “The  establishment  by  the 
rural  population  in  each  province  of  militia  for  their  own 
protection,  and  for  the  preservation  of  their  lives  and  families, 
is  at  bottom  simply  the  good  old  ancestral  practice  of  keep- 
ing a look-out  and  lending  mutual  assistance ; and  so  long 
as  those  concerned  mind  their  own  business,  there  is  no 
reason  why  they  should  be  interfered  with.  All  that  is  to 
be  feared  is  that  amongst  such  persons  the  good  and  the 
bad  may  get  mixed,  and  that  pretexts  may  be  taken  to  raise 
trouble  with  native  Christians.  It  must  be  remembered  that 
the  Sovereign  regards  all  with  equal  benevolence,  without 
distinction  of  territorial  division,  for  which  reason  the  popu- 
lations concerned  should  obey  the  spirit  of  this  idea,  and 
refrain  from  giving  vent  to  their  private  resentments,  in  such 
wise  as  to  cause  hostility  and  render  themselves  liable  to 
punishment.  Let  the  governors-general  and  governors  con- 
cerned give  strict  directions  to  local  authorities  to  issue  plain- 
speaking  proclamations  as  occasion  may  require,  calling  upon 
all  persons  to  attend  to  their  own  affairs,  and  always  keep  on 
peaceful  terms  with  others,  not  ignoring  the  spirit  of  these 
earnest  exhortations.” 

It  is  highly  probable  that  the  above  document,  cautiously 
worded  as  it  is  by  the  Empress-Dowager’s  advisers,  has 
special  tacit  reference  to  the  so-called  “ Boxers  ; ” for 


Rides  in  the  Whirlwind 


43 


although  anti-Christian  troubles  are  breaking  out  in  the 
Canton,  Ningpo,  and  other  regions,  nothing  touching  Euro- 
peans has  occurred  of  so  grave  a nature  as  the  murders  of 
Mr.  Brooks  in  Shan  Tung,  and  later,  it  appears,  of  certain 
Belgian  engineers.  Moreover,  the  native  newspapers,  in 
which  the  above  decree  is  published  a few  days  later,  note 
with  alarm  that  the  “ Boxer  ” movement  has  spread  with 
great  rapidity  across  the  province  of  Chih  Li  right  up  to  the 
neighbourhood  of  Newchwang,  where  many  immature  youths 
in  their  teens  have  been  gained  over  by  the  propaganda. 
Hitherto,  in  treating  of  rebels  and  revolters,  the  native  press 
has  made  little  specific  allusion  to  the  i-ho-k'iian , or  “ Patriotic 
Peace  Fists  ; ” but  the  best  of  them — the  Shin  Pao  of  April 
22 — says  it  is  now  high  time  that  the  authorities  “ patch 
things  up  before  the  rain  comes,  and  diminish  the  fuel  before 
the  fire  rages.” 

Touching  the  raison  d'etre  of  the  fisticuff  fraternity,  it 
may  be  explained  that,  concurrently  with  the  vigorous 
reforms  recently  introduced  into  the  Chinese  army,  each 
province  has,  since  the  German  attack  upon  Kiao  Chou,  been 
directed  to  furbish  up  its  old  fwan-lien , or  “ posse  of  the 
districts.”  Shan  Tung,  as  the  province  most  immediately 
threatened  with  “rain  and  fire,”  has  naturally  not  been 
behindhand ; and  the  result  is  that  yeomanry  or  militia,  at 
first  encouraged  by  the  authorities  (as  explained)  by  Imperial 
command  for  the  protection  of  the  villages,  have  been  worked 
upon  by  mischievous  persons  or  secret  societies — notably  the 
Great  Sword  Society — in  such  a way  as  to  develop  into  a 
serious  danger  to  the  State.  Hence  the  delicate  position  of 
the  Central  Government,  which  has  created  what  the  Chinese 
call  a “ tiger-ride  * situation  ; ” — that  is,  the  only  way  for  the 
Government  or  rider  to  escape  being  eaten  is  to  stick  fast  to 
the  tiger’s  back,  and  trust  to  luck  for  what  the  capricious 
beast  will  do.  The  use  of  the  word  “ i”  is  ominous  of  evil  to 
the  Manchu  dynasty,  for  this  term  has  always  been  employed 
by  “patriots,”  such  as  those  who  turned  out  the  Turks  in 
620,  and  the  Mongols  in  1360.  The  original  idea  of  the 
Central  Government  was  to  develop  a defensive  “patriotism  ” 
against  the  Germans  and  Christians,  notably  the  Catholics, 

* The  Empress,  a month  later,  actually  used  this  expression  (Note,  1903). 


44 


China:  Past  and  Present 


who  have  now  been  weakly  provided  by  the  imbecile  Chinese 
Government  with  an  official  status,  giving  them  illimitable 
power  to  intrigue  and  create  mischief ; but  the  reforming  and 
revolutionary  element  surreptitiously  regard  the  “ i ” as  re- 
ferring to  Chinese  rights  against  those  of  Manchus,  and  it  is 
impossible  for  the  old  women  of  the  Tsung-li  Yamen  to 
say  how  far  blustering  generals  like  Tung  Fuh-siang  may 
not  take  this  objectionable  view  of  the  word  “ i.” 

The  situation  in  North  China  is  now  (June  5,  1900)  un- 
doubtedly serious,  and  it  is  by  no  means  unlikely  that  the 
degenerate  Manchu  dynasty,  which  began  so  well,  will  have 
disappeared  before  the  summer  is  out.  Nor  is  that  a matter  for 
unqualified  regret,  for  it  is  now  hopelessly  corrupt,  cowardly, 
and  inefficient ; worst  of  all,  it  is  vacillating,  for  a persistent 
villain  is  a better  administrator  to  have  than  a weak  old 
simpleton,  willing  to  be  hoodwinked.  But  at  the  same  time 
the  Chinese  themselves  are  politically  as  treacherous  as  the 
Manchus,  besides  being  infinitely  more  crafty  ; and  therefore, 
whatever  happens,  it  is  highly  desirable  that  European  Powers 
(including  America  and  Japan  in  this  term)  should  stand  to- 
gether and  prevent  the  “yellow  corpse”  from  putrefying  their 
own  existence.  Nothing  could  be  more  fatuous  or  fatal  than 
for  this  or  that  Power  to  “ believe  in  ” China,  and  to  bolster 
her  up  against  the  demands  of  the  other  Powers  with  a view 
to  securing  special  privileges.  Whatever  our  rivalries  and 
jealousies,  we  Europeans,  including  even  Russia,  are  all 
imbued  with  the  one  spirit  of  humanity,  justice,  and  progress, 
summed  up  in  the  word  “Christian;”  and  this  is  none  the 
less  so  though  half  of  us  may  be  atheists,  freethinkers,  and 
Jews;  for  it  is  the  spirit  of  Christianity  imbibed  with  our 
mothers’  milk  which  forms  our  minds,  even  if  we  reject  the 
puerilities  of  this  or  that  dogma ; nor  is  it  any  the  less  so 
because  we  happen  to  be  hostile  to,  and  even  at  war  with, 
each  other.  In  the  Far  East  all  Europeans  are  bound 
together  by  a species  of  sympathy  of  which  people  at  home 
have  little  idea ; but  even  at  home  this  feeling  of  Christian 
unity  is  easily  realized  when  it  is  brought  into  contrast  with 
the  “yellow  corpse.”  It  is  satisfactory  to  see  that,  so  far, 
Europeans  are  working  together,  and  it  is  to  be  hoped  that, 
whilst  keeping  an  intelligent  eye  upon  their  own  separate 


45 


For  Better  or  for  Worse 

interests,  the  Powers  will  not  do  anything  so  fatal  to  their 
future  solidarity  as  to  break  up  the  concert  in  order  to  admit 
the  discordant  music  of  the  gong.  Every  Chinese  dynasty, 
and  every  Tartar  dynasty  ruling  China,  has  disappeared  in  a 
pandemonium  of  anarchy  and  butchery.  The  Manchu  dynasty 
seems  bound  to  go  in  the  same  way,  and  the  only  thing 
is  to  localize  the  evil  and  let  the  anarchists  cook  in  their  own 
juice  until  they  are  tired  of  cooking,  taking  care  that  as  few 
European  interests  as  possible  are  injured.  Compared  with 
Asiatic  dynasties  generally,  the  Manchu  dynasty  was  at  first 
excellent  and  intelligent : even  now  it  is  the  least  evil  of  any 
Chinese  or  Tartar  dynasty  at  the  time  of  its  tottering  to  a 
fall.  But  why  support  a wretched  political  system  which 
devotes  half  its  revenues  to  the  feeding  of  an  idle  pack  of 
useless  and  crapulous  “ bannermen ; ” which  never  does 
anything  whatever  for  the  improvement  of  the  people  ; which 
persists  in  a rotten  and  wasteful  system  of  finance ; en- 
courages its  officers  to  peculate  and  falsify  accounts  ; sanctions 
torture  of  the  most  cruel  kind  ; denies  all  justice  to  political 
offenders ; destroys  its  women’s  feet — or  permits  the  Chinese 
to  do  so  ; and  renders  scant  justice  to  any  man  ? The  well- 
meaning  legitimately  selected  Emperor  is  practically  a victim 
to  the  assassin  already.  For  whose  good  is  it  to  support 
such  a dynasty  ? Being  there,  the  dynasty  is  convenient  to 
us  in  so  far  that  it  remains  a tool  which  we  can  handle  for 
our  own  purposes  in  a gingerly  way  without  the  necessity  of 
hunting  for  a new  tool  which  might  possibly  cut  us.  But  it 
has  no  other  use  under  the  present  usurper  and  her  minions. 
It  is  out  of  the  question  to  substitute  a Chinese  dynasty,  for 
there  is  no  family  in  China  whose  name  carries  respect  and 
weight  throughout  the  provinces.  China  seems  fatally  bound 
to  be  ruled  by  strangers,  and  it  is  in  the  interest  of  her 
hundreds  of  millions — hostile  to  us  only  through  ignorance — 
that  it  should  be  so.  But  things  must  not  be  allowed  to 
come  with  a rush.  If  the  “ Boxers  ” or  any  other  society 
once  gain  headway,  a fearful  amount  of  useless  bloodshed 
and  wanton  destruction  will  take  place ; so  the  first  and  most 
urgent  thing  is  to  restore  order  wherever  threatened,  and 
keep  the  military  adventurers  on  the  right  side.  It  does  not 
in  the  least  matter  who  runs  the  machine  during  this  restive 


China:  Past  and  Present 


46 

stage,  so  long  as  it  is  run  on  commission  steadily  and  un- 
flinchingly. Sir  Robert  Hart,  with  the  co-operation  of  the 
“ concert  of  Ministers,”  would  do  as  well  as  any  one  else — 
perhaps  better,  for  he  is  the  one  solitary  instance  in  China 
affairs  of  a man  who  knows  what  he  wants  to  do,  holds  his 
tongue,  and  does  it.  Shareholders  need  not  in  any  case  be 
particularly  anxious  about  their  dividends,  for,  whatever 
takes  place,  China’s  sole  “solid”  asset  is  the  £1,000, 000 
sterling  derived  from  foreign  trade,  and  none  of  that  will  be 
allowed  to  leave  foreign  control  in  the  event  of  rebellion. 

It  is  high  time  now  that,  after  two  thousand  years  of 
political  serfdom,  the  intelligent  and  industrious  Chinese 
people,  who  are  excellent  municipal  and  village  organizers, 
should  have  recognized  rights  conferred  upon  them.  Their 
political  requirements,  as  crudely  specified  by  K'ang  Yu-wei, 
must  go  hand-in-hand  with  their  material  development.  It 
is  impossible  to  give  them  railways,  cheap  newspapers,  tele- 
graphs, steamers,  and,  in  short,  the  latest  results  of  progress 
generally,  and  yet  expect  them  to  stagnate  peacefully  in 
their  old  docility  and  oblivion.  K'ang  Yu-wei  himself  should 
be  thrust  aside  as  a dangerous  agitator,  meddling  with 
matters  he  only  half  understands.  Russia  should  be  allowed 
a free  hand  in  the  organization  of  the  Manchurian  provinces, 
for  the  simple  reason  that  no  one  else  can  possibly  do  it  ; 
but  the  “ original  ” rights  of  others  should  be  clearly  stipu- 
lated for.  In  the  same  way  Germany  may  reasonably  put 
Shan  Tung  in  order,  without  in  any  way  treading  upon 
others’  toes.  We  and  Japan  must  keep  the  Shan-hai  Kwan 
open.  At  the  “ proper  moment  ” we  ourselves  should  be 
prepared  to  hold  the  gates  and  the  lanes  of  the  Yangtsze  ; 
this  we  ought  to  be  able  to  do  as  easily  now  as  we  did  during 
the  Taiping  rebellion.  France  in  Hainan,  Kwang  Si,  and 
parts  of  Yiin  Nan  and  Kwang  Tung;  Japan  in  Fuh  Kien  ; 
Italy  in  Cheh  Kiang ; ourselves,  again,  in  Yiin  Nan  and 
Kwang  Tung ; the  Indian  Government  in  Tibet ; the 
Russians  in  Ili — here  we  have  work  cut  out  for  all ; and, 
starting  from  these  bases,  there  is  no  reason  why  we  should 
not  each  steadily  advance  year  by  year  into  our  respective 
Hinterlands,  and  gradually  turn  the  corpse  into  healthy  meat. 
It  is  not  necessary  to  commit  acts  of  aggression  or  conquest. 


47 


He  that  fights  and  runs  away 

Amongst  modern  missionary  reforms,  none  is  more 
remarkable  or  worthy  of  admiration  than  the  Anti-Foot- 
binding, or  Tien-tsu  Hwei,  started  by  Mrs.  Archibald  Little. 
The  fact  that  so  pig-headedly  conservative  a people  as  the 
Chinese  are  actually  rising  to  the  height  of  this  reform 
amply  illustrates  how  easy  our  general  work  will  be  when  the 
ignorant  people  discover  that  we  are  really  labouring  for 
their  benefit.  Missionaries  of  all  kinds  should  have  a free 
hand,  but  under  consular  control ; and  Lord  Salisbury  never 
came  to  a wiser  decision  than  when  he  accepted  Dr.  Temple’s 
recommendation  to  decline  an  official  status  for  the  Protestant 
half  of  them. 

P.S. — It  is  now  (June  n,  1900)  a week  since  the  above 
was  written,  and  the  events  of  the  past  seven  days  furnish 
readers  with  the  means  of  judging  the  accuracy  of  the  above 
forecasts. 


CHAPTER  II 

THE  “BOXERS” 

For  some  months  previous  to  the  introduction  of  the  word 
“ Boxers  ” into  newspaper  literature,  news  had  come  from 
time  to  time  through  the  missionaries  in  Shan  Tung  of  the 
restless  doings  of  the  “ Great  Knife  Society  ” on  the  southern 
borders  of  that  province.  The  occupation  of  Kiao  Chou  by 
the  Germans,  and  the  cession  to  the  British  of  Wei-hai  Wei, 
only  increased  the  uneasy  feeling  that  famines,  floods,  and 
the  menaces  of  secret  societies  had  for  some  time  locally 
aroused  in  men’s  minds.  Things  were  made  worse  by  the 
bursting  of  the  Yellow  River  banks,  and  in  November,  1898, 
Li  Hung-chang  was  sent  to  inquire  into  the  disaster.  Some 
one  seems  to  have  denounced  both  him  and  the  Governor, 
Chang  Ju-mei,  for  corruption  in  connection  with  this  inquiry  ; 
at  any  rate,  the  latter  was  suddenly  removed  from  his  post, 
and  a Manchu,  named  Yiihien,  who  had  been  Treasurer  of 


48  China  : Past  and  Present 

Hu  Nan,  acting  as  Tartar-General  at  Nanking,  was  sent  in 
his  place.  Yiahien  had  never  occupied  high  civil  office  before, 
and  had  not  been  long  at  his  post  before  he  began  to  display, 
even  in  military  affairs,  more  than  the  ordinary  Manchu 
ineptitude,  ignorance,  and  arrogance.  His  predecessors,  Li 
Ping-heng  and  Chang  Ju-mei,  however  reactionary,  had  at 
least  made  some  sort  of  an  honest  effort  to  purify  the 
administration  and  reform  the  army  ; but  this  foolish  man  at 
once  gave  orders  that  the  old  gingalls,  shields,  and  spear-drill 
should  be  resumed  ; all  foreign-trained  instructors  dismissed  ; 
and  all  offers  of  good  steel  guns  made  to  him  by  German  com- 
mercial travellers  refused.  This  foolishness  by  itself  would 
not  have  mattered  much — in  fact,  it  rather  tended  to  preserve 
the  peace  ; but  it  so  happened  that  just  at  the  same  time 
Imperial  orders  came  to  this  province,  amongst  others,  to  at 
once  furbish  up  its  old  t'wan,  or  “ posse  ” of  the  districts — the 
militia  troops  of  the  old  school  so  amusingly  described  by 
the  Abbe  Hue — who  caper  about  with  antiquated  weapons, 
and  are  more  like  clowns  and  mountebanks  than  soldiers. 
This  order  exactly  suited  the  mulish  and  conservative  mind 
of  Yiihien  ; but,  unfortunately  for  the  peace  of  the  world,  it 
also  suited  the  secret  society  men ; and  in  the  autumn  of  1899 
the  doings  of  the  Great  Knife  Society,  and  of  a new  sect  called 
by  the  missionary  correspondents  “ Boxers,”  began  to  attract 
serious  attention  in  the  south-west  of  Shan  Tung  : their  motto 
was  “ For  China,  against  Foreigners  ; ” but  up  to  the  close  of 
that  year  their  efforts  to  get  up  a big  row  had  been  vain. 
Possibly  the  reason  was  in  part  that  the  missionary  troubles 
previously  caused  by  the  Great  Knife  Society  in  North  Kiang 
Su  had  only  recently  (1896)  been  patched  up  with  some 
trouble,  and  the  border  authorities  had  not  yet  relaxed  their 
general  vigilance.  The  next  thing  that  was  heard  was  that 
this  miserable  specimen  of  a governor  had  been  impeached 
for  incompetence,  the  Chinese  statement  being  that  he  had 
instigated  a subordinate  military  officer  to  murder  about  200 
innocent  gentry  and  people.  The  missionaries,  on  the  other 
hand,  reported  that  the  Great  Knife  Society,  under  the  new 
name  of  “ Boxers,”  was  receiving  secret  encouragement  at  his 
hands,  and  that  a “ battle  ” had  been  fought  at  P’ing-yiian  (to 
the  north  of  the  Governor’s  capital),  with  a loss  to  the  Society 


Name  at  which  the  World  grew  pale  49 

of  200  men ; there  were  other  stories  of  attacks  upon  Roman 
Catholic  missions  under  the  very  nose  of  the  Governor’s 
troops ; suspicions  that  he  was  giving  arms  to  the  rioters  ; 
and  so  on.  Whatever  the  exact  truth  may  be,  every  one 
agrees  that  the  Governor  was  grossly  to  blame,  and  that  the 
trouble  had  been  allowed  to  spread  under  his  rule  from  its 
original  place  in  the  south  of  the  province  to  the  north  of  the 
Yellow  River.  Finally,  in  the  early  part  of  this  year,  in- 
telligence was  received  that  the  energetic  general  Yuan  Shi- 
k’ai  (who  had  distinguished  himself  as  a mere  junior  officer 
in  1884  by  “standing  up”  to  the  Japanese  in  Corea)  had  been 
appointed  Governor  of  Shan  Tung,  and  was  taking  part  of 
his  German-trained  troops  with  him  from  Siao-chan,  near 
Tientsin.  Great  things  were  hoped  from  Yuan  Sh'i-k’ai ; but 
it  soon  appeared  that  there  were  hampering  forces  at  work  in 
the  background.  Meanwhile  occurred  the  murder  at  Fei- 
ch’eng,  south  of  the  provincial  capital,  of  the  Rev.  Mr.  Brooks, 
and  the  story  of  the  “Boxers’  ” doings  from  that  moment  can 
be  gathered  from  Parliamentary  Paper  No.  3,  just  published 
by  the  Foreign  Office  ; so  that  there  is  no  necessity  for  me  to 
repeat  the  account  therein  clearly  given  by  our  courageous 
and  able  minister,  Sir  Claude  Macdonald. 

It  may  be  worth  while,  however,  to  go  back  a moment 
and  inquire  into  the  origin  of  the  word  “ Boxers,”  which  word, 
though  an  incomplete  rendering,  is,  after  all,  a fairly  correct 
psychological  translation  of  the  words  I-ho  K'iian  or  “ Patri- 
otic Peace  Fists.”  In  a letter  to  the  Times  of  the  25th  of  June 
last,*  I showed  that  in  the  year  1728  a previous  Emperor  had 
already  described  and  condemned  the  blackmailing  propensi- 
ties of  the  dangerous  and  disloyal  K'iian,  or  “fisticuff”  fra- 
ternity. During  the  reign  of  that  Emperor’s  grandson,  at 
just  about  the  time  when  Lord  Amherst  visited  China,  the 
same  society  men,  under  exactly  the  same  name,  again  gave 
trouble.  I published  a short  account  of  their  doings  in  1888 
( China  Revieiu,  page  11) ; but  the  name  of  “Boxer”  did  not 
appear  in  it,  as  that  was  only  one  of  their  many  appellations. 
They  were  also  called  “ Heavenly  Order,”  and  “ Eight  Dia- 
gram ” people.  The  General  who  then  quelled  the  revolt, 
which  rapidly  spread  over  exactly  the  same  territory  as  the 

* i.e.  1900. 


E 


50  China : Past  and  Present 

present  rebellion,  was  a man  (a  Mongol,  I think)  named 
Nayench’eng,  and  in  his  report  to  the  alarmed  Emperor, 
dated  1816,  he  actually  uses  the  words  I'-ho  K'iian,  and 
describes  their  incantations,  their  boasted  immunity  from 
cannon-shots,  etc.  Moreover,  the  titles  of  “Great  Instructor 
Brother”  and  “Second  Instructor  Brother,”  which  Nayench’eng 
says  were  then  arrogated  to  themselves  by  the  “Boxer” 
chiefs,  are  precisely  those  used  now  ; for  on  the  5th  of  June 
last,  when  the  Empress-Dowager  saw  the  first  conflagrations 
at  Ma-kia  P’u  (south  of  the  Peking  walls)  from  her  I-ho  Park, 
she  was  informed  that  the  “ Second  Instructor  Brother  ” was 
the  chief.  When  the  I-ho  K'iian  Hwei,  or  “ Boxers’  Society,” 
first  started  last  year,  it  was  pointed  out  to  them,  by  those 
who  secretly  wished  for  their  success  against  the  missionaries, 
that  by  the  statutes  of  the  dynasty  the  term  Hivei,  or  “ Society,” 
was  illegal ; but  it  was  suggested  to  them  that,  as  the  Empress 
had  ordered  the  I wan,  or  posse  comitatus,  to  be  levied  en  masse, 
they  might  call  themselves  I-ho  t'wan,  or  “ Patriotic  Peace 
Militia,”  thus  securing  an  official  status.  Whether  it  was  the 
villainous  Yiihien  who  suggested  this  artifice;  and  whether, 
as  stated  by  Sir  Claude  Macdonald  to  the  Yamen,  the 
governor  himself  accepted  the  presidency  of  the  society,  I 
cannot  say.  There  is  nothing  at  all  historically  improbable 
in  the  suggestion  ; for  an  Emperor  of  China  in  the  full  hey- 
day of  his  power  once  accepted  from  the  Turks  the  title  of 
“ Khan,”  in  order  to  please  them,  and  to  encourage  their 
loyalty;  and  we  ourselves  all  know  what  King  Richard  II. 
did  when  the  British  “Boxer,”  Wat  Tyler,  proved  too  much 
for  his  ministers.  Moreover,  by  juggling  with  the  words 
t'wan  and  hwei , it  would  be  easy  to  make  them,  like  Mark 
Twain’s  Confucian  rule,  “work  both  ways.”  What  is  per- 
fectly certain,  and  what  has  been  asserted  by  the  Tsung-li 
Yamen,  by  the  Viceroy,  Liu  K’un-yih,  and  by  the  mission- 
aries alike,  is  that  the  resuscitated  “ Boxers  ” of  to-day  are 
simply  the  Great  Sword  Society  of  1896-98,  with  accessions 
of  riff-raff  gathered  as  the  ball  rolls,  masquerading  under  an 
apparently  new  but  really  old  historical  name.  It  is  also  a 
fact,  frequently  repeated  by  high  Chinese  officials,  that  the 
Great  Sword  Society  itself  is  only  an  offshoot  of  the  ancient 
“White  Lily  Society”  of  dreaded  renown,  which  goes  back 


Fantastic  as  a IV Oman's  Mood.  51 

even  to  Kublai  Khan’s  time.  Unfortunately,  at  Peking  the 
“literary  breeze”  (as  the  Chinese  say)  “blows  very  poorly,” 
and  all  recollection  of  what  had  taken  place  in  the  days  of 
the  Emperor’s  great-grandfather  had  apparently  disappeared 
from  men’s  minds,  even  if  those  minds  ever  knew  anything  of 
the  past.  It  was  only  about  the  15th  of  June,  when  the 
literary  and  learned  Viceroy  Chang  Chi-t’ung  telegraphed  to 
the  well-disposed  Manchu  Prince  P’uliang,  and  exhorted  him 
to  use  his  best  influence  to  make  the  Empress-Dowager 
understand  the  truth,  that  it  appears  to  have  dawned  upon 
her  royal  mind  that  the  whole  “Boxer”  business  was  an 
imposture.  Chang  Chi'-tung  telegraphed  in  these  words : 
“ Ministers  of  the  Blood  and  officers  of  spirit  ought  really  to 
urge  that  the  fisticuff  bandits  are  anarchists,  and  not  patriots 
at  all.  Their  power  cannot  in  any  case  for  one  instant  stand 
against  that  of  the  foreign  countries.  Beg  at  once  that  a 
decree  may  issue  for  their  thorough  extermination.  The 
matter  is  of  supreme  political  import.  The  more  Imperial 
clansmen  and  Manchu  gentlemen  of  any  kind  you  can  get 
to  join  you,  the  better.  Mr.  X.  [unnamed  in  the  published 
copy]  is  the  most  loyal  and  fearless  ; please  consult  with  him 
personally,  and  do  not  persist  in  any  preconceived  ideas.  If 
you  delay  it  will  be  too  late.”  Another  important  telegram 
from  Chang  to  “a  certain  minister”  ( Sicing-kwoh , and  there- 
fore, probably,  Junglu),  runs:  “The  fisticuff  bandits’  anarch- 
ical movements  are  now  right  upon  the  metropolis,  and  I 
am  afraid  the  Sacred  Car  (i.e.  their  Majesties)  will  be  alarmed. 
If  you  don’t  exterminate  the  fisticuff  bandits,  you  will  not  be 
able  to  stop  the  foreign  soldiers.  If  you  don’t  impeach 
Kangi,*  you  won’t  be  able  to  exterminate  the  fisticuff  bandits. 
I beg  you,  sir,  to  quickly  submit  this  view.” 

From  the  above,  it  will  clearly  be  seen  that  the  unfortu- 
nate Empress-Dowager,  who  after  all  is  but  an  ignorant 
woman  trained  within  the  narrow  precincts  of  four  walls,  was 
deceived  by  the  silly  superstition  about  invulnerability,  and 
really  thought  for  a time  that  the  “ Boxers  ” were  a sort  of 
multiplied  Joan  of  Arc  on  a large  male  scale,  who  were  going 
to  chasser  les  Anglais , and  all  the  rest  of  the  foreign  brood, 
out  of  China.  This  of  course  is  no  adequate  defence  of  the 

* Perished  during  the  “flight”  to  Si-an  Fu. 


China:  Past  and  Present 


52 

Empress  ; but  the  provocation  China  has  received,  together 
with  the  hopes  instilled  into  the  Empress’s  mind  that  she  now 
really  had  a good  chance  of  avenging  her  husband  Yichu 
(the  Emperor  Hien-feng),  and  the  dynasty,  ought  to  serve 
as  mitigating  circumstances  in  a judicially  disposed  mind. 
Her  desire  to  annihilate  her  European  enemies  is  no  worse 
than  the  German  Emperor’s  desire  to  annihilate  his  Chinese 
foes.  As  to  the  charges  brought  against  her  by  Mrs.  Grundy, 
there  is  no  evidence,  beyond  tittle-tattle  ; she  is,  anyhow,  a 
woman  of  pluck  ; and  if  she  can  make  life  less  monotonous  in 
her  enforced  seclusion  by  “carrying  on”  with  the  eunuchs, 
why  should  we  be  more  severe  with  her  than  with  a man  ? 
Who  is  going  to  throw  the  first  stone  ? In  any  case,  it  is  not 
our  business. 

However,  let  us  leave  morals  alone,  and  see  who  are  the 
persons  chiefly  responsible  for  misleading  her.  There  is  no 
doubt  about  Kangi  and  Yiihien.  According  to  the  native 
reports  (which  I have  usually  found  trustworthy),  Sti  T’ung, 
observing  that  the  Empress- Dowager  was  wavering,  flung 
himself  on  his  knees  and  urged  that,  as  the  Boxers’  flags  bore 
the  inscription,  “ Support  Ts’ing  {i.e.  the  Manchu  Dynasty) 
and  annihilate  the  Foreigner,”  it  was  evident  they  were  real 
patriots,  “ and  therefore  ” (the  correspondent  goes  on)  “ Her 
Majesty  fell  into  error.”  According  to  Sir  Claude  Macdonald’s 
despatch  to  Lord  Salisbury  on  January  31st  last,  Sii  T’ung  is 
a Chinese  “ bannerman  ” {i.e.  a Chinaman  assimilated  politi- 
cally to  a Manchu),  and  an  obstructive  hater  of  foreigners  and 
progress.  He  therefore  makes  a third  in  the  number  of  those 
who  will  be  “wanted”  at  Peking.  Prince  Twan  (Tsai-i),  of 
course,  is  another.  His  hostility  is  probably  connected  with 
disappointed  ambition.  His  father,  Yitsung,  next  brother  to 
the  Emperor  Hien-feng,  was  given  in  adoption  to  the  then 
just  deceased  Prince  Tun  in  the  year  1845  ; but  he  soon  fell 
into  disgrace,  and  was  not  given  the  rank  of  ts'in-wang,  or 
“prince  of  the  first  class”  {i.e.  of  Tun)  until  i860.  When  in 
1861  the  Emperor  died,  leaving  a son,  of  course  Prince  Tun 
had  no  claim  to  the  Imperial  succession  ; but  when  the 
Emperor  T’ung-chi'  died  in  1874,  Prince  Tun’s  son  would,  if 
Prince  Tun  had  not  been  given  away  in  adoption,  have  had 
better  pretensions  than  the  sons  of  the  next  brothers,  Prince 


Know  then  this  Truth 


53 


Kung  (Yihin)  and  Prince  Ch’un  (Yihwan).  As  a matter  of 
fact,  the  present  Emperor  is  the  son  of  the  seventh  brother, 
Prince  Ch’un,  and  Prince  Twan  is  the  son  of  the  fifth  brother, 
Prince  Tun.  As  he  belongs  to  the  category  Tsai,  he  can 
succeed  “ spiritually  ” if  elected  ; but  no  one  of  the  category 
Yi  can  “ go  back  ” on  a junior  generation.  The  proper  course 
is  to  go  down  to  the  next  category  P'u.  Thus  it  is  extremely 
probable  that  dynastic  squabbles  have  complicated  the 
“ Boxer  ” question,  which,  taken  by  itself,  might  easily  have 
been  patched  up.  The  ta-ako , or  heir-apparent,  is  P’utsiin, 
son  of  Tsai-i,  and  the  princedom  of  Kung  is  inherited  (I  sup- 
pose because  the  sons  were  dead)  by  Prince  Kung’s  grandson 
P’uwei.  I don’t  know  whose  son  P’uliang  is ; but,  anyway, 
he  is  in  the  running,  for  there  is  no  Manchu  rule  about  primo- 
geniture : the  only  rule  is  “ next  in  the  next  generation  if 
eligible  by  character,  eligibility  to  be  decided  by  the  pre- 
decessor or  his  representatives.”  Besides  the  above  four 
“great  criminals,”  there  are  two  members  of  the  Tsung-li 
Yamen  who  are  named  by  the  native  correspondents  as  being 
rabid  : one  is  Ch’ungyi,  stated  by  Sir  Claude  Macdonald 
(Document  No.  28)  to  be  of  “ conservative  tendencies,”  and 
the  other  is  K’ihii,  who,  to  judge  by  his  name  “ category,” 
must  (like  Yiihien  also)  belong  to  a very  junior  generation, 
thrice  removed,  of  the  Imperial  family.  It  is  quite  possible 
for  a grand-nephew  to  be  older  than  his  grand-uncle.  Two 
other  new  members  of  Prince  Twan’s  new  Yamen  are  Nat’ung 
and  P’uhing,  who  are,  under  Twan,  also  “wing”  commanders 
of  the  “ Tiger  Genii  ” or  Hu-shen  force.  Nat’ung  is,  perhaps, 
Sir  Claude’s  “ Mongol  named  Na  ” (No.  28). 

Now,  so  soon  as  this  precious  crew  were  known  to  be  in 
power,  the  sensible  Viceroy  Liu  K’un-yih,  issued  a very  good 
proclamation,  explaining  the  imposture  of  the  invulnerability 
claim,  and  pointing  out  that  the  Boxers  “fell  the  moment 
they  were  shot  at”  by  General  Nieh.  The  much-abused  Li 
Ping-heng  and  the  Governor  (recently  acting  Viceroy),  Luh 
Ch’wan-lin,  all  telegraphed  together  to  say  that  the  Boxers 
ought  to  be  exterminated  at  once.  The  Boxers  took  Ting- 
hing  (Luh’s  native  place)  on  the  20th  of  June,  and  it  is  said  the 
unhappy  Governor,  fearing  this,  hurriedly  abandoned  his 
reviewing  duties  on  the  17th  of  June,  and  hastened  back  to 


54 


China:  Past  and  Present 


Soochow,  only  to  hear  a rumour  that  some  of  his  own  family 
had  been  massacred.  Meanwhile,  K’ihii  and  Kangi  are 
reported  to  have  advised  the  Empress-Dowager  to  go  off  to 
Si-an  Fu  with  the  Emperor,  leaving  behind  the  ta-ako,  with 
his  father  as  Regent,  to  “lord”  the  administration.  Yiian 
Shi-k’ai  was  ordered  to  march  his  men  to  Peking  ; but  later 
he  was  told,  in  view  of  possible  danger  at  Kiao  Chou,  to  send 
a trusty  lieutenant  instead.  The  Governors  Yii  Yin-lin,  of 
Hu  Peh,  Yu  Lien-san,  of  Hu  Nan,  Wang  Chi-ch’un,  of  An 
Hwei,  and  Sungshou  (a  Manchu),  of  Kiang  Si,  are  stated  to 
have  joined  the  two  great  Viceroys  and  Li  Ping-heng  in  the 
anti-Boxer  telegram. 

In  closing  this  short  account  of  the  origin  of  the  “ Boxer  ” 
rebellion,  I will  just  state  who  all  these  better-disposed  persons 
are. 

1.  A portrait  and  an  account  of  Liu  K’un-yih  are  published 
in  Black  and  White,  autumn  of  1898;  I forget  what  date  ; * 
the  portrait  was  given  to  me  by  Liu  himself.  He  is  a fine 
specimen  of  a really  honest-minded  Chinaman. 

2.  Chang  Chi-tung  made  his  reputation  in  1879,  when  he 
impeached  Ch’unghou  for  the  “cowardly  surrender”  of 
Livadia.  He  is  a much  more  learned  man  than  Liu  K’un- 
yih  ; but  he  is  fiery,  and  not  so  safe  and  long-headed.  I do 
not  know  him  personally. 

3.  Luh  Ch’wan-lin  made  his  reputation  in  1879,  by  squaring 
manfully  up  to  Her  Majesty’s  Consul  at  Pakhoi ; at  that  time 
any  man  was  a hero  who  could  say  more  than  “ Bo  to  a 
goose”  (or  a consul).  Liu  Kun-yih,  then  Viceroy  at  Canton, 
at  once  made  him  Prefect  of  Canton,  where  I met  him  : he 
was  shortly  afterwards  promoted  to  the  Swatow  taotaiship  ; 
and  then,  in  rapid  succession,  to  the  Treasury  of  Sz  Ch’wan, 
Governorship  of  Ho  Nan,  Viceroyalty  of  Sz  Ch’wan,  etc., 
where  he  fell  into  disgrace,  owing  to  his  excessive  zeal  in 
Tibetan  matters ; his  last  post  was  Governor  at  Canton. 
Luh  is  par  excellence  a literary  man  ; almost  as  tall  as  Li- 
Hung-chang;  very  pale  and  “blinky”  about  the  eyes.  He 
is  no  particular  friend  of  foreigners  ; but  he  is  no  fool,  and 
not  rabid. 

* Another  portrait  appears  in  John  Chinaman,  John  Murray,  1901.  He  died 
in  1902. 


The  Devil  take  the  Hindmost  55 

4.  Yu  Yin-lin  is  described  at  length  in  a letter  to  the 
Times  of  the  6th  of  September,  1898. 

5.  Wang  Chi-ch’un  was  once  in  Russia,  and  was  first  chosen 
for  the  Czar’s  coronation ; but  Li  Hung-chang  was  asked  for 
instead. 

6.  Sungshou  is  a Manchu  of  the  True  White  Banner  : he 
was,  under  Liu  K’un-yih,  Treasurer  at  Nanking  before  pro- 
motion to  Kiang  Si. 

7.  Yii  Lien-san  was  formerly  Treasurer  of  Shan  Si,  and 
then  of  Hu  Nan.  I do  not  know  anything  personally  of  these 
last  four. 

So  far  as  it  is  possible  to  judge  from  what  has  taken  place, 
every  one  has  been  taken  by  surprise  by  the  recent  outburst. 
My  esteemed  former  colleague,  Mr.  G.  J.  Jamieson,  it  is  true, 
wrote  to  the  Times  to  call  attention  to  a remarkable  prophecy 
made  a month  before  the  outbreak  by  a correspondent  of  the 
North  China  Daily  News ; but  the  same  correspondent  had 
been  spinning  interesting  yarns  for  a long  time ; and  the  best 
proof  that  the  editor  did  not  think  much  of  it  is  that  for  a 
whole  month  after  this  prophecy  he  made  no  further  serious 
allusion  to  the  matter  : it  was  a mere  ex  post  facto  newspaper 
triumph.  Moreover,  if  the  Peking  correspondent  had  any 
real  evidence  of  danger,  it  was  surely  his  duty  to  tell  Sir 
Claude  Macdonald,  who  cannot  be  expected  to  notice  irre- 
sponsible newspaper  alarms.  It  is  quite  certain  that  the 
Russians  and  Japanese  were  taken  aback.  In  a paper  entitled 
“The  German  Sphere  of  Influence  in  China,”  published  in  the 
New  Century  Review  last  year  (I  forget  the  date),*  it  was 
distinctly  suggested  that  the  seizure  of  Kiao  Chou  “was  at 
once  recognized  by  many  to  be  the  death-blow  to  Chinese 
independence,  and  the  Empire  is  now  almost  inevitably 
doomed  to  a gradual  dissolution.” 

In  cases  of  great  national  crises,  the  Chinese  unfortunately 
have  no  guiding  star  of  principle  ; besides,  there  is  no  loyalty 
in  the  public  service.  From  the  Emperor  downwards  nearly 
everybody  is  ready  to  sacrifice  any  one  else,  including  his 
family  and  ancestors,  to  save  his  own  skin.  If  it  ever  occurs 
in  European  services  that  a high  official  goes  behind  his 
subordinate’s  back,  officially  makes  false  accusations  against 

* Reprinted  in  this  volume. 


56  China:  Past  and  Present 

him,  or  sacrifices  his  honour  to  get  out  of  a foolish  situation 
himself,  such  an  event  is  rare,  and  in  any  case  is  more  likely 
to  be  owing  to  vanity  and  weakness  than  to  downright  mean- 
ness of  mind  ; but,  unfortunately,  even  the  best  of  Manchu 
emperors  have  been  prone  to  sacrifice  their  viceroys  and 
governors  ; and  these  in  turn,  as  may  be  seen  any  day  from 
the  Peking  Gazette , are  only  too  ready  to  turn  round  and 
rend  each  other.  As  for  mere  subordinates,  false  accusations 
and  backhanded  private  letters  are  the  rule  rather  than  the 
exception  ; and  generally  nothing  is  more  certain,  when  an 
inquiry  takes  place,  than  that  the  high  official  will  get  off 
scot-free,  and  one  of  his  juniors  be  made  a scapegoat.  Hence 
it  comes  that  when  serious  danger  arises,  the  mandarin,  even 
if  he  wishes  to  act  rightly,  is  between  the  devil  and  the  deep 
sea:  if,  like  Nieh  Shi'-ch’eng,  who  attacked  the  “Boxers,”  he 
at  once  acts  upon  the  spirit  of  his  orders  boldly  and  loyally, 
he  is  liable  to  be  disowned  and  punished  (Nieh  Shi'-ch’eng’s 
army  nearly  mutinied  through  sympathy  with  him  on  this 
ground) ; if  the  people  or  revolters  go  too  far,  he  gets  punished 
“ for  not  foreseeing  ” or  “ for  failing  to  act.”  I have  been  in 
several  big  Chinese  “ rows,”  and  witnessed  this  wretched  state 
of  affairs  myself.  The  invariable  course  adopted  is  to  “ let  it 
(whatever  it  is)  burn  itself  out.”  In  my  opinion,  though  there 
may  be  malicious  villains  or  fools  like  Yiihien  and  Kangi,  at 
the  bottom  of  this  terrible  business,  the  majority  of  those  in 
power,  such  as  the  Dowager-Empress,  Junglu,  the  two  unhappy 
men  who  have  been  executed,  and  even  the  wily  Li  Hung- 
chang,  have  been  partly  taken  by  surprise,  and  in  part  have 
given  way  to  the  usual  Chinese  hen-brained  panic.  A Chinese 
crowd  kills  as  much  out  of  sheer  panic  as  out  of  savagery. 
If  we  could  only  get  at  Prince  Twan  in  the  flesh,  and  talk  to 
him  in  a quiet  and  sympathetic  way,  we  might  even  yet  scotch 
the  monster  without  great  bloodshed.  Li  Ping-heng  is  fight- 
ing against  us  now,  certainly.  What  loyal  Chinaman  would 
not,  if  he  felt  he  had  no  alternative  ? But  he  seems  to  have 
advised  the  crushing  of  the  “Boxers”  with  the  rest,  and 
moreover,  as  he  knows  himself  to  be  tabooed  as  an  enemy, 
the  wretched  man  has  no  chance  (such  as  men  in  office  like 
the  two  Viceroys  have)  of  showing  that  he  means  no  harm 
unless  attacked.  A good  deal  may  result  from  the  influence 


To  err  is  Human , to  forgive  Divine  57 

of  Sir  Walter  Hillier,  who  has  gone  out  as  adviser  to  the 
naval  and  military  folk  ; he  is  well  known  to  most  of  the 
mandarins,  and  may  possibly  succeed  in  devising  with  them 
a means  of  holding  China  together. 


CHAPTER  III 

THE  “BOXER”  IMBROGLIO  OF  I9OO 

“Although  man  is  the  essence  of  treachery,  1 believe  every  man 
wishes  to  be  honest ; his  interests  prevent  him.” — General  Gordon. 

If  it  were  possible  for  nations,  or  rulers  as  the  representatives 
and  embodiments  of  nations,  to  swallow  their  pride,  resent- 
ment, and  ambition,  acting  solely  according  to  what  the 
natural  instinct  of  all  men  secretly  feels  to  be  honourable 
and  right,  there  could  scarcely  be  a shadow  of  doubt  in  any 
one’s  mind  that  we  ought  one  and  all  of  us  to  pack  up  our 
traps  and  clear  out  of  Kiao  Chou,  Port  Arthur,  Talien  Wan, 
Wei-hai  Wei,  and  Kwang-chou  Wan,  leaving  the  hoary  old 
Empire  of  China  one  more  chance  of  regaining  its  dignity, 
and  giving  it.  every  reasonable  assistance  towards  mending 
its  mistaken  ways.  The  whole  leasehold  or  “ sphere  ” busi- 
ness is,  as  the  lawyers  say,  vitiated  by  a savour  of  initial 
fraud,  and  it  is  this  sense  of  elementary  justice  denied  to  it 
by  powerful  foes  that  has  nerved  up  the  venerable  old  carcass 
to  run  amuck,  and  make  one  desperate  final  bid  for  unfettered 
and  independent  existence  in  the  shocking  way  we  now  see. 

The  whole  history  of  European  relations  with  China  has, 
like  most  other  human  histories,  been  one  of  faults  on  both 
sides.  Exactly  three  centuries  ago  the  earliest  missionaries 
from  the  West  were  fairly  well  received  by  the  decrepit 
Court  of  Peking,  notwithstanding  the  violent  filibustering  of 
the  first  European  merchant  traders  on  the  Chinese  coasts, 
coupled  with  the  ravages  of  Japanese  pirates;  which  two 
phenomena  were  of  themselves  sufficient  to  create  suspicion 


58  China  : Past  and  Present 

and  alarm.  Still,  even  a eunuch-ridden  and  corrupt  court, 
such  as  that  of  the  last  Ming  Emperors,  was  sufficiently 
reasonable  to  see  that  the  pretentious  dogma  of  Western 
religion  might,  after  all,  have  some  solid  substratum  of  human 
good  in  it,  whilst  Western  arts  and  sciences  undoubtedly 
proved  themselves  to  be  of  value.  And  so  James  Rho  and 
Adam  Schall  ultimately  received  Imperial  civilities  and  sub- 
stantial employment  at  the  Chinese  Court.  A “ Boxer  ” 
rebellion  ushered  in  the  fresh  and  lusty  Manchus,  just  as 
another  such  is,  after  an  interval  of  260  years,  now  ushering 
their  degenerate  descendants  out.  Yet  the  first  two  Tartar 
Emperors  were  exceedingly  well  disposed  towards  religion  ; 
and  if  Jesuits,  Franciscans,  and  Dominicans  had  not  inconti- 
nently taken  to  squabbling  together  about  trifles  of  empty 
dogma,  dragging  in  the  personalities  of  the  Pope  and  the 
Emperor  to  make  matters  worse  politically,  both  the  Christian 
religion  and  European  progress  generally  would  have  had  a 
promising  outlook  all  over  China.  But  persecution  cut  the 
Gordian  knot.  Then  followed  nearly  two  centuries  of  prac- 
tical confinement  to  Peking,  Macao,  and  Canton.  The 
Dutch  had  been  ignominiously  turned  out  of  Formosa,  and 
had  brought  both  themselves  and  their  religion  into  contempt 
all  over  the  Far  East  by  accepting  the  basest  of  apostate 
conditions  in  the  miserable  patch  of  land  called  Decima,  in 
Nagasaki  Bay.  The  Portuguese  had  obtained,  through  the 
connivance  of  corrupt  mandarins,  a not  very  creditable  foot- 
ing in  Macao,  where  they  were  partly  endured  by  the 
weakness,  and  partly  tolerated  as  a necessary  evil  by  the 
venality  and  corruptness,  of  the  Canton  Government.  The 
bloodthirsty  massacres  of  Chinese  by  the  Spaniards  in 
Manila  make  up  the  tale  of  Celestial  wrongs  and  just  sus- 
picions ; or,  if  we  prefer  to  take  the  European  point  of  view, 
of  Chinese  treachery  and  its  well-merited  castigation.  How- 
ever, it  was  a fair  exchange  of  give  and  take  on  both  sides. 
Manchu  officials  and  Chinese  traders  were  suspicious  and 
corrupt.  Spaniards,  Portuguese,  Dutchmen,  and  at  last 
Englishmen,  were  greedy,  rude,  and  violent.  The  situation, 
if  unsatisfactory,  was  as  good  as  either  party  deserved. 
Trade  dragged  on  its  corrupt  course  at  Canton  ; and,  figura- 
tively and  literally,  no  bones  to  speak  of  were  broken  on 


Throw  Physic  to  the  Dogs  59 

either  side.  Meanwhile  the  population  of  China  had  shot 
up  in  two  centuries  from  60,000,000  to  400,000,000,  and  the 
total  revenue  collected  from  this  huge  mass  of  humanity 
amounted  to  about  one  shilling  per  annum  per  head,  pecula- 
tion included  ; so  that,  whatever  the  faults  of  the  ancient  and 
exclusive  civilization  really  were,  things  could  not  have  been 
so  very  bad,  even  though  the  people  were  totally  deprived  of 
the  consolations  of  Christianity  we  were  so  anxious  to  thrust 
upon  them. 

The  next  turning-point  was  the  “ Opium  War.”  Many 
object  to  this  cant  term,  as  connoting  a responsibility  of  ours 
which,  they  say,  did  not  actually  exist.  It  is  unnecessary  to 
press  this  point,  for  the  Chinese  themselves  give  a very  fair 
account  of  it  all,  avoiding  the  straining  of  traders  and  of 
missionaries  alike.  They  say  opium  had  for  a very  long 
time  been  imported  as  a drug,  and  that  the  habit  of  smoking 
it,  and  consequently  of  importing  it  in  ever-increasing  quan- 
tities, grew  to  alarming  dimensions  before  any  responsible 
persons  became  aware  of  it,  or,  at  all  events,  realized  its 
importance.  Moreover,  they  admit  that,  even  after  the  evil 
influences  of  wholesale  opium-smoking  were  discovered  and 
realized,  they  themselves  were  largely  to  blame  for  the 
supineness,  connivance,  and  corruption  of  their  officers. 
There  is  nothing  much  to  be  proud  of  in  our  importing 
opium  into  China  for  the  benefit  of  our  Indian  revenue  ; but, 
on  the  other  hand,  it  was  a perfectly  natural  thing  to  do  from 
a mercantile  and  political  point  of  view,  and  therefore  the 
Exeter  Hall  outcry  about  our  lasting  shame  is  quite  un- 
justified. Moreover,  at  this  time  the  extensive  use  of  opium 
in  Turkey,  India,  and  elsewhere  had  exhibited  no  particularly 
evil  effects ; and  even  if  adventurous  traders  could  be 
expected  to  go  into  heart-searching  questions  of  commercial 
morality,  they  could  have  had  no  reason  to  suppose  that  the 
Chinese  temperament  would  be  so  utterly  exceptional  as  to 
lend  itself  to  an  undue  indulgence  unparalleled  in  the  rest 
of  mankind.  The  Chinese  even  go  further.  They  perfectly 
well  know,  and  they  officially  admit,  that  Commissioner  Lin’s 
want  of  tact  and  fairness  was  greatly  responsible  for  the 
failure  of  the  great  opium  destruction  movement  in  1835, 
when  20,000  chests  were  surrendered  and  destroyed.  The 


6o 


China:  Past  and  Present 


British  Government  had  practically  given  way,  when  they 
found  that  the  Chinese  reformers  were  in  earnest.  Captain 
Elliott  had  surrendered  every  package  of  opium  he  could  lay 
his  hands  on,  and  it  only  wanted  a little  generosity,  tact,  and 
patience  on  the  part  of  Commissioner  Lin  to  put  a stop  by 
degrees  to  future  importations  from  India  altogether.  How- 
ever, misunderstandings  and  conceit  led  to  war  ; and  after  the 
cession  of  Hong  Kong,  the  Chinese  were  so  frightened  at 
having  to  pay  six  millions  of  dollars  for  the  opium  destroyed, 
that  they  neglected  to  make  any  restrictive  stipulations  about 
the  opium  traffic.  On  our  side,  having  “ got  our  backs  up,” 
we  rather  shabbily  took  advantage  of  Chinese  stupidity  to 
legalize  the  trade — at  least,  in  this  negative  way,  that  it  went 
on  unchecked  by  us,  as  before.  To  counterbalance  this, 
China  has  since  taken  to  growing  opium,  and  the  combined 
result  has  undoubtedly  been  to  sap  the  Empire’s  strength. 

The  shiftiness  of  the  Chinese  in  carrying  out  the  various 
provisions  of  the  Nanking  Treaty  generally,  and  the  parti- 
cular difficulty  about  our  getting  entry  into  Canton,  were, 
of  course,  unsatisfactory.  I am  far  from  denying  grave 
Chinese  faults ; but,  on  the  other  hand,  I try  to  test  the 
claims  to  virtue  of  our  own,  and  to  state  a fair  case  for 
China.  We  all  know  that  the  Chinese  are  shifty,  and  often 
untruthful  too ; they  are  by  no  means  alone  amongst  nations 
in  these  respects.  But  the  Nanking  Treaty  was  forced  upon 
them,  and  we  have  plenty  of  instances  in  European  politics 
of  Western  nations  shuffling,  not  only  out  of  compulsory 
treaties,  but  out  of  treaties  made  in  good  faith  and  volun- 
tarily. Moreover,  our  own  European  ways,  even  if  tactful, 
were  often  misunderstood  by,  and  offensive  to,  the  Chinese  ; 
and  it  is  quite  certain  that  they  thought  us  all  then, — as  they 
feel  they  have  reason  to  think  us  all  now, — shifty,  violent,  and 
greedy.  The  final  result  of  these  smouldering  feelings  on 
both  sides  burst  out  into  flame  in  the  shape  of  the  second 
war,  in  which  the  French  found  a specific  reason  for  taking 
part  as  allies  owing  to  the  cowardly  murder  of  their  mis- 
sionary Chappedelaine,  following,  as  it  did,  upon  a long 
series  of  persecutions.  The  Americans  and  the  Russians 
took  the  opportunity  to  press  their  own  claims  amid  the 
clash  of  our  arms.  The  results  to  the  Manchus  were  even 


He  should  Take  w ho  has  the  Powev  61 


more  humiliating  than  those  of  the  first  war,  and  therefore 
no  one  can  be  surprised  that  the  Chinese  as  a nation  do  not 
love  us  in  consequence.  The  English  and  the  French  they 
have  to  thank  for  driving  the  Emperor  out  of  his  capital  and 
burning  the  Summer  Palace  ; the  Russians  for  having,  in 
1855,  summarily  annexed  the  lower  Amur;  for  having,  in 
1858,  secured  by  treaty  the  left  bank  up  to  the  Ussuri ; and 
for  having,  in  i860,  secured  by  a second  treaty  the  parts 
between  the  Ussuri  and  the  sea.  The  Americans  were  able 
to  appear  in  a more  friendly  capacity ; but  the  Chinese 
regarded  their  motives  as  jealous  and  self-interested,  none 
the  less.  Treaties  with  nearly  all  the  Powers  now  followed, 
and  General  Gordon  lent  his  services  towards  propping  up 
the  Manchu  throne,  though  it  is  well  known  that  he  later  on 
considered  China’s  best  hopes  to  lie  in  the  extinction  of  that 
dynasty. 

And  so  things  went  on.  The  first  rat  to  leave  the  sinking 
ship  was  Siam,  which  discontinued  sending  tribute.  The 
French  put  Saigon  in  their  pockets  as  they  sailed  home  ; but 
although  the  legal  owner,  Annam,  was  a vassal  of  China, 
Saigon  was  a province  too  far  south  to  matter  much  for  the 
moment.  In  1865  Bhutan  was  placed  under  our  official  ken  ; 
but  in  this  case,  too,  China  had  the  Nepaul  precedent,  and 
did  not  mind  much  so  long  as  the  two  Himalayan  states 
were  not  occupied  by  our  troops.  The  next  thing  was  the 
temporary  occupation  of  Ili  by  Russia  in  1871,  after  the 
Chinese  had  been  expelled  from  Kashgar  in  1863,  and  Yakub 
Beg’s  power  had  gradually  become  threatening  to  his  neigh- 
bours. In  1874  disputes  with  the  Japanese  touching  ship- 
wrecked seamen  led  to  the  temporary  occupation  by  the 
latter  of  Formosa,  whence  they  were  coaxed  out  chiefly  by 
the  good  offices  of  Sir  Thomas  Wade.  The  same  year  the 
Loochoo  Islands  were  summarily  placed  under  the  Japanese 
Home  Office,  though  for  many  centuries  they  had  sent  regular 
tribute  to  China,  and  had  kept  up  relations  with  Foochow. 
By  the  treaty  of  1874,  Annam  opened  Tonquin  to  French 
trade,  and  the  Chinese  now  found  to  their  horror  that  they 
had  the  French  knocking  at  their  very  gates.  In  1880,  after 
first  beguiling  the  Manchu  envoy  Ch’unghou  into  surrendering 
Ili,  Russia  thought  better  of  it  in  view  of  the  threatening 


62 


China:  Past  and  Present 


attitude  of  progressive  China,  and  ultimately  gave  back  that 
province  in  consideration  of  expenses  paid.  It  has  been 
said  that  this  action  was  inspired  by  fear,  which  is  very 
possible ; but,  none  the  less,  Russia  is  fairly  entitled  to  the 
credit  of  an  honest  fulfilment  of  her  promise,  no  matter  what 
her  motives  may  have  been,  which  there  is  no  title  in  others 
to  question.  The  French  now  began  to  push  their  way  up  to 
the  Chinese  frontiers  in  Yun  Nan  and  Kwang  Si.  This 
gradually  led  to  hostilities,  French  attacks  upon  Formosa 
and  the  Pescadores,  the  French  disaster  at  Langson,  and 
finally  the  arrangement  of  a “ drawn  ” peace  by  Sir  Robert 
Hart.  Corea  next  slipped  away,  and  China,  instead  of  being 
her  suzerain,  condescendingly  receiving  exclusive  homage, 
now  found  herself  merely  primus  inter  pares,  intriguing  for 
her  rights  at  Soul  in  company  with  a miscellaneous  assembly 
of  foreign  officials  of  all  countries,  whose  diplomatic  status 
was  as  vague  as  that  of  her  own  “ resident.”  During  these 
interludes  Great  Britain  suddenly  occupied  Upper  Burma, 
and  claimed  to  trade  with  Tibet ; compensating  China,  as 
pretended  suzerain,  with  promises  of  a periodical  Burmese 
“mission  with  presents,”  which  never  came  off  once,  and 
never  will  come  off.  Little  nibblings  of  territory  by  our- 
selves and  the  Russians  in  the  Hunza  and  Aktash  directions 
also  caused  a slight  flutter  of  Chinese  feathers;  and  in  1890 
we  obtained  from  China  a protectorate  over  Sikkim.  For 
three  or  four  years  after  this  poor  China  did  pretty  well, 
nothing  more  alarming  taking  place  than  a few  British, 
French,  Swedish,  or  Russian  missions  of  inquiry  into  Man- 
churia and  Tibet.  But  Jeshurun  waxed  fat,  and  kicked 
aggressively  during  this  short  respite : the  result  was  the  war 
with  Japan,  which  severed  Formosa  and  the  Pescadores 
definitely  from  the  Empire,  made  Corea  independent,  and 
very  nearly  cost  China  Liao-tung  as  well. 

Thus,  from  the  Tonquin  frontier  town  of  Monkai,  on  the 
Gulf  on  Tonquin,  to  the  mouth  of  the  Yalu,  in  Liao-tung, 
the  whole  of  the  fringe  of  subject  territory  bordering  upon 
China  proper  has  been  lopped  off  piecemeal  since,  forty  years 
ago,  she  agreed  to  make  treaties  with  European  Powers.  No 
wonder  the  trunk  begins  to  twinge  when  the  extremities 
have  all  gone.  Tonquin,  French  and  British  Shans,  Burma, 


He  should  keep  who  can  63 

Manipur,  Bhutan,  Sikkim  (Nepaul  as  well  as  Assam  already 
practically  ours),  Hunza,  Wakhan,  Badakshan,  the  Pamir, 
Kokand  ; then,  at  the  other  end  of  the  Russian  frontier,  the 
Ussuri  province ; Corea,  Loochoo,  Formosa  — all  gone 
within  one  short  generation — “all  my  pretty  chickens  and 
their  dam  at  one  fell  swoop.”  The  useless  deserts  of  Tibet, 
Kashgaria,  and  Mongolia,  together  with  the  ancestral  wastes 
of  Manchuria,  were  all  that  was  left  of  colonial  dominion  to 
the  Manchu  rulers  of  China  after  forty  years  of  militant 
Christianity,  with  innumerable  missionary  “rows,”  and  ex- 
travagant demands  for  compensation  thrown  in  at  intervals. 
No  doubt  the  conduct  of  China  has  been  bad,  but  it  cannot 
be  denied  that  European  behaviour  to  her  has  not  been 
calculated  to  inspire  confidence  in  the  Christian  purity  of  our 
motives.  In  spite  of  her  bad  finance,  she  never  borrowed  a 
cent  until  we  Europeans  induced  her  to  do  so,  and  she  has 
always  been  most  scrupulous  in  paying  us  her  debts.  Not  to 
speak  of  Turkey,  how  do  the  Christian  States  of  Portugal, 
Greece,  or  the  Argentine  Republic  compare  with  her  for 
financial  honour  ? In  spite  of  her  corruption,  the  population — 
even  allowing  300  per  cent,  on  the  collected  revenue  for 
roguery  and  squeezes — has  never  paid  $s.  a head  in  taxation, 
including  local  charges,  against  £$  a head  in  Western  Europe, 
exclusive  even  of  rates  and  octroi.  Her  traders  are  quite  as 
honest  as  ours,  and  often  more  capable  : the  first  statement 
is  universally  admitted ; the  second  is  self-evident.  Her 
literature  ranks  among  the  first  in  the  world,  even  though  her 
educational  system  may  be  antiquated.  If  she  has  unhappily 
debauched  and  weakened  herself  by  opium  indulgence,  she 
has  not  yet  degraded  her  manhood  below  the  level  of  the 
drunken  idlers  who  infest  all  our  own  British  towns,  or  below 
that  of  the  masses  of  Russian  peasantry ; so  that  we  Euro- 
peans live  in  glass  houses  in  this  respect.  Chinamen  have 
been  the  making  of  all  the  European  colonies  in  the  Eastern 
seas.  If  they  are  not  welcome  in  America  or  Australia,  it  is 
not  entirely  on  account  of  inherent  faults  of  their  own,  but 
partly  because  white  men  cannot  compete  with  them  on 
equal  terms.  They  were  not  only  welcome,  but  eagerly 
sought  for  when  they  were  indispensable  ; now  they  are  kept 
out.  No  heat  or  cold,  no  conditions  of  atmosphere,  come 


China : Past  and  Present 


64 

amiss  to  a Chinaman  ; he  is  quiet,  industrious,  patient,  never 
gets  drunk,  makes  an  orderly  husband.  In  a word,  with  all 
his  vices  and  defects,  the  Chinaman  is  one  of  the  finest  all- 
round citizens  in  the  world. 

In  thus  stating  a reasonable  case  for  China,  I by  no  means 
condone  her  faults  collectively  and  individually ; and  as  for 
the  Manchu  Dynasty,  I am  not  alone  in  the  opinion  that  it 
has  largely  forfeited  its  right  to  exist.  The  fault  most 
offensive  to  us  is  arrogance,  and  for  that  China  paid  dearly 
when  Japan  gave  her  the  thrashing  she  so  richly  deserved. 
But  at  this  stage  three  Great  Powers  appear  upon  the  scene. 
Not  one  of  these  Powers  had  ever  ventured  to  try  a fall  with 
Japan  alone  when  she  was  in  full  bloom  of  strength  ; but  now 
that  she  was  exhausted  with  the  effort  of  crushing  single- 
handed  a presumptuous  enemy  for  the  common  benefit  of 
all  Treaty  Powers,  they  fell  upon  her  in  combination,  and 
deprived  her  of  the  fruits  of  her  victory,  under  pretext  of 
there  being  danger  to  the  world  in  a Japanese  occupation  of 
part  of  Liao-tung.  The  following  are  the  exact  Russian 
words,  translated:  “The  cession  of  Liao-tung  to  Japan 
raised  reasonable  objections  on  the  part  of  the  European 
Powers.  Taking  up  its  position  on  the  northern  shores  of 
the  Yellow  Sea,  Japan  would  thus  dominate  the  north-east  of 
China,  and  so  destroy  the  political  balance  of  the  Far  East. 
By  virtue  of  this,  Russia,  France,  and  Germany,  upon  the 
initiative  of  the  Russian  Government,  advised  Japan,  in  the 
interest  of  maintaining  peace  in  the  Far  East,  to  withdraw 
from  its  claims  to  the  peninsula  of  Liao-tung.”  Possibly 
Russia  honestly  took  this  view  at  the  time,  and  if  she  had 
stood  manfully  up  to  Japan,  and  either  argued  or  enforced 
her  own  case  in  courageous  independence,  no  one  could  have 
disparaged  her  action.  Even  for  France,  as  squire-in-ordinary 
to  the  Russian  knight-errant,  the  plea  of  humble  duty  might 
be  admitted.  But  in  the  case  of  Germany  there  was  nothing 
in  the  way  of  local  interest  to  account  for  this  unexpected 
attendance  upon  Russia,  hat  in  hand  ; and  no  one  saw  through 
the  move  more  clearly  than  China,  who  never  even  pretended 
to  show  gratitude  for  the  gratuitous  aid  proffered.  Of  course, 
the  negative  policy  of  neutralizing  the  power  of  the  Dual 
Alliance  by  getting  indirect  admittance  into  it  as  a tertium 


Mail's  Ingratitude  65 

quid  was  the  next  best  thing  to  the  difficult  task  of  positively 
weakening  it,  even  though  this  involved  a temporary  dis- 
claimer of  common  interest  with  the  Power  which  had  nursed 
both  Germany’s  navy  and  Germany’s  trade  into  being,  in 
favour  of  the  other  two  Powers  who  had  always  done  every- 
thing they  could  to  check  it  by  severe  tariffs.  This  deliberate 
sacrifice  to  “interest”  may  be  in  accordance  with  modern 
diplomacy,  but  it  scarcely  appeals  to  the  now  dormant  sense 
of  chivalry.  As  a matter  of  fact,  it  may  be  rather  a good 
thing  for  Europe  to  draw  off  a little  of  Germany’s  electricity 
to  the  Far  East ; but  that  does  not  make  the  action  any  the 
more  admirable. 

That  Russia  should  expect  some  quid  pro  quo  was  not 
unreasonable,  for  she  had  never  come  to  serious  blows  with 
China  since  she  was  ejected  from  Albazin  200  years  ago ; 
and  her  territorial  acquisitions,  if  sometimes  of  a rather 
doubtful  kind,  at  least  were  ultimately  conceded  to  her  by 
treaty.  Accordingly  Russia  obtained  the  permission  of 
China  to  winter  her  fleet  in  the  harbour  of  Kiao  Chou,  and 
also,  in  certain  eventualities,  to  anchor  in  Port  Arthur  and 
Ta-lien  Wan,  which  last  two  places,  however,  might  not  be 
alienated  by  China  to  any  other  Power.  The  Cassini  Con- 
vention also  arranged  for  railways  through  Manchuria  under 
Russian  auspices.  France  obtained  as  her  reward,  at  the 
expense  of  Great  Britain,  certain  concessions  of  territory  in 
Kiang-hung.  It  is  this  foolish  policy  of  mischievously  trying 
to  set  one  nation  against  the  other  that  has  cost  China  so 
dear.  It  is  the  “policy  of  the  weak,”  as  frankly  enunciated 
by  Li  Hung-chang.  In  this  particular  instance,  we  were  not 
heart-broken  at  the  opportunity  of  making  China  pay  a just 
penalty  for  the  silly  attempt,  and  we  promptly  exacted  com- 
pensation to  suit  our  convenience  on  the  Burma  frontier. 
Germany,  sur  ces  entrefaites , got  no  thanks  whatever  from 
China,  Russia,  or  France;  all  three,  or,  at  least,  two  of  the 
three,  too  lightly  regarding  her  as  a gratuitous  intruder 
(or  to-shi,  as  the  Chinese  say).  If  Russia  ever  felt  any 
gratitude  at  all,  she  had  now  got  all  she  wanted,  and  made 
no  visible  effort  to  exhibit  it.  All  this  was  naturally  calcu- 
lated to  irritate  Germany,  who  had  thus  made  an  enemy  of 
Japan  without  having  anything  in  hand  to  show  for  it. 

F 


66 


China:  Past  and  Present 


Certainly,  from  a pure  bargainer’s  point  of  view,  Germany 
was  entitled  to  expect  some  reward  ; but  the  Chinese,  with 
their  usual  slipperiness,  evaded  all  attempts  made  by  her 
officious  friends  to  obtain  a naval  station.  Germany’s  oppor- 
tunity accordingly  arose  when,  on  November  I,  1897,  two 
German  missionaries  were  murdered  in  Shan  Tung,  and  a 
colony  was  promptly  baptized  in  the  blood  of  the  martyrs. 
The  Russian  right  to  take  Kiao  Chou  on  temporary  lease 
had  not  yet  been  exercised,  and  the  Cassini  Convention  said 
nothing  about  restricting  the  rights  of  other  Powers  there. 
Perhaps  some  involuntary  remark  which  the  German  Emperor 
had  adroitly  caused  the  Czar  to  drop  at  the  famous  interview 
which  anticipated  M.  Felix  Faure  left  the  German  course 
technically  clear.  The  Germans,  according  to  their  own 
published  account,  carefully  eluded  British  watchfulness, 
chose  the  moment,  and  slipped  into  Kiao  Chou  unawares, 
taking  forcible  possession  of  the  place  in  time  of  peace,  and 
driving  out  the  Chinese  troops  without  further  parley.  Baron 
Heyking  proved  obdurate  in  the  subsequent  negotiations,  and 
the  Manchu  Government,  by  not  summoning  courage  to  resist 
on  this  supreme  occasion,  sealed  their  own  doom,  possibly  for 
ever.  The  next  thing  was  the  “ temporary  occupation  ” of 
Port  Arthur  and  Ta-lien  Wan*  by  Russia,  who  no  doubt  could 
now  plead  : “ The  serpent  tempted  me,  and  I did  eat,”  though 
that  is  an  inadequate  plea  in  the  eyes  of  justice.  The  insolent 
stupidity  of  the  Chinese  Government,  more  especially  in 
missionary  matters,  had  meanwhile  so  alienated  the  sympa- 
thies of  foreigners  in  China  that,  shocking  though  this  singular 
disregard  for  those  international  conventions  usually  known 
as  “ international  law  ” was  universally  felt  to  be,  there  was  a 
general  sentiment  that  it  served  China  right,  more  especially 
as  in  yielding  to  Germany  the  mischievous  Celestial  statesmen 
clearly  hoped  to  set  foreign  nations  by  the  ears,  and  get 
Germany  turned  out.  Russia,  however,  simply  took  her 
share.  England  and  France  promptly  demanded  com- 
pensation on  the  ground  that : “ If  you  are  going  to  sit  silent 
and  let  the  adversaries  play  false  cards  at  the  international 
rubber,  we  demand  the  right  to  play  two  cards  of  any  suit 
we  like  to  make  the  game  even.”  It  may  not  have  been  a 

* Since  by  a pun  called  “ Dalny  ” or  “ Distant.” 


Poor  and  Broken  Bankrupt  there  67 

generous  thing  to  do  ; but,  at  any  rate,  it  was  natural  and 
human,  and  China  brought  it  on  herself  by  her  own  pusil- 
lanimous action.  China,  in  short,  for  once  overreached  her- 
self. This  sort  of  thing  had  always  paid  well  in  bygone 
times,  with  ignorant  Huns,  Turks,  Tibetans,  and  inferior 
frontier  tribes  generally ; but  European  nations,  though 
spiteful  and  jealous  of  each  other,  were  found  to  be  of 
tougher  material  than  Tartars  ; and,  moreover,  they  had  the 
advantage  of  a more  logical  and  scientific  training,  better 
means  of  exchanging  views,  and  more  financial  “pull.” 
Perhaps  the  greatest  come-down  of  all  for  Manchu  dignity 
was  when  Prince  Henry  exacted,  on  absolutely  equal  terms, 
personal  and  informal  interviews  with  the  Empress-Dowager 
and  the  Emperor. 

Since  then  poor  China  has  been  going  d la  derive,  and 
Christian  diplomacy,  “so  sensitive  in  point  of  right,”  has 
been  like  a bee-hive  without  the  queen,  “all  over  the  place,” 
for  want  of  a disinterested  leader  and  a righteous  man. 
Amidst  the  noisy  talk  of  kwa-fen,  or  “slicing  up  like  a 
melon,”  which  succeeded  Germany’s  stunning  blow  adminis- 
tered to  the  poor  staggering  gladiator  just  as  he  was  recover- 
ing a little  breath,  China  bridled  up  as  haughtily  as  possible 
in  silence,  and  set  to  work  arming  with  a will ; now  trying  on 
the  old  foolish  game  of  inciting  the  jealousy  of  one  Power 
against  the  other  ; now  making  a spasmodic  resistance,  as  in 
the  case  of  the  Italian  demands  ; and  now  giving  way  in 
sheer  desperation  to  a tremendous  and  ruinous  demand  such 
as  that  recently  advanced  by  France : this  demand  is  in 
favour  of  religious  bodies  she  uses  for  political  purposes  in  the 
Far  East,  but  periodically  chases  away  at  home.*  In  1879-80 
China  had  made  an  honest  effort  to  get  rid  of  this  politico- 
religious  incubus  by  arranging  through  Mr.  Dunn  for  a 
nuncio  or  legate  from  the  Pope  ; she  was  prepared  to  give 
the  utmost  protection  and  toleration  to  Catholics  and  converts, 
provided  that  mere  moral  arguments  were  used  with  her,  and 
that  no  force  were  applied  ; and  the  Pope  welcomed  it,  as  any 
honest  Christian  would  have  done.  But  France  promptly 
interposed,  as  “Protector  of  the  Catholics”  in  the  Far  East, 
with  her  political  veto,  and  practically  threatened  to  overturn 

* She  is  now  once  more  chasing  them  away. 


68 


China:  Past  and  Present 


the  Pope’s  influence  in  France  unless  the  Holy  Fathers  left 
hers  alone  in  China.  The  Pope  gave  way,  or  his  advisers 
did.  The  earliest  use  Germany  made  of  her  first  Catholic 
mission  in  China,  and  of  her  successful  assertion  against 
French  pretensions  of  her  right  to  protect  her  own  Catholics 
in  the  Far  East,  was  in  connection  with  Kiao  Chou,  when 
Bishop  Anzer  adopted  the  most  militant  of  attitudes  in 
advising  the  German  Emperor.  It  seems  to  me  an  incon- 
gruous garb  that  modern  religion  is  thus  decking  herself  in, 
and  one  bearing  a suspicious  resemblance  to  the  cloak  of  the 
Inquisition.  Of  course,  the  double-dealing  of  the  Chinese 
themselves  is  largely  responsible  for  this  Borgian  and 
Medician  type  of  political  Christianity ; but,  on  the  other 
hand,  extra-territorialism  and  missionary  zeal  is  innocently 
responsible  for  Chinese  intrigue  and  treachery.  What  should 
we  think  if  unkempt  and  bearded  Russian  “popes”  in  their 
gaberdines  had  the  right  to  stand  up  preaching  in  broken 
English  on  a stand  at  Nelson’s  monument  ? Or  if  a couple 
of  half-shaved,  scowling  Spanish  priests  accompanied  as 
advocates  to  Sir  F.  Lushington’s  court  a more  or  less 
innocent  Cockney  Catholic  youth  charged  with  breaking 
Protestant  windows?  Yet  this  is  what  goes  on  daily  all 
over  China.  My  humble  views  upon  missionary  propaganda 
in  China  are  expressed  at  length  in  the  Dublin  Review  for 
April,  1897.*  As  that  is  a Catholic  journal,  and  as  I dis- 
tinctly stated  at  the  outset  that  I was  a non-Catholic,  and 
proceeded  to  criticize  the  Catholics,  it  is  evident  that  the 
missionary  case  must  be  fairly  stated  therein,  or  the  paper 
would  not  have  been  accepted.  I will  quote  a sentence  or 
two : “ I could  never  see  that  either  the  ignorant  or  the 
educated  Chinese  cared  much  for  dogma.  As  the  French 
priests  used  to  say,  ‘ Ce  sont  de  tristes  Chretiens.’  ...  It  is 
the  medical  missions  which  are  the  great  success  [every- 
where]. . . . The  French  missionaries  exact  the  utmost 
personal  deference ; no  converts  of  any  rank  presume  to  sit 
down.  . . . The  Protestant  missionaries  do  good  in  the 
following  way : They  teach  poor  children  to  be  clean,  speak 
the  truth,  and  behave  themselves  modestly,  chastely,  and 
quietly.  As  to  the  adult  male  converts,  I could  never 
* Reprinted  in  this  volume. 


Pride  that  apes  Humility  69 

convince  myself  they  were  in  earnest.”  The  fact  is,  historically 
the  really  well-informed  Chinese  think  they  see  clearly  that 
Christianity  is  nothing  more  than  the  doctrine  of  Buddha 
carried  to  Syria  by  Hindoo  priests,  and  modified  to  suit  the 
ancient  religion  of  the  Jews;  just  as  at  the  same  moment 
other  Buddhist  emissaries  softened  the  asperities  of  Shaman- 
ism, Taoism,  or  Confucianism,  and  carried  the  gentle  doctrine 
of  equality  and  mercy  to  China,  Corea,  Burma,  and  Japan. 
Moreover,  when  Nestorianism  and  Buddhism  were  both 
working  together  at  Si-an  Fu,  the  Chinese  not  unreasonably 
regarded  them  as  different  forms  of  the  same  religion ; and, 
in  fact,  when  I witnessed  during  a year’s  stay  in  Burma  the 
simple,  unpretending  devotion  of  all  ranks,  the  indifference 
to  wealth,  the  enormous  charity,  the  respectful  gatherings  of 
all  sorts  of  people  to  hear  sermons  in  the  village  temples  or 
kyaungs , the  decent  simplicity  and  freedom  of  women,  the 
equality  of  all  “classes,”  etc  , and  compared  it  with  the  flaunt- 
ing worldliness  of  our  own  fashionable  churches,  with  their 
squires’  pews,  their  stingy  collections,  the  simpering  of  over- 
dressed women,  the  shame  to  be  seen  kneeling,  the  squabbles 
about  trumpery  points  in  “doctrine”  upon  which  Christ 
Himself  never  expressed  any  opinion,  and  the  general  snob- 
bery of  class  distinctions,  I often  felt  that  there  was  more  of 
the  genuine  spirit  of  Christianity  in  frank  Buddhism  than  in 
our  own  sanctimonious,  worldly  sectarianism  and  pretence. 
Anyhow,  the  learned  Chinese,  rightly  or  wrongly,  regard  the 
whole  missionary  business  as  a historical  fraud,  and  they 
have  as  much  right  to  do  so  as  we  have  to  criticize  their  own 
solemn  “idolatrous”  farces  (as  they  appear  to  us).  They 
say:  “At  the  time  all  this  took  place,  Han  Wu  Ti  had 
conquered  half  Asia;  Chinese  civilization  and  power  were 
at  their  zenith  ; more  than  half  Europe  was  still  in  a state  of 
barbarism.  Why  should  a petty  nation  called  the  Jews,  who 
to  this  day  are  despised  outcasts  nearly  all  over  the  European 
world,  have  had  all  this  tenderness  lavished  upon  them  by 
Heaven,  with  a reversion  of  benefits  to  the  uncivilized  hordes 
of  Europe,  whilst  several  hundred  million  Chinese  were  to 
be  entirely  left  out  in  the  cold  for  2000  years  ? ” When  in 
addition  to  the  Quixotic  absurdity  of  the  entire  case  (as  it 
seems  to  them)  from  its  historical  and  philosophical  aspect, 


70 


China:  Past  and  Present 


they  observe  Russian  Christians  calling  themselves  Orthodox, 
having  married  priests,  and  not  proselytizing  at  all ; Catholic 
celibate  priests  getting  up  a political  quarrel  between  the 
Emperor  and  the  Pope,  engaging  converts  to  fight  against 
the  Emperor’s  armies,  interfering  in  local  affairs,  carrying 
extra-territorial  jurisdiction  with  them  wherever  they  go, 
abusing  Protestant  missionaries ; when  they  see  Protestant 
missionaries  split  up  into  a dozen  rival  sects,  almost  entirely 
ignored  and  too  often  derided  by  the  mercantile  community  ; 
abusing  the  Catholics,  living  comfortably  with  their  wives 
and  families,  mostly  at  the  ports ; neglecting  to  minister  to 
drunken  foreign  sailors  and  others  of  their  own  kind,  who 
manifestly  require  some  sort  of  corrective  discipline ; when 
they  see  France  and  Italy  playing  a double  game  for  and 
against  religion  according  as  it  suits  their  purpose ; America 
and  Australia  driving  the  Chinese  from  their  shores  ; Germany 
taking  up  under  her  wing  from  political  motives  the  exotic 
against  which  Bismarck  was  furiously  tilting  only  twenty  years 
ago ; when  they  see  all  this,  and  couple  it  with  the  fate  of 
India,  of  the  fringe  of  States  around  China,  of  the  blacks  in 
Africa,  of  the  Red  Indians,  of  Honolulu,  of  Turkey,  of  Persia  ; 
when  they  reflect  what  they  were  themselves  before  they 
emasculated  themselves  with  the  opium  habit,  and  when 
noble  Emperors  like  K’anghi  and  K‘ien-lung  dictated  their 
will  to  the  whole,  world  (as  they  measured  it)  ; can  it  be 
wondered  that  their  gorge,  and  more  especially  the  gorge  of 
the  ruling  classes,  now  rises  at  the  spectacle  of  so  much  one- 
sidedness, unfairness,  and  bullying  ? It  is  this  that  has  caused 
the  Dynasty,  or  a section  of  it,  to  go  stark  mad  rather  than 
tolerate  any  further  an  outrage  against  the  most  elementary 
principles  of  justice;  and  it  is  to  this  feeling  also  that  we 
primarily  owe  a similar  revolt  of  the  mind  amongst  the 
ignorant  masses,  the  whole  culminating  in  the  curious  hesi- 
tating mixture  known  as  the  “Boxer”  rebellion.  Prince 
Twan  and  his  indignant  friends  have  first  induced  the 
Empress-Mother  to  depose  a weakly  monarch  who  (they 
thought)  was  selling  their  birthright ; and  then  they  have 
fraudulently  attempted  to  strengthen  their  own  case  by  lead- 
ing Her  Majesty  to  believe  that  the  greedy  foreigner  was 
bent  upon  her  destruction.  This  may  be  a wrong  view  to 


Live  and  let  live 


7i 


take  of  Europe,  and  a hostile  one,  but  it  is  no  more  out- 
rageous than  the  distorted  Boer  view  of  the  British,  which 
excites  so  much  sympathy  over  the  rest  of  Europe  ; and  if  it 
is  wrong,  our  own  European  conduct  is  perhaps  to  blame  too. 
We  have  no  right  to  whimper  and  talk  about  “treachery.” 
The  mandarins,  if  corrupt,  are  part  of  a system,  the  responsi- 
bility for  which  lies  with  their  own  Government,  and  not 
with  us ; they  are  naturally  indignant  at  the  loss  of  their 
accustomed  livelihood,  at  the  diversion  of  all  available  funds 
to  foreign  loans  and  to  foreign  armaments.  The  people,  if 
hostile,  are  usually  only  so  when  encouraged  or  provoked  ; 
though  they  have  their  grievances,  on  the  whole  they  are  content 
with  the  easy  laisser-aller  character  of  their  own  administra- 
tion. If  it  were  not  for  the  superior  luxury  of  missionary 
life  as  compared  with  their  own,  for  the  extra-territoriality 
which  lifts  missionaries  beyond  equality  with  themselves 
before  the  law,  for  the  mischievous  intrigues  caused  by 
disputes  between  local  converts  and  local  pagans  concerning 
popular  customs,  there  would  be  little  hostility  between  the 
people  and  the  missionaries,  who  are  almost  invariably  good 
and  kindly  persons.  As  to  the  Dynasty,  it  is  unhappily 
degenerate,  both  morally  and  physically,  besides  being  ill 
supplied  with  legal  heirs.  But  is  it  to  be  wondered  at,  after 
the  treatment  it  has  received,  and  with  the  recollections  of 
past  glory  behind  it,  that  passion  gets  the  better  of  reason, 
and  a desperate  plunge  is  taken  with  a resolve  to  encompass 
in  its  own  ruin  that  of  the  Europeans  who  have  ruined  it  ? 
When  a combination  of  Dutch  and  foreign  intriguers  set  to 
work  to  turn  us  out  of  South  Africa  for  their  own  benefit,  we 
found  plenty  of  intellectuels  at  home  ready  to  join  the  jealous 
and  hostile  press  of  the  Continent,  and  to  attack  us  for 
defending  our  own  liberties  and  rights.  It  was  admitted 
that  the  Boer  Government  was  corrupt  and  cruel ; yet  their 
conduct  in  driving  to  the  sea  the  only  nation  in  the  world 
which  grants  equality  to  all  men  was  proclaimed  from  the 
Continental  housetops  as  heroism  of  the  first  water.  The 
Manchu  Government  also  has  those  faults  of  corruption  and 
cruelty:  but  how  is  it  that  the  Jameson  Raid  against  Boer 
abuse  of  power  was  so  odious  to  the  nation  which  two  years 
later  made  a virtue  at  Kiao  Chou  of  a similar  raid  against 


China:  Past  and  Present 


72 

Chinese  abuse  of  power?  If  so  many  of  the  Germans,  the 
French,  and  the  Russians  think  it  a heroic  act  for  misguided 
men  to  try  and  drive  us  out  of  South  Africa,  how  is  it  they 
are  so  horrified  when  the  misguided  Manchus  try  to  drive 
Europeans  out  of  China  ? The  fact  is,  the  guiding  principle 
of  right  in  politics  is  obscured  in  modern  times,  and  the 
eyes  of  Europeans  see  black  or  white  in  the  same  colour 
accordingly  as  it  suits  their  interests  or  their  resentment ; 
nor  can  we  decline  to  admit  our  British  share  in  this  moral 
disorientation. 

The  conduct  of  a section  of  the  Chinese  Government  and 
people  has  undoubtedly  been  bad,  but  it  is  equally  incon- 
testable that  the  irritating,  aggressive,  and  unfair  attitude  of 
European  nations  is  largely  responsible  for  such  a lapse 
of  reason  ; nor  must  it  be  forgotten  that,  in  contemplation  of 
so  immoderate  and  exaggerated  an  outburst  of  passion  at 
the  capital,  the  greater  part  of  both  the  governors  and  the 
governed  in  the  provinces  of  China  have  remained  quiescent 
and  fair.  It  would  be  a lasting  injustice,  and  an  act  of 
cowardice  as  well,  to  repay  these  good  men  for  their  absten- 
tion from  evil  in  the  time  of  our  own  stress  by  attacking 
them  after  their  very  abstention  has  enabled  us  to  bring 
adequate  forces  to  the  front.  It  is  only  fair  that  the  nation 
as  a whole  should  be  held  responsible  for  wilful  (liquidated) 
damage  done  ; but  it  is  not  fair  that  the  nation  should  be 
permanently  crippled  with  exemplary  damages,  caused  in 
part  by  our  own  contributory  negligence.  What  the  Chinese, 
who  are  the  freest  democracy  in  the  world,  dread  even  more 
than  the  missionaries  is  the  grinding,  inquisitorial,  and  un- 
sparing administrative  methods  of  nearly  every  European 
Power  but  England.  We  have  a duty  to  perform  to  the 
Chinese  people  beyond  the  mere  punishing  of  the  Manchu 
Government.  For  all  that  is  outrageous  in  the  recent  explosion 
of  ferocity  the  Manchu  Government  is  solely  responsible  to  us, 
morally  as  well  as  actually ; if  the  Chinese  people  had  any 
part  in  it,  it  was  only  a limited  section  of  the  people  in  one 
limited  region  : apart  from  foreign  contributory  action  in 
the  shape  of  mistaken  missionary  zeal  and  seizure  of  ter- 
ritory, the  wrongful  action  of  that  limited  section  of  the 
people  was  first  provoked  by  misery  and  starvation  : such  as 


Something  is  rotten  in  the  State  73 

the  original  action  was  at  the  outset,  it  was  as  dangerous 
to  the  Dynasty  as  to  the  missionaries  ; but  its  effect  was 
ingeniously  diverted  by  rascally  governors  and  misguided 
princely  personages  from  the  Dynasty  to  missionaries  and  to 
foreigners  generally.  It  is  a very  serious  question  whether 
the  Manchu  Dynasty  ought  to  be  allowed  to  exist  any 
longer ; at  any  rate,  if  it  is  tolerated,  it  should  only  be  in 
the  person  of  the  legitimate  Emperor,  duly  elected  in  1874  ; 
and  the  wasting  of  revenues  upon  an  idle  pack  of  useless 
bannermen  should  be  at  once  put  a stop  to.  These  banner- 
men  at  Peking  are  partly  responsible  for  the  attacks  on  the 
legations,  and  the  whole  organization  should  be  at  once 
broken  up,  the  men  being  either  drafted  into  a new  and 
homogeneous  national  army,  or  being  left  to  gain  their  own 
living  by  labour,*  like  common  Chinamen.  As  to  the 
bannermen  in  the  provinces — Canton,  Foochow,  Hang- 
chow, Nanking,  Chinkiang,  King-chou,  Ch‘eng-tu,  Si-an  Fu, 
Kwei-hwa  Ch'eng,  Ts‘ing-chou,  etc. — they  are  in  a very 
peculiar  position,  inasmuch  as  they  have  taken  no  part 
whatever  in  the  revolt  against  foreigners.  Of  course,  if  it 
is  decided  to  keep  on  the  Manchu  Dynasty,  they  will  remain 
as  they  are ; but  in  that  case  those  interested  in  setting 
upon  her  legs  a strong  China  should  see  that  they  do  proper 
military  work  for  their  money.  Should  the  Manchu  ruling 
house  be  displaced,  these  same  bannermen  can  also  be  drafted 
into  the  national  army  like  ordinary  Chinamen. 

If  this  expensive  incubus  of  bannermen  could  only  be  got 
rid  of,  there  is  really  no  reason  (not  of  the  vindictive  kind) 
why  the  Manchu  Dynasty  should  be  set  aside.  In  the  first 
place,  it  has  been  in  the  past  the  very  best  the  Chinese 
ever  had,  in  almost  every  way,  and  from  every  point  of 
view.  So  far  as  it  is  foreign,  it  has  lost  its  language,  and 
practically  become  Chinese ; so  far  as  the  Chinese  are 
foreign  to  it,  they  have  grown  to  love  the  “ pigtail,”  and  have 
practically  become  Manchu.  The  two  elements  should 
henceforth  be  welded  into  one  homogeneous  nation,  the 
Manchus  disappearing  into  the  mass  of  Chinese  just  as  the 
Scotch  (as  a power)  have  disappeared  into  the  mass  of 
English ; the  Manchu  family  continuing  to  reign,  not  by 

* Since  authorized  by  Imperial  decree,  1901. 


74 


China:  Past  and  Present 


reason  of  its  power  or  nationality,  but  by  virtue  of  its 
excellent  antecedents  and  traditions — very  much  as  the 
Stuarts  (much  worse  kings  than  the  Manchus)  ceased  to  be 
Scotchmen,  or  the  Hanoverians  to  be  Germans,  after  a few 
generations  on  the  British  throne.  The  Chinese  monarchy 
would  thus  be  strengthened  by  the  total  abolition  of  fic- 
titious and  useless  dividing  lines  and  interests.  With  the 
exception  of  a limited  family  circle,  well  paid,  well  educated, 
and  bred  carefully  up  simply  to  produce  heirs,  the  whole  of 
the  Imperial  loafers  known  as  agnates,  clansmen,  ghioro , 
and  so  on,  should  be  drafted  into  the  mandarin  classes  as 
ordinary  unprivileged  officials.  The  eight  “iron-capped 
princes,”  or  Fiirsts,  who  occupy  an  intermediate  position 
between  the  Imperial  princes  and  nobles  like  Confucius  and 
Mencius,  and  who  correspond  somewhat  to  persons  like  the 
King  of  Hanover  or  the  Duke  of  Hesse-Nassau  in  the 
German  system,  might  be  left  their  rank  as  counsellors,  and 
also  their  estates,  so  long  as  they  cease  to  be  pensioners  on 
the  public  chest : in  fact,  no  vested  property  rights  or 
empty  titles  should  be  interfered  with  at  all,  provided  that  no 
charges  or  privileges  are  foisted  upon  the  public  economy. 
The  whole  Chinese  civil  service  should  be  at  once  re- 
organized— so  far,  at  least,  as  salary  goes.  After  all,  the 
number  of  indispensable  officials  is  very  limited.  Including 
the  1300  hien-c ity  magistrates,  who  are  the  true  essence  of 
government,  and  the  prefects,  intendants,  judges,  treasurers, 
governors,  and  viceroys  above  them,  there  are  not  2000 
“ commissioned  ” civil  officers  in  the  whole  empire,  and  these 
would  be  well  paid  with  £ 2,000,000  a year.  To  provide 
this  first  charge,  an  increase  upon  import  duties  should  be 
consented  to,  and  steps  should  be  taken  to  totally  abolish 
likin  and  native  Custom-houses.*  The  one  innovation  should 
not  be  granted  without  the  other.  It  must  be  remembered 
that  as  much  purely  native  or  coast  trade  passes  through 
Sir  Robert  Hart’s  hands  as  foreign  trade ; not  only  should 
the  taxation  upon  this  (imports  and  exports)  be  remodelled, 
but  all  native  junk  trade  (upon  the  coast  and  main  river 
routes  only)  should  be  gradually  placed  under  the  Foreign 
Customs.  The  Chinese  Government  should,  in  the  first 
* Now  done,  and  both  items  largely  placed  under  Sir  R.  Hart. 


A “ Brown  ” Study  75 

instance,  be  left  to  select  its  own  officials  in  the  old  way, 
but  steps  should  be  taken  without  loss  of  time  to  improve 
the  system  of  selection  in  friendly  consultation  with  the 
Emperor’s  Government,  which  should  be  strengthened  and 
respected  in  every  possible  way,  and  spared  all  ridicule  or 
loss  of  “face.”  Provision  of  some  sort  would  have  to  be 
made  during  a number  of  years  for  the  hordes  of  hungry 
expectants,  five  of  whom  probably  exist  for  each  of  the 
2000  available  commissions,  i.e.  10,000  in  all.  This  would 
be  one  of  the  most  difficult  matters  ; but  openings  would 
undoubtedly  be  found  by  degrees  in  the  reformed  adminis- 
trations ; in  any  case,  their  rights  are  vested,  and  under  no 
circumstances  ought  a large  educated  class,  possessing  legal 
expectations,  to  be  cast  penniless  and  discontented  upon  an 
empire  in  process  of  reorganization.  The  achievements  of 
Lord  Cromer  in  Egypt  prove  that  all  this  is  well  within  the 
possible  capacity  of  a man  like  Sir  Robert  Hart,  who  is  by 
far  the  most  faithful,  self-effacing,  and  industrious  foreign 
servant  the  Manchus  ever  had  ; and  if  he  is  willing  at  the 
age  of  sixty-five*  to  remain  in  harness,  it  is  quite  certain  that 
he  would  be  a most  grata  persona.  The  next  best  man  in 
the  Far  East  is  Mr.  J.  McLeavy  Brown.  As  to  the  army 
and  navy,  recent  events  prove  that  effective  reorganization 
could  rapidly  proceed  upon  beaten  lines,  and  that  the  Chinese 
possess  admirable  raw  material. 

If  Great  Britain  alone  were  concerned,  there  would  be 
no  difficulty  in  turning  out  a regenerated  “ China  for  the 
Chinese”  in  one  single  generation,  just  as  has  been  done 
in  the  case  of  Egypt  or  Burma.  Under  the  British  flag  all 
men  are  equal  before  the  law,  and  all  white  men  have  equal 
social  privileges  besides, — the  term  “ white  man  ” now  in- 
cluding by  extension  “Japanese”;  but,  unfortunately,  the 
broad  and  generous  principles  which  have  made  such  a 
success  out  of  British  colonial  administration  are  not  shared 
by  France,  Germany,  or  Russia  ; and  consequently,  whilst 
Great  Britain  would  be  quite  content  to  utilize  French, 
Russian,  or  German  administrators,  working  on  British 
principles  of  equity  or  equality,  it  is  almost  certain  that  the 
officers  of  those  Powers,  if  trusted  with  control,  would  act 

* Now  sixty-eight. 


76  China:  Past  and  Present 

on  the  principle  of  privilege  for  themselves  : they  have  not 
got  genuine  freedom  in  their  blood.  Certainly,  Germany 
has  made  some  show  of  governing  Kiao  Chou  upon  liberal 
British  principles,  but  there  is  no  guarantee  that  this  policy 
is  more  than  a temporary  makeshift  in  order  to  gain  a 
specific  end.  Even  if  Russia  were  theoretically  disposed  to 
adopt  a liberal  attitude,  and  to  throw  her  country — or,  at 
all  events,  her  “ sphere  ” — frankly  open  to  the  world’s  com- 
petition, it  is  doubtful  if  she  practically  could  or  durst  do  so. 
The  whole  Russian  system  rests  upon  the  ignorance  and 
subjection  of  the  masses.  As  a Russian  minister  once  said 
with  warmth  to  me  : “ We  are  distinctly  of  opinion  that  the 
English  system  of  liberty  for  the  masses  is  a stupid  mistake. 
The  masses  are  unfit  in  all  countries,  and  especially  in 
Russia,  to  judge  what  is  best  for  themselves  ; and  it  is  for 
the  small  body  of  educated  and  trained  men,  who  make  a 
business  of  ruling,  to  decide  this  matter  for  them.”  Were  the 
ruling  Russians  to  admit  Americans  and  Englishmen  to  Port 
Arthur  and  Vladivostock  as  we  admit  Russians  to  Hong  Kong, 
the  more  ignorant  of  the  Russians  would  naturally  expect 
equal  rights  and  freedom  for  themselves.  In  short,  Russia 
is  bound  for  ever  by  her  own  principles  either  to  keep  her 
people  in  subjection  and  ignorance  or  to  abandon  her 
autocratic  system.  No  educated  nation  will  tolerate  the 
“autocracy”  of  a mere  camarilla.  As  to  France,  she  is 
as  splendid  in  science  as  she  is  hopeless  in  commerce.  Not 
a single  French  possession  of  importance  in  the  whole  world 
can  be  said  to  pay  its  way  satisfactorily.  It  is  like  a gay 
old  beau  keeping  up  a big  harem  to  vindicate  his  decaying 
virility.  In  every  case  it  is  “ exclusive  privileges  for  the 
French  ; ” and  if  the  French  cannot  succeed  themselves  on 
those  terms,  “then  no  one  else  shall  succeed  under  our  flag.” 
The  United  States  are  equally  anxious  with  ourselves  to 
obtain  the  open  door  for  their  own  benefit  when  they  are 
outside,  but  they  are  far  from  equally  ready  with  ourselves  to 
extend  the  benefits  of  an  open  door  to  others  when  they  them- 
selves are  the  keepers.  Japan  has  proved  herself  up  to  the 
hilt  worthy  of  our  respect  and  our  confidence  : in  courtesy 
and  chivalry,  in  military  capacity,  statesmanship,  and  personal 
bravery,  Japan  is  fully  the  equal  of  any  Continental  nation. 


Those  who  in  Quarrels  interpose  77 

Though  the  Japanese  stature  is  small,  and  the  skin  yellow, 
the  stuff  within  is  as  worthy  of  our  friendship  and  alliance  * 
as  any  French,  German,  or  Russian  material,  and  Japan 
has  fully  earned  her  right  to  have  a leading  vote  in  the 
question.  Her  bravery  has  saved  her  from  the  Asiatic  ruin. 
Unfortunately,  Japan’s  commercial  principles  are  not  so  sound 
or  trustworthy  as  those  of  her  political  administration  ; but 
she  is  a nation  with  such  immense  pluck  and  capacity  for 
introspective  reform,  that  it  is  quite  possible  she  may  mend 
her  ways  and  become  more  liberal  even  in  that  respect ; 
perhaps  the  present  want  of  liberality  is  partly  owing  to 
incomplete  confidence  in  her  own  strength  to  deal  judicially 
with  all  foreign  rights  under  the  powers  given  her  by  recent 
treaties.  She  has  not  yet  the  full  courage  of  her  equality 
and  independence.  However  that  may  all  be,  in  arranging 
a future  for  China,  we  must  calculate  with  the  opposing 
interests  of  at  least  five  great  Powers — Germany,  America, 
Japan,  Russia,  and  France — all  of  whom  are  now  conter- 
minous with  China ; and  it  would  certainly  be  a great 
triumph  for  Christian  diplomacy  if  the  six  Powers  chiefly 
concerned  could  settle  between  themselves  and  China  some 
fair  scheme  which  should  secure  at  once  lasting  peace  and 
independence  for  China  coupled  with  an  equality  of  right 
for  themselves. 

If  Chinese  laws  and  the  administration  of  them  were  at 
all  tolerable,  or  even  possible,  it  would  assuredly  be  a desirable 
thing  to  get  rid  at  once  of  extra-territoriality,  which  saps  the 
vitality  of  any  nation  to  which  it  is  applied.  This  was  the 
great  bugbear  of  shame  to  the  Japanese,  who  fought  long 
and  fiercely  for  its  abolition.  How  is  it  possible  for  a Govern- 
ment in  whose  face  any  stranger  can  shake  his  fist  to  stand 
with  dignity  before  its  ov/n  people  ? Picture  the  result  to 
ourselves  if  all  the  German  waiters,  Italian  organ-grinders, 
and  French  cooks  in  London  were  taken  gingerly  by  police- 
men before  their  own  consuls  whenever  found  offending 
against  London  by-laws.  And  imagine  the  further  effect 
if  Swedenborgians,  Oneida  Free  Lovers,  Mormons,  Skoptsi, 
and  Shakers  had  their  agents  getting  up  Salvation  Army 
brawls  with  the  colliers  of  Wigan,  the  crofters  of  Scotland, 

* She  has  since  become  our  ally. 


78  China:  Past  and  Pvesent 

and  the  peasantry  of  Connaught  on  petty  subjects  of  “doctrine” 
every  day.  Certainly,  it  is  the  fault  of  the  Chinese  that  their 
judicial  procedure  is  so  barbarous  that  concessions  such  as 
Europe  has  made  to  Japan  are  at  present  impossible;  yet 
it  must  be  remembered  that  thirty  years  ago  it  would  have 
seemed  as  absurd  to  grant  “home  justice”  even  to  Japan. 
But  if  we  must  administer  the  law  upon  our  own  subjects  in 
China,  at  least  we  ought  to  take  care  that  they  do  not  press 
their  privileges  beyond  the  limit  of  reason.  Missionaries  may 
fairly  have  secured  to  them  the  right  to  insist  upon  entry 
into  towns  where  there  is  manifestly  bad  faith  in  the  attempt 
to  keep  them  out ; but  they  ought  to  be  subjected  to  local 
by-laws  and  customs  like  any  one  else,  and  it  should  not 
be  tolerated  that  they  take  any  native  under  their  protection. 
Better  have  a foreign  judge  to  administer  Chinese  law  for 
China  than  have  appeals  to  foreign  courts.  It  is,  however, 
a hopeless,  endless  circle  as  things  now  stand.  The  authori- 
ties will  always  show  bad  faith  so  long  as  it  is  thought  to 
be  against  the  public  interest  for  missionaries  to  be  in  their 
localities ; and  missionaries  will  always  be  querulous  and 
aggressive  so  long  as  they  see  a dishonest  attempt  is  being 
made  to  curtail  their  freedom  of  action.  The  only  correct 
attitude  is  that  adopted  by  the  Orthodox  Church,  which 
tolerates  no  internal  interference,  and  admits  any  convert, 
but  makes  no  attempts  whatever  at  conversion  or  prose- 
lytism.*  So  long  as  Catholics  prowled  about  in  secret,  and 
secured  the  faithful  at  the  risk  of  life  and  torture,  there  was 
at  least  something  elevating  in  the  idea  of  a teacher’s  courage 
or  a convert’s  firm  belief  in  face  of  such  dangers.  But  now, 
although  the  medical  missions  do  splendid  work,  and  one  or 
two  of  the  purely  proselytizing  missions  have  many  members 
who  patiently  live  hard  and  uncomfortable  lives  amidst  hostile 
and  ungrateful  populations,  it  may  be  truthfully  said  of  the 
body  of  missionaries — fully  admitting  the  good  intentions  of 
all — that  as  Catholics,  even  if  earnest,  they  are  often  involun- 
tary mischief-makers,  whilst  some  Protestants,  even  if  earnest, 
are  unwittingly  injudicious.  In  both  cases  the  native  article 
produced  by  their  efforts  is  too  often  void  of  sincerity  or 
reality,  and  no  one  is  less  able  than  a missionary  to  discern 

* Russia  has  since  shown  signs  of  pushing  Orthodoxy. 


The  Paths  of  Glory  lead  but — 79 

it.  In  any  case,  the  cost  of  making  this  hybrid  article  is 
totally  disproportionate  to  the  risk  and  expense  incurred. 
In  1898  there  were  fifty-four  Protestant  missions  established 
in  the  eighteen  Chinese  and  three  Manchurian  provinces,  each 
mission  having  from  one  to  twenty  or  more  stations.  Thus, 
taking  all  Catholics — Franciscans,  Jesuits,  Dominicans,  Friars 
Minor,  Missions  Etrangeres,  etc. — as  one,  there  were  fifty-five 
religions  for  the  distracted  Chinese  to  choose  from,  Swedish, 
Canadian,  Scotch,  English,  German,  Norwegian,  Dutch, 
American,  Danish,  and  “ Zenana  ; ” six  kinds  of  Baptist ; five 
kinds  of  Methodist ; eight  kinds  of  Presbyterian,  Friends, 
Disciples,  Lutherans,  Brethren ; and  so  on.  The  China  Inland 
had  missions  in  sixteen  out  of  eighteen  provinces,  no  other 
equalling  it  by  half.  In  or  about  the  same  year  the  Jesuits 
alone  had  250  foreign  priests  in  the  two  Kiang  Nan  provinces, 
and  112,000  native  Christians,  against  52  priests  and  60,000 
Christians  fifty  years  ago.  The  Jesuits  also  have  a mission 
of  30,000  Christians  in  South  Chih  Li.  Then  there  are  the 
Missions  Etrangeres,  with  about  150,000  Christians,  in  the 
four  provinces  of  South-West  China,  in  Tibet,  and  in  Man- 
churia ; the  Lazarists  in  Cheh  Kiang,  North-West  Chih  Li, 
and  Kiang  Si ; the  Franciscans  in  Shen  Si,  Shan  Si,  Hu  Peh, 
Hu  Nan,  Shan  Tung ; the  Dominicans  in  Fuh  Kien ; the 
Milan  Congregation  in  Ho  Nan  ; the  Belgian  (Immaculate 
Heart)  Congregation  in  Mongolia.  Of  course,  most  of  these 
missionaries  mean  well,  and,  in  very  many  cases,  devote  their 
whole  lives  to  the  ungrateful  task ; but  it  is  the  monstrous 
combination  of  extra-territorial  jurisdiction  with  religion 
which  so  rankles  in  the  Chinese  mind,  and  unless  we  temper 
our  militant  zeal  with  plain  common-sense  humanity,  we  men 
of  European  race  will  continue  for  ever  abhorrent  in  the  eyes 
of  one-third  of  our  kind. 


BOOK  III 

RELIGIOUS 


CHAPTER  I 

THE  RELIGION  OF  THE  CHINESE 

There  are  many  foggy  opinions  abroad  upon  the  subject  of 
Chinese  religion  or  irreligion.  In  books  we  may  read  the 
most  learned  disquisitions  on  the  Buddhist,  Taoist,  and  other 
doctrines.  Towards  the  close  of  this  paper  a short  examina- 
tion will  be  made  into  the  history  of  Chinese  Buddhism  ; 
but  it  will  be  much  more  to  the  purpose,  in  the  first  instance, 
to  inquire  what  is  the  actual  condition  of  the  Chinese  mind 
at  this  moment,  and  how  far  that  mind  is  practically  swayed 
by  religious  sentiment  of  any  kind.  In  order  to  do  this,  the 
most  satisfactory  way  will  be  to  take  the  Chinese,  province 
by  province,  as  I have  myself  actually  seen  them,  leaving  it 
to  the  reader  to  make  his  own  general  deductions. 

During  a residence  of  over  two  years  in  Peking  I was 
much  thrown  into  “religious”  society.  It  is  the  custom  there 
for  all  Europeans  who  can  afford  it,  and  whose  occupations 
permit  of  their  absenting  themselves,  to  retire  to  “ the  hills  ” 
towards  the  end  of  May.  There  they  remain  until  the 
beginning  of  October,  riding  in  to  town  once  a week  or  so, 
should  business  require  it ; but  as  a general  rule  transacting 
their  affairs  at  the  temples.  Most  of  these  temples  are  dotted 
about  the  Western  Hills,  and  are  collectively  known  as  Pa 
Ta-cJHu,  or  “ Eight  Great  Places  ; ” but  there  are  others  farther 
north,  towards  the  Ming  Tombs ; farther  south,  over  the 
Lou-k’ou  Bridge — the  new  railway  terminus;  and  farther 
east,  in  the  vicinity  of  the  Imperial  Summer  Palace,  which 

* My  own  papers  on  all  these  are  separately  republished. 


/ 8i 


The  Monks  of  Old 

the  Allies  destroyed  in  i860.  Amongst  them  are  two  or 
three  nunneries.  I visited  the  whole  of  these  religious  estab- 
lishments at  various  times,  and  spent  one  or  two  months 
consecutively  in  half  a dozen  of  them,  so  that  I had  ample 
opportunity  to  study  the  priestly  character.  As  a rule,  I 
found  the  priests  a quiet,  harmless,  and  respectable  set  of 
men.  It  was  quite  the  exception  for  one  to  possess  any 
learning,  even  in  Chinese  ; whereas,  I never  met  a single  man 
who  had  any  notion  of  the  meaning  of  the  Tibetan  prayers 
which  are  recited  daily  from  clumsy  transcriptions  in  Chinese 
character.  The  nuns  were  in  most  cases  totally  unlettered, 
as  Chinese  women  in  the  north  usually  are.  Both  priests 
and  nuns  shave  the  whole  head.  The  social  position  of 
priests  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Peking  is  hard  to  define. 
Their  calling  is  universally  despised,  and  they  are  almost 
invariably  spoken  of  with  good-natured  contempt.  If  they 
are  treated  with  politeness — as  they  always  are,  so  long  as 
they  observe  decorum — it  is  not  so  much  on  account  of  the 
sanctity  of  their  cloth,  as  because  it  is  the  social  practice  for 
mutual  strangers  in  China,  on  all  occasions,  to  accost  each 
other  politely  where  no  adverse  interests  are  involved.  Per- 
haps their  position  would  be  best  defined  by  comparing  them 
with  the  illiterate  vergers  who  habitually  conduct  strangers 
round  the  abbeys  and  cathedrals  of  England,  enlarging  here 
and  there  upon  events  in  English  history,  or  upon  the  myste- 
ries of  “ Decorated,”  “ Perpendicular,”  and  other  architecture. 
The  Chinese  priest  offers  a cup  of  tea  to  most  “ patrons,” 
and  expects  to  be  “ tipped  ” for  it ; as  also  for  any  other  little 
services  he  may  render,  such  as  lighting  a candle,  burning 
a paper  prayer,  casting  a divining  rod,  and  so  on.  He  is 
generally  able  to  converse  intelligently  upon  the  crops,  the 
weather,  the  market  prices  of  food,  fodder,  and  tobacco  ; he 
is  as  shrewd  and  competent  as  any  of  his  lay  countrymen 
in  the  matter  of  striking  a bargain ; and  if  he  is  treated 
rudely  he  is  quite  as  good  a hand  at  “ billingsgate  ” as  the 
average  peasant.  Very  often  he  is  also  the  village  school- 
master, and,  as  such,  possesses  a certain  amount  of  pedagogic 
influence  along  with  his  elementary  scholarship.  As  the 
owner,  or  manager,  of  fairly  extensive  glebes,  he  is  likewise 
to  be  counted  with  as  an  employer  of  labour  and  a dealer  in 

G 


82 


China : Past  and  Present 


produce.  Even  more,  his  ghostly  calling,  though  regarded 
somewhat  contemptuously,  gives  him  a certain  influence  in 
the  village  councils,  partly  because  he  is  usually  an  elderly 
man,  and  partly  because  he  is  not  troubled  with  parents,  wife, 
or  children  ; and  enjoying,  as  he  does,  a well-defined  financial 
position,  is  therefore  able  to  take  a more  colourless  view  of 
petty  local  disputes  than  would  a common  rustic  or  local 
tradesman.  In  China  there  is  no  such  thing  as  a “ gentleman 
but,  so  far  as  any  refinement  of  manner  can  give  colourable 
title  to  that  status,  a priest  is  generally  coarse,  and  the  reverse 
of  a “gentleman.”  I found  that  all  priests  abstained — unless 
tempted — not  only  from  meat  and  wine,  but  very  often  also 
from  the  “ savouries,”  such  as  garlic,  onions,  scallions,  chives, 
etc.  Most  of  them  used  tobacco  freely,  both  in  the  form  of 
snuff  and  in  that  of  smoke.  One  or  two  well-to-do  specimens 
smoked  opium,  but  always  in  decent  privacy.  As  the  leading 
priests  were,  in  the  majority  of  instances,  old  men,  the  ques- 
tion of  private  morals  seldom  came  to  the  fore ; as  to  the 
younger  men,  they  were  not,  as  a rule,  well  spoken  of ; but 
whatever  indiscretions  they  may  have  committed  were  care- 
fully veiled  and  kept  out  of  sight.  It  is  the  custom  for  the 
fang-chang — the  abbot,  or  managing  priest — to  have  one  or 
two  boys  attached  to  his  person  as  learners  or  acolytes.  In 
due  time  these  boys,  who  are  often  “ adopted,”  look  forward 
to  the  abbatial  succession.  Ghostly  influence,  except  as  above 
described,  the  priests  have  none  ; nor  have  they  any  comfort- 
ing or  solacing  family  or  social  influence.  At  funerals,  or 
during  plagues,  dearths,  portents,  etc.,  their  services  are  pro- 
fessionally called  for,  always  in  exchange  for  a money  pay- 
ment ; — that  is  all.  In  other  respects  their  moral  character 
stands  no  higher  than  that  of  the  lay  villager,  who  also,  in 
most  cases,  is  an  industrious,  decent  individual.  It  must  not 
be  supposed  that  the  corruption  of  which  one  hears  so  much 
is  universal.  The  “ means  to  do  ill  deeds  ” are  not  often  at 
hand  in  the  country  districts,  where  private  life  is  ordinarily 
quite  amiable.  Most  of  the  priests  at  “the  hills”  enjoy  more 
than  ordinary  affluence  and  personal  consideration,  by  reason 
of  the  visits  they  frequently  receive  from  imperial  princes 
and  nobles,  palace  eunuchs,  and  officials  on  a visit  to  the 
capital,  and  such-like  persons  of  wealth  and  distinction  out 


Prayer  all  his  Business  83 

for  a day’s  private  holiday,  or  sent  on  an  official  mission  to 
pray  for  rain,  fine  weather,  the  birth  of  a son  and  heir,  etc., 
etc.  In  the  Yangtsze  provinces,  from  the  sea  all  the  way  up 
to  Sz  Ch’wan,  I found  that  the  priests  were  distinctly  below 
the  not  very  high  level  of  the  Peking  bonzes  in  credit  and 
respectability.  There  is  much  more  travelling  in  the  central 
parts  of  China,  and  priests  seem  to  wander  extensively  from 
one  monastery  to  the  other.  The  range  of  dialects  is  such 
as  to  make  them  all  fairly  comprehensible  to  one  another, 
whereas  around  Peking  a special  dialect  is  spoken,  which, 
though  easily  understood  by  persons  of  education  and  intel- 
ligence along  the  Great  River,  is  yet  sufficiently  different  to 
make  the  northern  speakers  feel  away  from  home. 

The  Chinese  have  a saying : — 

“When  ill,  embrace  Buddha’s  feet, 

When  well,  neglect  to  burn  incense  ; ” 

which  means  very  much  the  same  as  our 

“When  the  devil  was  ill,  the  devil  a saint  would  be  ; 

When  the  devil  was  well,  the  devil  a saint  was  he.” 

This,  indeed,  is  the  usual  attitude  of  the  Chinese  mind  with 
regard  to  religion.  The  Buddhist  priests  maintain  a passive 
attitude,  and  attempt  no  proselytizing.  In  no  part  of  China 
have  I ever  found  that  the  hope  of  happiness  or  fear  of 
punishment  in  another  world  (though  both  are  taught  by 
Buddhism)  exercised  the  slightest  influence  over  personal 
conduct.  There  is,  indeed,  a very  strong  feeling  that  if  a 
gross  neglect  of  family  duty  be  committed,  or  a serious  offence 
against  clan  interests,  spiritual  vengeance  may  overtake  the 
guilty  in  the  shape  of  unappeased  ghosts,  neglect  by  one’s 
own  children  to  maintain  a decent  burial-ground,  and  so  on  ; 
or  that  during  life  there  may  be  retribution  in  the  shape  of 
sick  or  dead  children,  poverty,  ill-luck,  and  such-like ; but 
this  feeling  has  little,  if  anything,  to  do  with  the  doctrines 
of  Buddhism,  and  dates  from  a time  long  anterior  to  the 
appearance  of  Indian  missionaries  in  China.  The  fact  is 
that,  whatever  may  have  been  the  conflicting  influences  of 
Buddhism,  Taoism,  and  Confucianism  at  different  periods 
of  Chinese  history,  the  residue  of  religious  sentiment  which 


China:  Past  and  Present 


84 

has  survived  is  nothing  more  than  the  ancient  Shamanism  of 
the  Tartars,  of  which  Taoism  was  the  Chinese  refined  form, 
coupled  with  the  strong  ancestral  feeling  so  peculiar  to  the 
Chinese,  and  here  and  there  tinged  with  Buddhistic,  and 
possibly  Manichean,  conceits.  Shamanism  may  be  defined  as 
the  natural  superstition  common  to  all  uninstructed  mankind, 
until  such  time  as  artificial  dogma  or  social  philosophy  shall 
have  competed  with  it.  Man  sees  that  fellow-man  is  the 
only  visible  force  possessing  at  once  the  will  and  the  intelli- 
gence to  do  good  and  harm  to  him  ; and,  therefore,  he  invests 
all  other  mysterious  powers  or  phenomena — such  as  wind, 
sunshine,  rain,  darkness,  eclipses,  cold,  etc. — with  the  nearest 
imaginable  copy  of  the  only  will  and  intelligence  with  which 
he  is  ocularly  familiar:  in  other  words,  with  human  attributes. 
Even  we  moderns,  in  our  feeble  human  presumption,  have  got 
no  further  than  to  imagine  ourselves  to  be  shaped  like  the 
Deity.  To  a certain  extent  animals  possess  the  same  will 
as  men,  if  not  the  same  intelligence ; and,  in  some  measure, 
animals  are  therefore  likewise  invested  by  the  Chinese  with 
imaginary  powers  over  Nature.  Only  a month  or  two  ago* 
the  Emperor,  on  the  proposition  of  the  Board  of  Rites, 
directed  the  viceroys  of  provinces  to  assemble,  with  their 
suites,  in  mourning  dress,  and  “save  the  sun”  from  being 
devoured  by  the  dog  of  popular  imagination  during  the  recent 
eclipse,  which,  absurdly  enough,  the  Board  at  the  same  time 
announces  will  take  place  on  a given  date  between  certain 
hours  and  minutes.  As  the  Chinaman  walks  through  the 
forest  at  night,  he  whistles  or  sings  to  frighten  the  “ ghosts  ” 
away.  When  a plague  overtakes  a town,  fires  are  lit  and 
crackers  exploded  to  drive  off  the  evil  spirits.  Prayers  are 
offered  for  rain  and  fine  weather,  as  with  us.  I was  myself 
once  attacked  because  my  unholy  presence  had  kept  the  rain 
away,  f There  is  a considerable  amount  of  disguised  linga 
worship,  especially  in  the  south  of  China  ; and  in  any  case 
prayers  for  children,  offered  up  by  women,  are  common 
enough  in  every  province.  The  adoration  or  appeasement 
which  the  Chinese  “believer”  is  thus  always  ready  to  offer  up 
to  the  dead  or  to  spirits,  in  the  hope  of  obtaining  immediate 

* This  was  first  published  in  1896. 

t See  chapter  on  “Falling,  he  fell”  ( John  Chinaman , Murray,  1901). 


De  Par  le  Roi , Defense  a Dieu  85 

advantage  or  escaping  imminent  injury  thereby,  differs  in 
only  a very  slight  degree  from  the  same  ceremonies  offered 
to  a living  individual.  The  average  Chinaman  is  always 
ready  to  fling  himself  on  the  ground  and  kow-tow  to  any 
person  possessing  the  power  to  reward  or  injure  him.  Chinese 
prayers  and  sacrifices  are  commonplace  and  practical.  There 
is  nothing  ethereal,  imaginative,  ecstatic,  sublime,  or  in  any 
way  holy  about  them  ; it  is  simply,  like  all  other  Chinese 
transactions,  a question  of  bargaining  or  money’s  worth. 
They  even  thrash  their  gods  if  no  results  come  of  persistent 
prayer.  The  Emperor  himself  “rewards  ” the  gods  frequently 
if  their  succour  comes  sharp  ; and  in  one  instance  I remember 
reading  a decree  instructing  the  Governor  to  admonish  a lazy 
deity.  The  Empress  of  China  a few  years  ago  issued  an 
order  ordering  Buddhist  priests  to  pray  for  rain  at  one  temple 
and  Taoists  at  another.  In  the  same  way,  at  Singapore,* 
there  is  an  annual  custom  of  visiting  a certain  Portuguese 
church,  in  which  a statue  of  the  Virgin  Mary  is  devoutly 
worshipped  by  the  pagans,  on  account  of  some  alleged 
miraculous  services  rendered  many  years  ago  to  some  local 
worthy  who  prayed  to  her.  The  priest  himself  told  me  this, 
and  assured  me  that  it  had  nothing  whatever  to  do  with  the 
ordinary  converts,  but  was  an  annual  pagan  proceeding, 
which  the  Church  was  only  too  glad  to  encourage. 

I found  the  southern  Chinese,  especially  those  in  Canton 
province,  very  much  more  religious  than  the  northerners,  at 
least  so  far  as  outward  observances  are  concerned.  Every 
house  in  the  town  has,  in  addition  to  the  usual  internal 
Russian  icon-like  shrines  (even  these  are  much  neglected  in 
the  north),  a neat  little  stone  niche  at  the  porch  in  the  street ; 
and  every  morning  and  evening  tapers  or  candles  are  ignited 
here.  The  great  Canton  autumn  festival  of  “All  Souls,”  as 
it  is  usually  called  by  foreigners,  is  one  of  the  sights  of  the 
world.  Miles  of  streets  are  festooned  with  lamps,  and  hung 
with  groups  of  the  most  gorgeously  and  richly  dressed  images. 
One  of  my  servants  died  whilst  I was  living  inside  the  native 
city,  and  although  the  “ chief  butler  ” f was  a northerner,  and, 
as  such,  almost  totally  destitute  of  religious  feeling,  yet  it 

* See  chapter  on  “ Pagan  Christians’’  ( John  Chinaman , Murray,  1901). 

t See  chapters  on  “ Death  of  A-sz  ” and  “ Chang-erh  ” in  John  Chinaman. 


£6 


China : Past  and  Present 


was  decided  by  the  servants  as  a body  (as  much  for  my  sake 
as  for  theirs)  to  have  a couple  of  priests  in  to  perform  two 
days’  services  round  the  coffin.  The  butler  in  question  was 
of  a purely  agnostic  temperament,  with  no  “morals”  of  any 
kind  ; and  yet  he  always  abstained  with  more  than  religious 
zeal  from  the  use  of  spirituous  liquors  and  tobacco,  and  for 
more  than  twenty  years  sent  home  half  his  wages  to  his 
mother.  On  the  death  of  his  wife,  who  was  a lunatic,  he 
remarried,  and  kept  his  new  wife  with  him ; she  was  a 
southerner,  and  was  readily  allowed  by  her  lord  to  set  up  her 
own  “joss.”  I was  at  fixed  periods  the  chief  subject  of  her 
prayers ; these,  so  far  as  I could  make  out,  were  not  for  the 
welfare  of  my  soul,  but  for  my  health  and  long  life,  in  order 
that  the  flow  of  wages  might  ever  go  on. 

Although  external  religion  is  more  in  evidence  in  the 
south  than  in  the  north  of  China,  the  priests  are  decidedly 
of  a lower  caste.  Many  of  them  are  stated  to  be,  and  have 
the  appearance  of  being,  debased  criminals  who  have  fled  to 
the  monastery  as  to  a sort  of  Alsatia  or  sanctuary.  Though 
I believe  the  law  recognizes  no  such  immunity,  popular 
custom  gives  the  necessary  sanction  ; and  as  the  law  is  never 
put  into  force  by  the  mandarins  for  private  offences  except 
on  the  application  of  individuals,  the  right  of  sanctuary  may 
for  all  practical  purposes  be  said  to  exist.  A guilty  priest 
is  sometimes  punished  by  the  local  executive,  sitting  with  the 
local  ecclesiastical  authority.  Here  and  elsewhere  one  may 
see  the  priests  cremated  ; but  although  Marco  Polo  often 
speaks  of  burning  the  dead,  such  a custom  no  longer  exists, 
except  in  the  case  of  priests.  The  morals  of  the  Canton 
priests  are  either  very  bad  or  are  much  suspected,  for  the 
local  authorities  have  had,  in  recent  years,  to  issue  very 
frequent  proclamations  forbidding  women  to  visit  the  temples; 
and,  indeed,  a few  years  ago  one  of  the  finest  monasteries  in 
Canton  was  burnt  down  by  an  enraged  mob,  owing  to  some 
real  or  fancied  misconduct  of  the  priests  during  a popular 
“woman’s  holiday.”  When  I was  at  Canton,  I made  the 
acquaintance  of  the  Taoist  “Pope,”  who  had  come  in  his  boat 
all  the  way  from  “Dragon  Tiger  Hill”  in  Kiang  Si.*  He 
was  sixty-first  in  direct  descent  from  Chang  Tao-ling,  who 

* See  chapter  on  “Taoist  Pope”  in  John  Chinaman. 


A Scrap  of  Paper  87 

was  ennobled  by  the  Han  Emperors  of  China  nearly  2000 
years  ago,  and  took  up  his  residence  on  the  mountain  in 
question  : he  is  stated  to  have  “ascended  into  Heaven”  at 
the  “ Egret  Screaming  Hill  ” in  Sz  Ch’wan.  A thousand  years 
later,  the  Sung  Emperors  conferred  extensive  estates  upon 
the  family.  The  soul  of  each  deceased  Pope  is  supposed  to 
pass  by  transmigration  into  the  body  of  some  junior  member 
of  the  family.  This  man,  whose  name  was  Chang  Jen-cheng, 
was  well  educated  and  intelligent : he  had  discussed  religion 
with  several  Protestant  missionaries,  and  was  good  enough 
to  write  me  a “ charm.”  Shortly  after  that  I left  Canton  ; 
but  the  agnostic  butler  valued  the  charm  so  highly  that  I 
allowed  him  to  paste  it  over  the  door  of  my  house  in 
Sz  Ch’wan  : possibly  for  that  reason  my  house  was  attacked 
by  a mob,  and  I narrowly  escaped;  or  perhaps  Chang  Jen- 
cheng  would  argue  that  I should  not  have  escaped  at  all  if 
the  charm  had  not  been  there. 

Every  Chinese  year  is  under  the  protection  of  a tutelary 
god,  who  takes  his  turn  in  rotation.  In  prefaces  to  books, 
the  name  of  the  yearly  god  is  usually  given,  in  addition  to  the 
ordinary  dates.  At  the  spring  festivals  special  attention  is 
paid  to  the  shrine  of  this  deity.  In  many  places  it  is  the 
custom  to  “see  the  old  year  safely  out.”  In  the  island  of 
Hainan,  I particularly  noticed  that  old  clothes  and  old  furni- 
ture were  cast  into  ponds  at  this  time,  and  with  that  object  in 
view.  The  Cathay  Tartars,  who  ruled  North  China  a thousand 
years  ago,  used  on  the  first  day  of  the  new  year  to  roast  salt 
inside  the  tent,  whilst  sorcerers  walked  round  it : the  floor 
was  sprinkled  with  it  to  drive  the  rats  away,  “ and  frighten 
off  the  devils.” 

One  of  the  strangest  “religious”  feelings  in  China  is  the 
sentiment  against  desecrating  paper  which  has  writing  upon 
it.  This  prejudice  does  not  extend  to  non-Chinese  writing. 
In  1882  an  Imperial  decree  even  forbade  the  manufacture  in 
Peking  of  new  paper  from  manuscript  or  printed  waste  paper. 
In  the  streets  of  most  towns  are  boxes  for  the  reception  of 
waste  fragments  marked  “ for  respectful  saving  of  documentary 
papers.”  This  sentiment  undoubtedly  partakes  of  a religious 
feeling,  and  is  somewhat  akin  to  the  repugnance  the  most 
cynical  Christian  would  have  towards  utilizing  the  Bible  for 


88 


China:  Past  and  Present 


wrapping  up  cheese  or  butchers’  meat.  The  idea  is  reverence 
for  the  instrument  by  which  the  great  thoughts  of  antiquity 
were  conveyed  to  mankind.  In  one  city  I came  across  an 
official  proclamation  issued  by  the  Provincial  Judge.  In  it 
he  strictly  forbade  the  manufacture  of  “ resurrection  paper  ” 
from  old  documents,  and  even  offered  rewards  to  informers. 
In  the  same  way  documents  could  not  be  used  to  repair  walls, 
windows,  or  shoes  ; it  was  forbidden  to  stamp  shoe-soles  with 
a written  trade-mark,  for  “ nothing  could  be  more  disrespectful 
than  to  imprint  characters  upon  receptacles  for  the  feet.”  In 
Japan  I noticed  that  it  gave  offence  even  to  point  at  objects 
with  the  feet. 

There  is  also  a pretty  generally  diffused  prejudice  in 
China  against  using  cattle  for  food  : it  is  not  akin  to  the 
Hindu  sentiment  (although,  as  a matter  of  fact,  the  latter 
may  originally  have  been  based  upon  the  same  principle) ; it 
is  the  expression  of  a feeling  of  gratitude  for  the  ox,  to  whose 
labours  in  the  field  man  owes  so  much : possibly  it  is  Mani- 
chean,  for  between  631  and  843  that  religion  had  a great 
vogue  in  many  provinces.  Since  the  advent  of  Europeans, 
who  insist  upon  having  their  beef,  this  prejudice  has  somewhat 
abated,  at  all  events  near  the  treaty  ports  ; but  it  is  frequently 
resuscitated  in  times  of  drought  and  distress,  and  a hostile 
feeling  is  often  officially  fostered  by  the  mandarins,  whose 
sole  apparent  motive  appears  to  be  to  make  themselves 
cheaply  offensive  to  the  foreigner.  The  Chinese  have  no 
scruple  in  eating  beef  from  an  ox  which  has  died  a natural 
death.  To  save  the  trouble  of  burying  them,  the  carcasses  of 
diseased  cattle  are  often  thrown  into  rivers,  under  pretext 
that  to  bury  them  would  be  to  corrupt  the  soil  : the  result 
sometimes  is  that  the  fish  grow  maggoty  and  breed  cholera. 

The  sanctity  of  oaths  is  scarcely  realized  in  China,  at  least 
so  far  as  depositions  in  a court  of  justice  are  concerned.  True, 
a makeshift  oath  of  doubtful  genuineness  has  been  devised 
for  use  in  British  courts  of  justice  ; but  it  is  absurd  to  put  the 
technicalities  of  the  Western  law  of  perjury  into  force  with 
such  an  untruthful  nation  as  the  Chinese.  The  Chinese  seem 
to  observe  family  vows  with  fair  fidelity,  and  also  such  genuine 
oaths  as  are  involved  in  secret  associations  or  private  friend- 
ships. The  custom  of  blood-letting,  i.e.  sucking  or  drinking 


Life's  a Short  Summer  89 

a few  drops  of  each  other’s  blood,  is  very  common  as  a 
sanction.  The  sprinkling  of  chickens’  blood  is  also  a phe- 
nomenon I frequently  noticed  during  my  travels,  in  connection 
with  exorcising,  consulting  oracles,  etc.  A cock  is  almost 
invariably  carried  in  an  open  basket  by  boatmen,  and  the 
bird’s  throat  is  cut  at  dangerous  rapids  in  order  to  propitiate 
Neptune  ( Dens  fluvialis ). 

The  strongest  of  all  religious  feelings  in  China,  which, 
like  most  of  those  we  have  above  described,  has  nothing  what- 
ever to  do  with  Buddhism,  is  that  of  reverence  for  one’s  pre- 
decessors. It  is  weaker  in  the  extreme  north  than  in  the 
south ; but  that  is  only  natural,  when  we  consider  the  secular 
influence  of  the  Tartars,  many  of  whom  still  despise  the  old 
and  neglect  the  dead.  Notwithstanding  this,  the  feeling  may 
be  described  as  universal.  The  idea  seems  to  be  that  each 
human  being  is  merely  a link  in  the  endless  family  chain,  and 
that  if  ancestral  sacrifices  be  neglected,  or  male  heirs  not 
forthcoming,  the  continuity  of  existence  will  be  broken. 
Thus  it  is  that,  however  common  infanticide  may  be,  male 
children  are  never  murdered.  Unmarried  females  being 
almost  an  unknown  phenomenon  in  China,  and  a woman 
ceasing  on  marriage  to  belong  to  her  father’s  family,  women 
are  regarded  much  in  the  light  of  merchandise.  In  the  same 
way,  the  continuity  of  existence  is  broken  by  the  loss  of  a 
limb  ; hence  the  deeply  rooted  objection  to  surgical  operations. 
In  the  whole  empire  it  is  hardly  possible  to  find  a Chinaman 
with  but  one  arm  or  leg.  A criminal  naturally  dislikes 
execution,  and  strangulation  is  much  more  painful  than 
decapitation  ; yet  with  the  head  on  the  shoulders  one  can 
always  make  a presentable  appearance  in  the  world  to  come. 
This  world,  according  to  the  Chinaman’s  inborn  notions,  is 
simply  a repetition  of  the  present  one,  and  nothing  more : the 
same  mandarins,  “ squeezes,”  pleasures,  and  evils.  The  idea 
in  sacrificing  to  the  spirits  is  to  keep  them  quiet  in  their  new 
sphere,  and  to  prevent  them  from  coming  back  to  “ howl  ” for 
assistance.  Even  the  Emperor,  in  conferring  posthumous 
honours,  invariably  winds  up  with  the  words,  “ and  this  in 
order  to  comfort  the  migrated  soul.”  So  far  as  a Chinese  has 
any  anticipations  of  future  bliss,  he  simply  contemplates  a 
repetition  of  his  present  experiences.  If  he  is  a bad  man 


90 


China  : Past  and  Present 


here,  he  will  be  one  there  ; hence  he  conforms  his  conduct  to 
spiritual  good  just  so  far  as  he  does  so  with  a view  of  gaining 
human  credit  on  earth,  and  no  further.  There  is  no  dread  of 
death,  except  in  so  far  that  it  is  painful  and  a sad  severance. 
Though  the  Buddhist  stories  of  Heaven  and  Hell  are  freely 
repeated,  no  Chinaman  seriously  believes  them,  nor  is  his 
conduct  ever  motived,  as  it  is  with  Christians,  by  hopes  and 
fears  of  what  may  happen  in  a future  life. 

The  true  attitude  of  the  intelligent  classes  towards  religion 
is  that  officially  laid  down  by  the  Emperor  Tao-kwang, 
grandfather  of  the  present  Emperor.  It  is  in  effect : — “ All 
religions  are  nonsense  ; but  the  silly  people  have  always 
believed  in  ghosts  and  after-life,  and,  therefore,  in  order  to 
conciliate  popular  feeling,  We  are  disposed  to  protect  every 
belief,  including  Christianity,  so  long  as  there  is  no  inter- 
ference with  the  old-established  customs  of  the  State.”  The 
last  clause  was  also  uttered  to  the  Jesuits  in  1690  by  the 
Emperor  K‘ang-hi.  Confucius  had  no  religion,  and  even 
declined  to  discuss  the  question ; his  system  is  revered  simply 
as  the  embodiment  of  decency  and  order.  From  our  point 
of  view  there  is  a slight  touch  of  priggishness  about  it ; but, 
anyway,  it  is  the  Chinese  version  of  “ the  religion  of  a gentle- 
man,” even  though  the  gentlemen  may  not  exist  in  large 
numbers.  As  to  the  popular  attitude  towards  religion,  it  need 
not  be  discussed  at  all  from  an  academical  point  of  view,  being 
simply  a bundle  of  ignorant  prejudices.  From  a practical 
point  of  view  it  is,  of  course,  extremely  important,  for  it  is  by 
no  means  a matter  of  indifference  to  us  that  the  Chinese 
peasant  or  labourer  should  imagine  that  we  use  babies’  eyes 
for  photography,  indulge  in  monstrous  immoralities,  despise 
our  ancestors,  play  religious  tricks  with  convert  women,  and 
such-like  things.  These  superstitions  are  not  grosser  or  more 
dangerous  than  were  the  Middle-Age  notionsicurrent  in  Europe 
touching  witchery,  heresy,  or  supernatural  agency ; nor  are 
they  sillier  than  the  Russo-Austro-Franco-German  prejudices 
against  the  Jews.  It  is  simply  a question  of  education  ; not 
only  of  book-learning ; but  also  of  good  roads,  travel,  com- 
merce, interchange  of  thought,  kind  treatment,  and  reasonable 
concession  on  our  own  side. 

Buddhism  was  first  heard  of  in  China  eighteen  hundred  and 


91 


Lo}  the  Poor  Indian ! 

forty  years  ago  (A.D.  65).  Some  tell  the  following  story,  which 
is  less  accurate: — China  (about  B.C.  130)  was  at  war  with  the 
Scythians,  and  her  envoy,  who  had  been  sent  to  the  Pamir 
region  to  try  and  create  a diversion  against  these  fierce  Tar- 
tars, heard,  whilst  in  Affghanistan,  of  India  and  its  fotit'u  faith. 
This  is  the  modern  pronunciation  of  two  Chinese  syllables, 
which  then  spelt  the  sound  Vuddhu , or  “ Budh,”  and  which  are 
still  pronounced  in  Japan  Bodz — our  English  word  “bonze.” 
A hundred  years  later  the  Indo-Scythian  King  reigning  in  the 
Udjana,  and  Balkh  region,  orally  communicated  the  Buddhist 
canon  to  a Chinese  envoy,  or  traveller ; and  this  is  the  very 
first  the  Chinese  ever  heard  of  images  or  precise  teachings. — 
The  real  facts  are  that,  in  A.D.  62,  in  consequence  of  a vision, 
the  Chinese  Emperor  sent  to  India  for  a copy  of  the  canon, 
which  was  brought  back,  together  with  some  missionaries, 
and  duly  translated.  The  Emperor’s  brother  became  a 
devotee  ; but  the  faith  was  soon  discredited.  Another  hun- 
dred years  passed,  and  missionaries  from  India,  via  Turkestan, 
came  trooping  steadily  in.  Shrines  were  erected  in  the  palace, 
monasteries  were  built,  and  by  A.D.  220  five  thousand  families 
had  been  converted.  China  was  now  divided  into  the  northern 
or  Tartar-ruled  empire,  and  the  southern  or  native-ruled. 
Both  patronized  Buddhism,  as  also  did  the  minor  rulers  of 
those  western  parts  of  China  now  known  as  Ytin  Nan  and 
Sz  Ch’wan,  which  had  then  extensive  commercial  and  political 
relations  with  Burma  (then  called  Byu),  Siam  (then  in  Yiin 
Nan,  and  called  Nan  Chao  or  Luk-Tai),  and  India.  In  the 
fifth  century  the  Scythians  became  once  more  powerful  ; they 
ruled  North  China,  and  were  strong  supporters  of  Buddhism. 
Buddochinga  and  Kumarajiva,  amongst  other  Hindu  bonzes, 
exercised  a commanding  court  influence.  The  modern  Chin- 
kiang  became  the  great  Buddhist  centre  of  the  southern 
dynasty.*  The  priests  now  became  shamefully  degenerate, 
overweening,  luxurious,  and  immoral,  and  in  A.D.  446  they 
were  hunted  from  their  monasteries  throughout  the  Tartar 
empire  of  the  north.  But  they  soon  regained  their  influence, 
and,  under  the  guidance  of  Bodhidharma,  the  southern  or 
Chinese  Emperor  became  quite  a religious  sot.  In  A.D.  588 
his  successor  of  the  Ch’en  dynasty  actually  sold  himself  to 

* See  “ Early  Buddhism,”  As.  Quart.  Review , July,  1902. 


92 


China : Past  and  Present 


Buddha  as  a slave.  Meanwhile,  the  Tartar  Emperor  solemnly 
proclaimed  Confucianism  as  ranking  before  Buddhism  ; 
Taoism*  came  last  in  rank  (Taoism  may  be  described  as  a 
philosophical  mysticism,  mixed  with  alchemy  and  charlatanism 
in  its  later  forms).  The  Sui  Emperors,  who  reunited  China 
under  one  rule,  were  robust  supporters  of  Buddhism  ; but 
under  the  T’ang  dynasty  there  was  a good  deal  of  scepticism 
and  persecution.  Emperors  alternated  between  slavish  ador- 
ation and  brutal  scepticism.  In  839  there  were  265,000 
monks  and  nuns  in  the  empire  ; in  845  nearly  all  the  monas- 
teries were  destroyed,  including  those  of  the  Manicheans, 
Nestorians.t  and  Mazdeans.  Neither  the  Cathayan  nor  the 
Golden  Tartar  dynasties  of  North  China  did  much  for  or 
against  Buddhism  ; but  the  Mongols  J supported  all  religions. 
Kublai  was  greatly  under  the  influence  of  the  Tibetan  priest, 
Pagspa.  The  later  Mongol  Emperors  were  poor  superstitious 
creatures,  and  may  be  said  to  have  been  dynastically  ruined 
by  pandering  to  grossly  corrupt  Buddhism.  The  native 
Chinese  dynasty  of  Ming,  which  succeeded  the  Mongols,  and 
reigned  until  the  Manchus  conquered  China,  260  years  ago, 
kept  Buddhism  within  strict  bounds.  In  1430  the  Emperor 
said  : — “ In  our  own  day  men  are  as  superstitious  as  ever.” 
A century  later  one  of  his  successors  burnt  all  Buddhist 
sanctuaries  in  the  palace  precincts,  destroyed  all  books  and 
images,  and  pitched  the  holy  relics  away.  One,  however,  is 
still  in  existence,  under  a stiipa  near  the  Marble  Bridge  of 
Peking.  The  Manchus  have  from  the  first  made  intelli- 
gent use  of  Buddhism  as  a political  lever,  and  the  Emperor 
reserves  to  himself  the  right  to  sanction  the  transmigration 
of  “ souls.” 

* See  “Taoist  Religion,”  Dublin  Review , July,  1903. 

t See  “Nestorian  Stone,”  Dublin  Review,  Oct.,  1902. 

t See  “ Early  Christianity,”  As.  Quart.  Review , July,  1903. 


The  Great  City  of  Cathay 


93 


CHAPTER  II 

PERSONAL  REMINISCENCES  TOUCHING  CHRISTIAN 
MISSIONARIES  IN  CHINA,  COREA,  BURMA,  ETC. 

PEKING  was  the  first  place  I went  to  after  my  arrival  in 
China  in  1869.  There,  of  course,  everything,  including  the 
missionary  question,  was  new  to  me.  For  the  first  four 
months — the  summer  months — we  all  lived  out  at  “the  hills,” 
Peking  being  a disagreeable  place  both  to  every  sense  and 
in  every  sense  during  the  hot  weather.  Missionaries  are  on 
quite  a different  footing  in  Peking  to  what  they  are  at  the 
ports  or  in  the  interior.  There  is,  or  at  least  there  was  then, 
absolutely  no  European  society  in  the  Manchu  metropolis 
except  that  made  up  of  officials  and  missionaries.  Just  as 
on  a desert  island  each  individual  stands  upon  his  own  merits, 
and  one  man  is  as  good  as  another,  so  in  Peking  the  ministers 
of  diplomacy  met  daily  on  even  terms  with  the  ministers  of 
religion,*  and  (as  indeed  happened  with  one  of  them  in  1895) 
had  to  resign  their  membership  of  the  club  if  they  were 
dissatisfied  with  the  action  of  the  missionary  or  the  student 
committee.  In  fact,  the  pleasantest  social  meetings  were  at 
the  missionary  houses,  for  there  no  questions  of  rank  and 
precedence  could  intrude,  even  if  it  had  been  desired  to 
obtrude  them.  The  Protestant  missionaries,  from  June  to 
October,  occasionally  took  the  air,  as  we  lay  mortals  did,  at 
the  hills.  Some  remained  always  in  town,  and  the  airings 
were  in  any  event  of  course  taken  for  a shorter  time  than  in 
our  case,  and  turn  by  turn.  The  Catholic  missionaries  in- 
variably remained  in  Peking  with  their  flocks,  and,  unlike  the 
Protestants,  dressed  in  Chinese  clothes,  “ pigtail  ” included. 
On  one  occasion  I even  saw  a native  picture  of  the  Passion, 
in  which  the  two  thieves  wore  the  Manchu  queue ; but,  on 
the  other  hand,  I once  visited  a Coptic  church  in  Cairo,  and 
noticed  a similar  picture,  in  which  even  the  central  figure  was 
black.  There  is  nothing  outrageous  or  blasphemous  in  this, 
when  it  is  reflected  that  each  nation  naturally  most  respects 

* On  two  or  three  occasions  American  missionaries  acted  for  many  years 
running  as  American  diplomatic  ministers. 


94 


China:  Past  and  Present 


its  own  physical  exterior,  and,  in  its  pristine  simplicity, 
endeavours  to  give  expression  with  adequate  dignity  to  a 
noble  subject. 

The  most  prominent — I may  say,  indeed,  by  the  light  of 
their  later  services,  the  most  distinguished — Protestant  mis- 
sionaries either  held  educational  posts  under  the  Chinese 
Government,  or  passed  much  of  their  time  in  the  study  of 
Chinese,  their  wives  doing  most  of  the  school  work.  The 
men  of  course  preached  on  Sundays  in  Chinese,  and  I 
remember  going  once  to  hear  such  a sermon  : it  is  difficult 
for  a foreigner  to  avoid  making  absurd  blunders  with  so 
refractory  a language,  and  I noticed  one  myself.  The 
Catholics  are  more  wary  about  committing  themselves,  and 
generally  leave  the  homilies  to  natives.  At  least  half  the 
Protestants  were  Americans.  The  medical  missionary,  how- 
ever, was  British,  and  certainly  succeeded  in  obtaining  a very 
beneficial  influence  in  Peking,  even  amongst  the  princely 
families.*  The  chaplain  of  the  Legation  (now  a bishop)  f 
was  somewhat  dissatisfied  with  his  diplomatic  and  consular 
flock,  on  account,  amongst  other  things,  of  our  predilection 
for  high-class  music,  and  he  soon  resigned  his  salary,  if  not 
his  place,  so  that  we  all  became  black  sheep  for  a time.  I 
never  heard  of  a “ missionary  row  ” of  any  sort  during  my  two 
years  and  a half  at  Peking.  The  distinguished  labours  of 
Schall  and  Verbiest  have  left  what  the  Chinese  call  a “frag- 
rant aroma  ” round  Catholic  enterprise  there,  notwithstanding 
the  disputes  of  the  last  century  between  the  rival  “ regulars  ” 
concerning  the  precise  religious  significance  of  Confucian  and 
ancestor  worship,  and  the  consequent  misunderstandings  and 
persecutions.  When  I was  at  Peking,  the  old  cathedral  still 
stood  in  the  position  sanctioned  by  the  Emperor  K’ang-hi, 
though  shut  out  from  the  imperial  view  by  a hideous  high 
wall,  in  the  “ Forbidden  City  ; ” but  of  late  years,  in  conse- 
quence of  the  wise  and  conciliatory  action  of  his  Holiness 
Pope  Leo  XIII.,  it  has,  I believe,  been  pulled  down  and 
transferred,  together  with  the  whole  establishment  of  the 
Lazarists,  to  a spot  outside  the  An-ting  Gate,  if  I am  not 
mistaken,  near  to  where  Ricci  lies  buried. 

* Dr.  Dudgeon  continuously  occupied  this  position  up  to  his  death  in  1901. 

t Bishop  Burdon  resigned  his  post  in  1895. 


95 


Of  Cubla  Khan  and  Cambalu 

The  main  impression  left  upon  me  after  two  years’  resi- 
dence was  that  the  Protestant  missionaries  in  and  around 
Peking  did  much  good  in  the  following  way : — They  taught 
poor  children  to  be  clean,  speak  the  truth,  and  behave  them- 
selves modestly,  chastely,  and  quietly  ; they  translated  various 
books  into  Chinese,  and  these  books  were,  of  course,  and  still 
are,  exceedingly  useful  in  teaching  the  rudiments  of  science 
and  general  knowledge  ; they  discouraged  vice,  whether  in  the 
form  of  opium-smoking,  sexual  laxity,  dram-drinking,  gamb- 
ling, foot-squeezing,  money-squeezing,  or  what  not ; and  they 
were  very  useful  as  interpreters  to  those  Legations  which  had 
no  proper  staff  of  their  own.  As  to  the  adult  male  converts, 
I could  never  convince  myself  they  were  in  earnest.  I had 
several  converts  for  teachers ; one  old  man  in  particular  I 
remember,  with  a very  red  nose.*  I used — it  was  the  custom 
— to  give  him  a glass  of  Dutch  gin  and  a Manila  cigar  to 
bring  out  his  anecdotal  powers  ; and  as  he  raised  the  gin  to 
his  nose  he  used  to  make  some  sly  joke  about  his  Christian 
scruples.  On  one  occasion  I remember  his  saying  that  heaven 
was  miao-miao  wu  p'ing  (a  misty  conception) ; in  fact,  he  used 
to  preach  to  me  the  absurdity  of  the  whole  doctrine  as  though 
I were  partly  responsible  for  it.  The  Catholic  missionaries  in 
China  go  on  quite  a different  tack  : they  live  a life  of  complete 
seclusion.  Many  of  them  being  regulars,  or  following  ana- 
logous rules,  it  is  sufficient  to  say  that  their  mode  of  life  is 
just  what  it  would  be  in  Europe,  except  that  they  invariably 
wear  Chinese  clothes  and  “pigtails.”  But  in  Peking  the 
Congregation  of  the  Mission  (Lazarists)  could  hardly  be 
described  as  “ regular  ” clergy  ; nor,  again,  are  their  ways 
quite  those  of  the  “secular”  clergy  of  Europe.  This,  how- 
ever, is  a theological  point  I am  incompetent  to  discuss.  The 
Catholic  priests  were  always  ready  to  crack  a joke  over  a 
bottle  of  wine,  and,  though  their  creature  comforts  were  fewer, 
they  had  none  of  the  austerity  of  the  Protestants ; their 
manner  of  life  was  much  more  disciplined  and  self-denying. 
The  Chinese  mind  cannot  conceive  any  priesthood  apart  from 
celibacy ; as  a rule,  they  treat  their  own  priesthood  with  a 
mixture  of  contempt  and  respect,  varying  according  to  cir- 
cumstances and  locality.  In  most  parts  of  China  the  social 

* See  chapter  on  “A  Chinese  Convert”  (John  Chinaman,  Murray,  1901). 


China:  Past  and  Present 


96 

position  of  a Buddhist  priest  is  not  unlike  that  of  the  mutes, 
who,  in  bygone  days,  were  a prominent  feature  in  our  English 
funerals.  So  long  as  they  are  performing  functions,  and  are 
attired  in  functional  costume,  they  are  regarded  with  more 
awe  than  contempt ; no  one  knows  or  cares  anything  of  their 
origin  ; but  the  moment  they  do  anything  wrong  (or  are 
caught  at  it,  for  in  China,  as  elsewhere,  it  is  the  being  caught 
that  does  the  mischief),  this  slumbering  contempt  is  rapidly 
metamorphosed  into  vengeful  hostility.  The  religious  feeling 
in  the  vast  empire  of  China  varies  as  much  from  province  to 
province  as  it  does  in  Europe ; yet  everywhere  the  Catholic 
method  appeals  more  readily  than  the  Protestant  to  the 
Chinese  view  of  what  is  right.  Still,  it  is  unfair  to  accuse 
the  Protestant  missionaries  of  enjoying  too  much  comfort. 
The  ordinary  comforts  of  a British  labouring  man’s  home  are 
viewed  as  luxuries  in  China.  A clean-curtained  glass  window, 
instead  of  a paper  one  full  of  holes  ; a snow-white  bed  with 
tasteful  hangings  and  counterpane,  instead  of  a greasy  mat 
with  a bamboo  pillow ; an  airy  site  with  a neat  garden,  in- 
stead of  a dirty  hovel  in  which  pigs  and  hens  are  at  home  as 
much  as  their  masters ; and,  above  all,  a pretty  wife  and  chil- 
dren ; — these  ordinary  creature  comforts  of  the  most  modest 
English  household  suggest  inordinate  wealth  and  luxury  to 
the  Chinese  mind.  It  is  true,  then,  the  Protestant  mission- 
aries live  in  luxury  as  compared  with  their  Chinese  surround- 
ings ; but  they  certainly  do  not  live  more  comfortably  than 
they  would  do  at  home,  nor  so  expensively  as  do  other 
Europeans  in  China.  Notwithstanding  this,  it  cannot  be 
denied  that  they  do  not  frequently  cross  the  line,  as  the 
Catholics  do,  in  the  reverse  direction,  and  level  themselves 
down,  in  creature  comforts,  to  the  Chinese  standard  ; hence 
they  do  not  obtain  the  same  credit  for  self-abnegation. 

It  was  while  at  Peking  in  1870  that  I heard  of  the  terrible 
missionary  massacre  at  Tientsin.  The  French  were  the  chief 
sufferers,  but  unfortunately  at  that  moment  France  was  in 
the  throes  of  a war  with  Prussia.  Of  course  the  missionaries 
and  the  poor  nuns  were  entirely  blameless  of  evil : the  utmost 
that  they  can,  retrospectively,  be  charged  with  was  indiscretion, 
in  view  of  Chinese  superstition,  in  their  practice  of  buying  up 
abandoned  children  or  orphans ; and,  again,  the  French 


97 


Give  its  Manners , Virtue 

consul,  who  paid  the  penalty  for  it  with  his  life,  was  somewhat 
imprudent  and  over-excited  in  his  attempts  to  stay  the  mis- 
chief. During  my  year’s  stay  in  Tientsin,  just  after  this,  I 
saw  a good  deal  of  the  missionaries,  both  Catholic  and  Pro- 
testant. I do  not  remember  any  missionary  disturbances 
taking  place  in  the  immediate  neighbourhood,  and  the  general 
position  of  missionaries  vis-a-vis  of  other  Europeans  was  much 
as  in  Peking,  except  that,  the  other  Europeans  being  chiefly 
mercantile  and  busy,  the  disposition  to  associate  with  mission- 
aries was  less ; and  consequently  the  Protestant  missionaries 
kept  more  aloof,  and  took  rather  a severe  view  of  the  pecca- 
dilloes of  their  compatriots.  This  is  always  unfortunate.  No 
doubt  European  sinners  require  as  much  spiritual  attention 
in  China  as  do  Chinese  sinners ; but  they  are  apt  to  resent 
personal  interference  which  would  not  be  offered  in  the  larger 
field  at  home.  Hence  the  Chinese  ask  themselves  why  men 
who  teach  persons  how  to  be  good  are  not  more  appreciated 
and  respected  by  their  own  people  ; how  it  is  that  Europeans 
(as  they  did  then  more  than  they  do  now)  live  openly  in  a 
way  which  their  pastors  condemn  ; how  it  is  that  missionaries 
and  merchants  keep  so  much  apart,  and  speak  with  so  little 
respect  of  each  other  ? These,  at  least,  were  the  points  of 
view  submitted  to  me  by  my  red-nosed  Christian  friend  as 
he  sipped  his  gin  and  water — or  rather  the  neat  article. 

My  next  experiences  were  at  Hankow.  Here  most  of 
the  missionaries  lived  at  Wuch'ang,  the  provincial  capital  on 
the  opposite  side  of  the  river.  At  that  time  Wuch'ang  was 
considered  rather  a dangerous  place,  and  there  were  frequent 
complaints  lodged  at  the  British  and  United  States  Con- 
sulates of  popular  ill-treatment  of  the  missionaries.  I used 
to  visit  them  all ; and  here  I must  repeat  that  none  of  the 
Protestant  missionaries  at  Wuch'ang  lived  a “life  of  luxury.” 
Most  of  them  having  wives,  it  followed  as  a matter  of  course 
that  these  wives,  being  English  or  American  ladies  of  some 
education,  had  to  be  decently  housed.  Native  life  in  China 
is  not  very  decent.  There  is  no  real  privacy,  no  cleanliness, 
no  sanitary  precaution,  no  idea  of  treating  women  as  equals. 
Hence,  compared  with  the  native  surroundings,  the  neatness 
which  every  good  English  housewife  delights  to  lavish  on 
her  home  has  (it  had  even  to  me)  the  appearance  in  China 

H 


China : Past  and  Present 


98 

of  extravagance  and  luxury.  Often,  in  my  later  career,  when 
Chinese  mandarins  have  visited  me  in  my  improvised  con- 
sulate— it  has  nearly  always  been  my  lot  to  live  in  native 
houses  slightly  Europeanized — they  have  said  to  me  : “ How 
clean  everything  is  ! How  very  luxurious  you  Europeans 
are  ! Fancy  having  tapestry  under  the  feet ! ” And  this  in 
reference  to  a ramshackle  old  building  that  was  considered 
by  the  Government  unfit  for  the  family  of  a consular  officer  to 
live  in.  By  contrast  with  the  “ luxury  ” of  the  Protestants  at 
Hankow,  the  Italian  priest  in  charge  of  the  Franciscan  Mission 
(Friars  Minor)  lived  in  the  humblest  style.  I used  to  go  and 
sit  with  him  too.  He  wore  a shabby  old  cassock  from  one 
year’s  end  to  the  other;  lived  on  about  £1  a month  ; took 
his  cigar  and  glass  of  wine,  or  any  other  good  things  (when 
he  could  get  them  for  nothing),  and  never  spent  a cent  on 
himself  if  he  could  not : the  French  consul  used  to  invite 
all  Catholic  missionaries  to  breakfast  on  Sundays.  All  this 
self-denial  is  very  proper  and  nice.  But  surely  it  does  not 
follow  that,  because  one  man  is  bound  by  the  rule  of  his  order 
to  be  an  ascetic  and  a celibate,  others  who  start  out  on  quite 
a different  basis  are  to  be  blamed  for  not  doing  the  same  ? 
Still,  there  the  facts  were : the  Catholics  lived  a humble, 
penurious  life,  feeding  chiefly  on  rice  and  cabbage  or  skinny 
chickens  ; the  Protestants  were  all  comfortably  housed,  and 
saw  very  little  of  native  life  except  in  their  own  chapels  and 
schools.  Old  Father  Angelo  and  I were  great  cronies. 

I next  spent  the  best  part  of  a year  at  Kewkiang.  There 
one  of  the  China  Inland  Mission  colporteurs  used  to  complain 
to  me  periodically  of  ill-treatment  in  the  interior.  The  China 
Inland  Mission  is  the  only  Protestant  one  I know  of  that 
clothes  its  members  in  “ pigtails  ” and  petticoats ; there  may 
be  others  now,  but  I never  came  across  them.  Even  the  ladies 
used  to  wear  an  adapted  Chinese  dress ; but  the  effect  was  so 
unnatural,  I may  almost  say  indecent,  that  they  soon  gave  it 
up.  It  is  positively  degrading  to  see  the  fresh  frank  face  of 
a tall,  light-haired  Englishwoman  in  Chinese  trousers,  or  even 
in  the  skirt  which  some  Chinese  women  wear  so  as  to  conceal 
the  trousers.  This  unfortunate  male  missionary  used  to  turn 
up  at  Kewkiang  with  the  scared  expression  of  a hunted  hare. 
His  method  was  to  go  with  a load  of  books  and  tracts  in  a boat. 


Where  Angels  fear  to  tread  99 

sally  oat  (until  a brickbat  drove  him  back)  into  the  streets 
of  busy  towns,  try  to  sell  his  tracts  and  preach  (in  very  lame 
Chinese),  and  thus  gain  matter  for  his  reports  to  his  managers 
on  the  progress  of  the  mission.  The  man  was  thoroughly 
conscientious,  and  did  his  thankless  work  bravely,  but  he 
was  always  handicapped  by  the  feeling  that  his  own  authori- 
ties thought  him  a nuisance,  which  indeed  he  was.  I used 
to  do  my  best  for  him,  but  it  was  a wretched  business,  and 
I felt  I had  no  reasonable  ground  to  stand  upon  in  insisting 
that  he  should  be  protected  during  his  raids  upon  the  ungodly  ; 
however,  I did  it.  As  a rule,  the  Inland  Mission  abstains  on 
principle  from  asking  consular  interference  ; but  sometimes, 
as  in  this  case,  it  was  unavoidable.  Most  of  the  other  Pro- 
testants were  Americans,  comfortably  ensconced  in  excellent 
European  houses  far  away  from  the  Chinese  noises  and  smells. 
The  men  made  occasional  tours  inland  as  preachers  and  col- 
porteurs ; but  Americans  certainly  do  not  take  kindly  to 
roughing  it,  and  they  are  usually  much  better  paid  than  the 
British,  and  more  especially  than  the  Inland  Mission.  The 
ladies  did  useful  work  in  schools.  The  Lazarists  also  had 
their  church  and  bishopric  upon  the  foreign  settlement.  They 
belonged  to  what  is  officially  called  the  Congregation  of  the 
Mission,  and  I used  often  to  go  and  talk  with  the  old  bishop, 
who,  I see  from  the  native  papers,  is  still  alive,  and  cele- 
brating his  jubilee  (1896).*  He  used  to  smoke  his  cheap 
Chinese  tobacco  out  of  a Chinese  copper  pipe : the  interior 
arrangements  of  the  “ palace  ” were  of  the  simplest ; almost 
as  severe  as  those  of  a Jesuit  establishment.  Bishop  and 
priests  all  wore  Chinese  clothes  and  “ pigtails.”  What  they 
did  in  the  far  inland  I never  inquired,  but  I believe  they  had 
numerous  chapels,  both  in  the  large  towns  and  in  the  lake 
villages,  and  made  periodical  visits  to  them  for  purposes  of 
inspection.  There  were  16,000  native  Christians  in  the  whole 
province;  certainly  there  were  not  1600  Protestants;  I doubt 
if  there  were  160.  This  province  was  decidedly  a hostile  one. 

Thence  I went  to  Canton.  There  all  the  Protestant 
missionaries,  without  exception,  lived  comfortably  on  the 
European  concession,  or  at  the  hospital.  I repeat  I do  not 
mean  to  say  they  were  more  comfortable  than  at  home,  but 

* Bishop  Bray  died  about  a year  after  this  was  first  published. 


IOO 


China : Past  and  Present 


they  did  no  “roughing”  it,  and  I had  just  as  good  a meal 
at  their  houses  when,  as  was  frequently  the  case,  they  hospi- 
tably invited  me  as  (barring  liquor)  at  my  own,  or  at  the 
merchants’.  Chapels  were  often  attacked,  both  in  the  city 
and  in  the  suburbs,  but  they  were  usually  in  charge  of  native 
priests.  At  Fatshan  and  the  neighbouring  towns  there  were 
frequent  “missionary  rows,”  both  Catholic  and  Protestant, 
but  no  heads  were  ever  broken  ; after  the  usual  amount  of 
wrangling  and  threatening,  compensation  was  generally  forth- 
coming ; and  so  things  dragged  on.  I once  went  to  the 
service  at  the  chief  American  chapel,  and,  in  company  with 
the  Chinese  present,  partook  of  the  “ Sacrament.”  We  all 
remained  in  our  seats  whilst  claret  and  water  was  handed 
round  in  a big  glass  jug  or  some  such  vessel.  The  service 
was  all  in  Cantonese.  Although  I understood  that  dialect, 
I had  some  difficulty  in  following  the  theology ; but  the 
preacher  was  fluent,  and  the  congregation  seemed  orderly 
and  interested.  The  school  arrangements  were  excellent. 
The  chief  good  missionaries  do  is  in  disciplining  the  sloven 
Chinese  thoughts,  chastening  the  social  and  moral  tone,  and 
inculcating  orderliness  of  mind  and  body.  I could  never  see 
that  either  the  ignorant  or  the  educated  Chinese  cared  much 
for  dogma.  As  the  French  priests  used  to  say : Ce  sont  de 
tristes  Chretiens  ! The  favourably  disposed  Chinese  used  to 
say  to  themselves  : “ Here  is  a family  of  barbarians  who  state 
that  they  have  come  to  do  us  good.  It  looks  rather  suspicious 
for  a hairy  barbarian,  with  a plump  wife  and  chubby  children, 
to  come  all  this  way  over  the  seas  on  that  account,  especially 
as  he  knows  most  of  us  loathe  the  very  sight  of  him.  How- 
ever, he  has  at  last  consented  to  arrange  his  men  and  his 
women  on  different  sides  of  the  chapel.  His  language,  though 
obscure,  is  not  injurious.  He  does  not  get  drunk  like  sailors, 
nor  smoke  opium  like  we  do  ; he  even  tells  us  how  to  get 
pills  and  cure  ourselves  of  the  vice.  His  wife  and  daughters 
are  certainly  very  clean  and  pretty,  as  they  go  about  their 
work  in  the  chapel  and  schools.  He  tells  us  of  a world  to 
come  where  all  are  equal  and  welcome : it  will  not  be  par- 
ticularly pleasant  to  meet  barbarians  there,  but  it  is  not  a 
bad  future  for  poor  folks  like  ourselves.  Our  children  are 
taught  for  nothing  in  the  schools  ; they  learn  English,  and 


Religion!  What  Treasure  untold!  ioi 

at  Hong  Kong  may  get  billets  of  some  sort;”  and  so  on. 
Where  the  mischief  comes  in  is  when  the  missionary  makes 
too  much  fuss  about  the  sin  of  ancestor-"  worship  ” — a very 
harmless  bit  of  human  nature ; — where  he  appears  to  protect 
his  converts  in  their  legal  disputes  ; where  he  unwisely  assails 
Confucius  and  Mencius,  whose  doctrines  can,  with  a little 
casuistry,  be  easily  made  to  square  with  Christianity ; where 
he  buys  up  babies  too  willingly ; where  he  locks  his  place  up 
instead  of  letting  the  public  in  freely ; where  he  gets  hold  of 
"bad  hats”  as  converts,  and  allows  himself  to  be  humbugged 
by  them.  It  is  the  Medical  Mission  which  is  the  great  success 
at  Canton.  Even  the  most  hostile  Chinese  admit  that.  No 
attack,  to  my  knowledge,  has  ever  been  made  upon  the 
medical  missionaries,  some  of  whom  I am  proud  to  number 
amongst  my  most  respected  friends.  All  the  missionaries 
in  or  near  Canton — and  their  name  is  legion — share  in  the 
reflected  glory  of  this  magnificent  hospital,  which  is,  in  a way, 
the  chief  civilizing  influence  in  South  China.  The  Catholics 
belong  to  the  Missions  Etrangeres,  and  have  about  27,000 
converts  in  the  province.  I met  scores  of  this  mission  after- 
wards in  other  parts.  It  will  suffice  to  say  here  that  they 
live  at  Canton  as  frugally  and  simply  as  elsewhere.  As  a 
rule  they  devote  their  whole  lives  to  the  work,  and  never  go 
home.  They  always  wear  Chinese  attire.  They  are  apt  to 
keep  aloof  from  Europeans,  probably  because  the  cathedral 
lies  at  some  distance  from  the  foreign  concession  ; but  they 
give  their  consul  plenty  of  work. 

On  the  occasion  of  my  second  period  of  service  at  Canton, 
I well  remember  one  missionary  incident.*  I was  just  finish- 
ing the  solitary  midday  meal,  known  in  the  East  as  "tiffin,” 
when  a letter  was  handed  to  me.  It  was  from  a French 
missionary,  saying  that  the  cathedral  was  about  to  be  attacked. 
The  cathedral  is  the  most  prominent  structure  in  Canton,  and 
its  lofty  spires  (constructed,  some  say,  in  breach  of  an  under- 
taking that  they  should  not  exceed  a moderate  height)  have 
always  been  an  eyesore  to  the  more  hostile  of  the  natives. 
Long  practice  had  naturally  enabled  me  to  write  in  Chinese  ; 
so  I took  out  a red  visiting  “card,”  such  as  short  official 
messages  are  often  written  upon  in  China,  and  reported  the 

* See  chapter  on  "A  Missionary  Row”  in  John  Chinaman. 


102 


China:  Past  and  Present 


matter  without  much  comment  to  the  Viceroy  Chang,  whose 
palace  was  three  miles  away.  Both  the  British  and  the  French 
consuls  had  gone  to  Macao  that  morning,  but  I wrote  in  my 
superior’s  name.  I had  no  sooner  done  that  than  another 
letter  came,  giving  rather  alarming  details.  I sent  for  the 
Chinese  writer,  and  after  half  an  hour  despatched  another 
messenger  with  a more  formal  document  to  the  Viceroy. 
Chinese  writers  are  so  pedantic  and  slow  with  their  brush, 
that  in  the  matter  of  urgency  it  is  often  better  to  waive  formal 
style  and  scribble  off  a few  lines  in  pencil.  My  task  was  made 
the  more  difficult  in  that  the  affair  was  no  business  of  the 
British  consul,  who,  in  any  case,  was  not  there.  During  the 
next  three  hours  urgent  messages  from  different  French 
missionaries  kept  arriving  every  half-hour  or  so,  and  the 
unhappy  Viceroy  was  bombarded  with  pencil  notes  in  pro- 
portion, care  being  taken  that  no  loophole  for  escaping 
responsibility  should  be  left  to  him.  Then  the  French  com- 
mander of  one  of  the  Viceroy’s  gunboats  came  to  wish  me  to 
authorize  his  “ landing  a force,”  which  I declined  to  do.  The 
English  commander  of  a similar  gunboat  came  to  offer  his 
services.  Next  the  Chinese  commander  of  the  forces  guard- 
ing the  settlement  came  to  ask  what  it  was  all  about,  and  to 
ask  for  “orders.”  For  five  hours  I did  not  move  from  my 
seat,  and  I suppose  I must  during  that  time  have  written 
twenty  letters  in  French,  English,  and  Chinese,  besides 
receiving  missionaries  and  others  concerned.  At  last  the 
Viceroy’s  “ final  ” came.  He  said  : “ I have  over  2000  troops 
on  the  spot,  and  I have  been  stoned  by  the  mob  myself ; I 
cannot  possibly  do  more  than  assure  you  that  neither  the 
French  missionaries  nor  the  general  settlement  need  be  in 
danger  if  every  one  keeps  quiet.”  Up  to  that  moment  I had 
had  no  time  to  think  of  anything  else,  but  it  then  all  at  once 
occurred  to  me  that  I ought  now  to  tell  the  other  Europeans. 
This  sudden  statement  of  mine  that  something  had  arisen  in 
connection  with  the  cathedral  which  necessitated  the  deploying 
of  2000  men  naturally  startled  the  Europeans.  A meeting 
was  held,  defence  measures  were  organized,  a gunboat  was 
sent  for ; all  was  quiet,  and  the  next  morning  I was  twitted 
with  having  got  up  a “scare”  about  nothing.  However,  two 
years  later,  a similar  scare  occurred ; the  mob  actually  did 


Rules  as  stvict  his  IVovk  confine  103 

reach  the  concession  ; several  European  houses  were  burnt 
and  pillaged,  the  ladies  had  to  take  to  the  steamers ; and  two 
years  were  consumed  in  haggling  about  compensation. 

Between  my  two  visits  to  Canton  I spent  a few  months 
at  Chinkiang.  There  I had  only  land  cases  to  settle.  The 
Catholic  mission  was  a Jesuit  one,  and  the  Jesuits  always 
succeed  in  managing  their  own  affairs.  I do  not  remember 
any  proselytizing  Protestant  missionaries  at  all,  except  that 
it  was  here  I first  saw  some  ladies  of  the  China  Inland 
Mission  in  native  dress.  There  was  one  English  medical 
missionary  who  did  good  work,  but  the  land  cases  were  con- 
ducted by  correspondence  through  missionaries  at  some  other 
port  who  had  not  yet  entered  upon  the  Chinkiang  field.  I 
also  spent  a short  time  at  Foochow,  and  subsequently  visited 
both  Protestant  and  Catholic  missions  in  the  interior  of  Fuh 
Kien  province.  The  Protestant  missionaries  at  Foochow 
have  often  been  charged  with  “ luxury.”  It  is  true  they  have 
a sanatorium  or  two  of  their  own,  one  on  the  sea  and  one  up 
a mountain  ; but  the  climate  necessitates  an  occasional 
change.  The  Catholic  mission  is  Spanish.  When  I visited 
it,  things  were  at  rather  a low  spiritual  ebb.  The  late 
massacres  at  Kucheng  (1895)  prove  that  the  Protestant 
missionaries  are  willing  to  run  great  risks  in  the  interests  of 
what  they  consider  to  be  the  truth.  But  when  I was  there 
very  little  work  was  done  inland.  The  celebrated  Wu-shih 
Shan  case  was  just  beginning  in  the  city  itself. 

After  this  I spent  a year  in  the  “hotbed”  of  missionary 
success — the  province  of  Sz  Ch’wan,  which  contains  80,000 
Christians.  French  priests  of  the  Missions  Etrangeres  are  to 
be  found  in  every  large  town,  and,  as  I travelled  thousands  of 
miles,  I made  the  acquaintance  of  many  of  them.  In  every 
single  case  they  lived  on  a pittance  varying  (at  present  gold 
rates)  from  £2  to  £3  a month  per  man.  When  I say  that 
their  houses  were  always  neat,  I speak  comparatively,  and 
from  a Chinese  point  of  view;  in  no  case  was  the  “luxury” 
greater  than  that  of  a Jesuit  seminary  in  England  ; in  some 
cases  the  missionary  occupied  a purely  Chinese  house : mud 
floor,  straw  mat  for  bed,  paper  windows,  no  “ comforts  ” of 
any  description.  An  allowance  of  cheap  French  wine  was 
supposed  to  be  made,  but  it  could  not  have  been  distributed 


io4 


China : Past  and  Present 


regularly  or  evenly,  for  I was  usually  entertained,  when  I 
suddenly  turned  up,  with  a bottle  of  altar  wine  to  celebrate 
the  rare  occasion.  Whatever  their  poverty,  these  French 
missionaries  invariably  give  you  of  their  best.  There  were 
two,  if  not  three  bishops,  but  I only  knew  the  one  belonging 
to  the  eastern  diocese  of  Chungking,  although  I often  travelled 
in  the  others’  dioceses  too,  and  stayed  one  night  with  M. 
Coupat,  who  afterwards  was  created  a bishop.  The  Vicar- 
General  lived  just  as  simply  as  the  other  priests.*  I often 
went  to  smoke  a pipe  with  him  and  his  staff.  They  never 
any  of  them  dared  to  go  out-of-doors  except  in  a closed  sedan 
chair  : the  people  were  most  hostile.  I believe  I was  the  first 
European  who  ever  walked  through  the  streets  regularly  in 
European  costume ; other  lay  Europeans  had  lived  and 
occasionally  walked  there,  but  they  thought  it  more  prudent, 
as  a rule,  to  remain  indoors.  But  I liked  exercise,  though  it 
was  miserable  work  being  hooted  at  all  the  time,  and  I per- 
sisted. Nemesis  followed  in  due  course,  as  will  shortly  appear. 
One  amusing  incident  occurred  to  me  as  I was  travelling  in 
the  wildest  part  of  Kwei  Chou  province  (also  under  the 
Missions  Etrangeres).  I used  to  proceed  on  foot,  wearing  in 
summer-time  absolutely  nothing  but  a pair  of  duck  trousers 
and  a gauze  singlet,  carrying  an  umbrella  instead  of  wearing 
a hat.  Of  course  I was  always  covered  with  dust  or  mud, 
and,  being  usually  both  unwashed  and  unshaven,  I did  not 
present  a very  awe-inspiring  appearance.  My  official  blue 
four-bearer  chair,  with  two  spare  bearers,  two  servants  in 
chairs,  each  with  a spare  bearer,  baggage  coolies,  and  so  on, 
brought  up  the  rear  at  some  distance,  the  policy  of  the  chair- 
men being  to  discourage  me  as  much  as  possible  from  taking 
rests  in  my  chair.  As  I was  approaching  a tiny  travellers’ 
temple,  standing  at  the  side  of  a mountain  road,  I saw  a very 
respectable  Chinaman  dismount  from  a sleek  mule  and  place 
himself  in  an  expectant  attitude.  This  is  the  proper  behaviour 
of  a gentleman  to  another  gentleman,  or  to  an  official.  I 
determined  to  ask  him  a few  questions  on  local  matters,  but 
he  turned  out  to  be  a French  missionary.  Of  course  he  was 
delighted  to  meet  a European.  First  of  all  he  wanted  to 

* Mgr.  Blettery  died  in  1898,  having  modestly  declined  the  succession  to 
Mgr.  Coupat,  who  had  died  shortly  before  him. 


Infamous  for  Suicide  105 

know  what  Imperial  Ambassador  it  was  that  was  coming.* 
We  both  backed  into  the  temple  to  let  the  great  man  come  by. 
But  first  of  all  came  my  fat  cook  and  Wang  Erh  (the  same 
man  who  followed  Captain  Gill),  both  asleep  in  their  chairs. 
No  ambassador  appearing  after  my  cavalcade  had  filed  past, 
I asked  the  missionary’  what  he  meant,  on  which  he  said  : 
“ No  one  appears  to  be  in  the  chair  ; are  you  one  of  his  suite  ? ” 
It  then  transpired  that  the  wings  of  popular  report  had  trans- 
formed me  into  an  “ Imperial  Ambassador,”  and  that  we  were 
both  respectfully  standing  aside  to  allow  my  cook  and  my 
other  servant  to  pass  by.  He  had  some  liquor  with  him,  and  I 
regaled  the  good  Father  with  a cigar  in  exchange.  These  meet- 
ings were  always  very  interesting ; for  news  from  Europe  filters 
very  slowly  through  these  parts,  and  the  “ hold-off”  position 
in  which,  for  discipline’s  sake,  converts  are  held,  precludes  the 
familiar  conversation  of  priests  with  Chinese,  even  if  the  native 
had  anything  particular  to  say.  The  French  missionaries,  at 
least  in  these  missions,  exact  the  utmost  personal  deference. 
No  converts  of  any  rank  presume  to  sit  down  in  the  presence 
of  a priest,  unless  invited.  I,  who  am  rather  democratic  in 
my  feelings,  used  to  feel  rather  uneasy  at  the  excessive 
deference  shown  me  as  I sat  and  conversed  with  a priest.  Of 
course,  as  priests  are  supposed  to  be,  in  a way,  under  their 
consuls,  and  as  Frenchmen  habitually  think  more  of  official 
position  than  we  do,  the  priests,  if  only  for  policy’s  sake, 
could  not  well  minimize  my  rank  as  a subordinate  consular 
official  (as  I then  was). 

The  Protestant  missionaries  of  Chungking  in  my  time  all 
belonged  to  the  China  Inland  Mission.  They  wore  Chinese 
clothes,  and  all  went  freely  about  the  streets.  There  was  one 
lady  dressed  in  Chinese  “ compromise,”  but  she  never  w'alked 
out.  These  Protestants  were  pioneers,  and  did  a great  deal 
of  useful  work  in  rescuing  would-be  suicides.  It  will  hardly 
be  believed,  but  it  is  a fact,  that  within  the  walls  of  Chung- 
king alone  the  missionaries  wrere  sent  for  almost  every  day, 
sometimes  twice  or  three  times  a day,  to  assist  in  rescuing 
would-be  suicides,  usually  young  women,  from  the  effects  of 
swallowing  opium.  Several  of  the  Inland  Mission  had  a smat- 
tering of  medical  knowledge,  which,  in  a country  like  China, 

* See  chapter  on  “An  Imperial  Ambassador”  in  John  Chinaman. 


io6 


China : Past  and  Present 


where  quackery  is  the  rule  rather  than  the  exception,  soon  rises 
to  the  dignity  of  medical  learning.  The  excessive  contempt 
felt,  or  at  all  events  expressed,  for  Europeans,  was  somewhat 
mitigated  by  the  good  work  done  in  this  way.  In  short,  if  I 
were  asked  : “What  shall  we  missionaries  do  to  save  the  souls 
of  the  Chinese  ? ” I should  unhesitatingly  reply,  “ Fill  their 
pockets  with  quinine,  stomach-pumps,  and  eye-ointments.” 
The  Catholics  having  been  in  sole  possession  for  over  a century, 
it  was  natural  that  the  arrival  of  Inland  missionaries  should  be 
viewed  with  jealousy.  At  the  time  I was  there,  French  influ- 
ence in  China  was  very  low,  having  scarcely  recovered  from  the 
reflex  action  of  the  Franco-German  war.  Moreover,  the  French 
bishops  had  for  some  years  past  been  assuming  a semi-official 
position  which  was  considered  by  some,  including  their  own 
official  authorities,  to  border  on  arrogance.  Hence  for  the 
present  the  bishop  had  gone  home  ; only  a Vicar-General  was 
in  charge,  and  the  mot  d'ordre  had  been  given  to  “ draw  in  his 
horns.”  There  was  a great  deal  of  unrest  and  uneasiness  both 
in  the  city  and  throughout  the  province;  the  town  of  Kiang-peh 
(opposite  Chungking)  was  so  hostile  that  it  was  dangerous  for 
even  a lay  European  to  show  himself  there.  I felt  sorry  to  see 
that  Protestants  and  Catholics  were  equally  imprudent  in  ad- 
versely criticising  each  other’s  methods.  The  French  would 
speak  contemptuously  of  “ les  ministres  et  leurs  Bibles,”  whilst 
the  Protestants  would  sneer  at  Confession  and  the  Mass. 
Neither  side  laid  themselves  out  to  do  this.  I may  even  say 
that  in  calm  moments  both  sides  felt  the  desire  to  be  chari- 
table, or  at  least  saw  the  practical  unwisdom  of  being  un- 
charitable ; still,  in  competing  for  “souls,”  it  was  only  human 
nature  to  use  the  handiest  weapons.  The  effect  upon  the 
Chinese  was  naturally  disastrous  ; they  used  to  say  : “ These 
foreigners  charge  each  other  with  being  in  error ; moreover, 
it  appears  from  the  newspapers  that  France  will  not  tolerate 
regulars  in  her  own  country  ; it  looks  as  though  France  and 
England  were  both  intriguing  for  political  influence  here.” 
Two  or  three  years  later  the  French  made  the  fatal  error  of 
utilizing  the  Christian  element  of  Tonquin  in  their  favour 
during  the  Franco-Chinese  imbroglio  there  ; the  effect  of  this 
was  instantly  felt  in  Sz  Ch’wan,  and  one  of  the  leading  Chinese 
Christians  at  Chungking,  a man  who  used  to  come  and  see 


Sober , steadfast , demure  107 

me  very  often,  was  executed,  in  spite  of  the  most  desperate 
efforts  on  the  part  of  the  French  Legation  to  save  him.  The 
nominal  charge  was  that  he  had  unrighteously  caused  the 
death  of  a man  in  the  street  during  an  anti-Christian  attack 
upon  his  own  house.* 

It  was  during  the  restless  “ transition  ” period  above  de- 
scribed that  an  attack  was  made  upon  me.  As  the  Vicar- 
General  used  to  exchange  visits  with  me,  and  as  I used  to 
call  upon  every  French  priest  in  every  city  I passed,  an  idea 
grew  up  that  I was  a sort  of  archbishop,  or  official  inquisitor. 
I was  also  supposed  to  possess  the  power  of  seeing  through 
mountains  and  rivers.  I never  troubled  myself  in  the  least 
about  these  things,  until,  one  fine  day,  after  a long  period  of 
anxious  drought,  I returned  from  a month’s  journey  to  find 
that  rumour  had  been  unusually  busy  in  my  absence,  and  that 
superstitious  malignity  had  marked  me  out  for  destruction. 
As  I took  my  daily  afternoon  walk,  I noticed  something 
unusual  in  the  bearing  of  the  excited  crowds  I passed,  and 
whilst  I was  manoeuvring  as  quietly  as  possible  to  return 
home,  an  old  woman  was  suddenly  dragged  up  and  made  to 
clasp  my  knees  and  ask  for  “ satisfaction.”  I perceived  at 
the  same  instant  that  my  official  servant  was  being  surrounded 
by  a ferocious  mob.  My  experience  of  “ mob  rows  ” had 
already  been  considerable,  so  I at  once  detected  a “ plant  ” 
of  some  sort,  and  I saw  that  my  only  chance  lay  in  extreme 
politeness.  This  succeeded,  and  I got  safely  home.  Mes- 
sengers were  at  once  despatched  to  the  authorities,  announcing 
that  within  half  an  hour  a great  riot  was  certain.  Whilst  I 
was  awaiting  their  action,  a Protestant  missionary  came  in  to 
say  that  his  house  was  being  threatened,  and  that  the  people 
in  the  streets  accused  me  of  breaking  a boy’s  back.  To  cut 
the  story  short,  the  mob  did  arrive  in  half  an  hour,  and  my 
house  was  partly  demolished  ; but  fortunately  at  almost  the 
same  moment  the  authorities  also  arrived  with  police,  and  I 
received  no  worse  injury  than  a couple  of  sprained  ankles 
from  a fall  during  the  scrimmage.!  For  three  months  after 
this  the  city  was  in  a most  excited  state  ; both  Catholics  and 
Protestants  were  threatened ; the  drought  continued,  and 

* See  chapter  on  “The  Seed  of  the  Church”  in  John  Chinaman. 

t See  chapter  on  “ Falling,  he  fell  ” in  John  Chinaman. 


io8 


China : Past  and  Present 


popular  rumour  went  on  to  charge  me  with  having  “ stolen 
the  golden  duck  from  the  sacred  tank,”  and  thus  brought  on 
divine  vengeance.  I never  quite  understood  what  it  was  all 
about.  After  three  months  of  weary  inactivity  things  quieted 
down,  and  the  authorities  all  over  the  province  were  forced 
by  the  Viceroy  Ting,  who  was  a fairly  just  man,  to  mend  their 
ways  towards  missionaries  a little.  About  four  years  after  that, 
however,  a somewhat  similar  riot  broke  out ; the  extensive 
premises  of  the  Catholics  were  burnt  down,  as  also  my  old 
house,  the  residence  of  my  successor,  who  barely  escaped  with 
his  life  ; and  disturbances  took  place  all  over  the  province. 
Chungking  is  now  an  open  port,  and  we  may  hope  for  better 
things  since  the  American  Commission  has  (1895-6)  visited 
the  Viceroy’s  capital. 

My  next  experiences  were  at  Wenchow,  on  the  coast.  Of 
all  places  in  China  this  was  the  last  where  a “ missionary 
row  ” would  have  been  expected.  The  people  were  unusually 
mild ; the  town  was  a sort  of  sleepy  hollow  ; the  China 
Inland  Mission  (having  a one-legged  missionary  at  its  head, 
which  fact  caused  the  people  to  imagine  England  was  a one- 
legged  country)  had  been  in  comparatively  undisturbed  pos- 
session for  many  years  before  the  port  was  “ opened  ” ; the 
members  were  nearly  all  married  and  kept  schools  ; and  all 
went  well  until  the  French  imbroglio  disturbed  men’s  minds. 
Matters  were  not  improved  by  the  Commissioner  of  Customs 
being  a Frenchman  ; fortunately  for  himself  he  was  withdrawn 
just  before  the  storm  came,  and  only  lost  his  property.  But, 
in  addition  to  that,  the  French  Congregation  of  the  Mission 
had  recently  established  a Catholic  church  under  the  care  of 
an  Italian  priest,  and  the  Methodist  Free  Church  Mission  had 
also  sent  a man.  I was  the  only  consul,  and  therefore  all 
sects  used  to  apply  to  me.  The  usual  “ rows  ” were  caused  by 
Christians  refusing  to  pay  scot  in  celebration  of  “heathenish” 
feasts  ; or  perhaps  a non-Christian  family  would  (knowing  the 
mandarins’  fears  and  prejudices)  trump  up  some  land  squabble 
against  a Christian.  Under  these  circumstances  it  is  some- 
times difficult,  both  for  missionaries  and  consuls,  to  hold  aloof, 
notwithstanding  their  obvious  risk  of  being  charged  with  un- 
due meddling ; because  the  Chinese  authorities  are  seldom 
fair  in  any  case ; usually  corrupt ; and  are  invariably  hostile 


Scotland's  burning  109 

to  Christians.  Still,  things  dragged  on,  and  it  was  always 
possible  to  patch  up  a modus  vivendi.  One  evening,  shortly 
after  the  bombardment  of  the  Foochow  fleet  and  arsenal  by 
the  French,  I was  sitting  on  my  verandah  smoking  a reflective 
pipe,  when  I saw  a bright  light  in  the  midst  of  the  city.  In- 
stinctively I felt  “here  comes  the  crash.”  In  a few  minutes 
my  chief  messenger,  who  lived  in  the  city,  crossed  the  river 
to  my  island,  and  told  me  Mr.  Soothill’s  Methodist  Mission 
was  in  flames,  and  that  all  European  houses  were  to  be  de- 
stroyed that  night.'*  In  a few  more  minutes  in  came  the 
chief  Customs  officials  with  their  guns  and  cash-boxes. 
Meanwhile,  flames  broke  out  in  half  a dozen  places,  and 
before  midnight  three  Inland  Mission  houses,  two  Customs 
residences,  the  Custom  House  itself,  and  the  Catholic  Mission 
had  all  been  destroyed.  All  the  Customs  people  were  now 
with  me  except  one,  an  ex-missionary, f nearly  eighty  years 
of  age,  who  had  bravely  gone  alone  to  the  assistance  of  the 
other  missionaries.  It  was  in  the  end  thought  better  that  the 
Customs  people,  who  had  already  lost  all  their  property, 
should  put  out  to  sea,  the  tumble-down  old  Consulate  really 
not  being  worth  defending  at  the  risk  of  so  many  lives.  I, 
knowing  the  Chinese  better,  thought  it  safer,  or  at  least  more 
comfortable,  to  remain  behind.  Meanwhile,  nothing  was 
known  of  the  fate  of  the  missionaries.  To  cut  another  long 
story  short,  the  Chinese  General,  with  his  gunboat  and  troops, 
just  turned  up  in  time  to  save  the  Consulate : the  Customs 
people  were  followed,  at  his  order,  by  another  gunboat,  and 
were  brought  safely  back  next  day,  and  later  on  three  of  the 
missing  men  were  delivered  over  to  me,  having  escaped  to  the 
mandarins’  official  residences  with  no  more  damage  than  a few 
bruises  ; they  looked  like  Red  Indians,  as  we  see  them  in 
America,  squatting  on  the  railway  “cars,”  for  they  had  no  hats 
or  decent  clothes,  and  the  mandarins  had  given  each  man  a 
consolatory  present  of  a new  red  blanket  and  a roll  of  twenty 
dollars.  The  third  day  the  Italian  priest  was  also  unearthed, 
an  old  “ heathen  ” woman  next  door  to  his  place  having 
charitably  hidden  him  inside  a cord  of  wood.  As  soon  as  the 
first  steamer  came,  all  the  missionaries  were  packed  off  to 

* Mr.  Soothill  is  still  there. 

t Dr.  Macgowan  died  at  an  advanced  age  some  ten  years  ago. 


I 10 


China:  Past  and  Present 


Ningpo,  the  Italian  priest  rigged  out  in  an  old  smoking-cap  of 
mine  and  a dressing-gown,  and  the  others  in  equally  “ scratch  ” 
attire.  Fortunately,  the  ladies  had  already  been  sent  away  to 
Ningpo  in  anticipation  of  riots,  and  so  now  nothing  remained 
but  to  pay  the  piper  after  the  night’s  dance.  No  one  was 
very  angry.  There  were  five  Powers  concerned,  besides  the 
Inspectorate-General  of  Customs  ; yet  so  prompt  were  the 
mandarins  (who  in  this  case  had  not  even  the  missionary’s 
one  leg  to  stand  on  byway  of  justification,  and  frankly  recog- 
nized the  fact  at  once)  in  offering  to  pay  full  damages 
($37,000  in  all),  that  the  representatives  of  the  Powers,  as  well 
as  the  Customs  Inspectorate,  were  only  too  glad  to  close  the 
business  at  once  ; in  fact,  almost  the  same  courier  took  the 
news  of  the  “ row  ” and  the  settlement  of  it ; it  was  a “ record  ” 
case  in  its  way,  and  was  forgotten  almost  at  once.  I believe 
nearly  all  the  missionaries,  except  the  one-legged  one,  who 
died  later  on,  are  still  there,  each  provided  with  a nice  new 
house  instead  of  the  old  one,  at  China’s  expense.* 

Shortly  after  that  I went  to  Corea,  and  amongst  the 
passengers  were  two  curious-looking  young  Frenchmen  ; the 
very  expression  of  their  calm,  resigned  faces  suggested  martyr- 
dom. They  told  me  they  were  going  as  priests  to  Corea. 
The  history  of  the  Missions  Etrang&res  in  Corea  is  one  of  the 
most  touching  in  the  annals  of  the  propagation  of  the  Faith. 
Almost  certain  death  if  discovered  ; absolute  disguise  and 
secrecy ; utter  isolation  and  discomfort.  The  Coreans  have 
a strange  but  convenient  custom  under  which  a man  in 
mourning  wears  a sort  of  rag  or  cloth  curtain  over  his  face, 
and  must  never  speak  or  be  spoken  to  ; the  capacious  Corean 
hat  and  robe,  together  with  this  curtain  and  a pair  of  large 
spectacles,  enable  the  missionaries  to  go  about — in  charge,  of 
course,  of  friendly  natives — quite  undetected  ; and  this  has 
invariably  been  their  dress  in  Corea.  The  two  Frenchmen 
disappeared,  no  one  knew  how,  from  the  steamer  during  the 
first  night  we  lay  off  Chemulpo,  and  they  were  never  heard 
of  again  by  me,  though  I understand  one  of  them  was 
murdered  during  the  recent  Japanese  war.f  The  French 

* See  chapters  on  “An  Extinguisher  at  Wenchow”  in  Joint  Chinaman. 

t I have  since  learned  that  M.  Couderc  was  the  one  now  deceased,  and  that 
the  other,  M.  Maravel,  is  still  at  Chemulpo. 


Black  Gehenna  called 


1 1 1 


bishop  at  the  capital  (Soul,  or  Sheol)  lived,  as  his  predecessors 
had  done,  in  absolute  seclusion;  but,  just  before  I arrived, 
treaties  had  been  concluded  with  foreign  Powers  ; American 
and  other  Protestant  missionaries  now  openly  worked  at 
Soul  ; and  when  I left,  two  years  later,  I believe  even  the 
Catholics  were  beginning  to  show  their  faces.  But  elsewhere 
in  the  interior  the  secrecy  and  seclusion  were  absolute.  I 
had  a Christian  for  my  teacher  in  Corean,  and  from  him  I 
learnt  all  the  strange  stories  of  his  craft.  Coreans,  unlike 
Chinese  and  Japanese,  make  the  most  staunch  and  devoted 
converts ; they  have  their  vices,  but  there  is  something 
exceedingly  lovable  in  the  simple  Corean  character  ; torn, 
however,  by  political  dissension  and  the  conflicting  intrigues 
of  European  Powers,  the  country  has  never  yet  had  a fair 
chance.  But  that  is  a digression.  I only  once  saw  a French 
priest  after  that.  He  had  got  into  some  odd-looking  European 
clothes  for  the  occasion,  and  had  come  to  see  me  about  an 
unhappy  Christian  who  was  threatened  with  decapitation  for 
importing  printed  books.  The  Corean  prefect,  luckily,  was  a 
“boon  companion”  of  mine,  and  had  eaten  and  drunk  copiously 
at  sundry  feasts  I used  to  give ; although,  therefore,  the  affair 
was  no  concern  of  mine,  I managed  to  induce  him  to  let  the 
man  go,  much  to  the  gratitude  of  the  Frenchman,  who  dis- 
appeared as  mysteriously  as  he  came.*  The  bishop  wrote  to 
thank  me.  As  to  the  Protestants,  they  were  nearly  all  at 
Soul,  and  mostly  Americans  ; they  kept  schools,  periodically 
prevented  the  King  or  Queen  from  being  assassinated,  did 
medical  work,  translated  books,  and  made  themselves  generally 
useful.  There  was  a strong  political  aroma  about  their  pro- 
ceedings ; but  the  surroundings  made  it  almost  unavoidable, 
and  I think  it  may  be  said  without  exaggeration  that  Corea 
owes  its  continued  political  existence  to  their  vigilance. 
They  all  lived  very  comfortably,  and  took  things  remarkably 
•‘easy;”  but,  as  in  China,  comfort  and  luxury  are  compara- 
tive, and  the  standard  of  Soul  is  so  low  that  respectable 
European  pigs  would  think  twice  before  accepting  the  shelter 
of  some  Corean  cottages.  By  this  time  I expect  things 
have  very  much  changed  in  the  missionary  way.  I never 

* M.  Coste,  afterwards  Provicar  for  the  Mission.  See  chapter  on  “ A Narrow 
Escape  ” in  John  Chinaman. 


1 1 2 China : Past  and  Present 

came  across  any  missionaries  in  Fusan  or  Chemulpo  ; only 
at  Soul. 

The  great  Jesuit  Mission  at  Shanghai  is  one  of  the  most 
powerful  organizations  of  its  kind  in  the  world.  It  has 
glorious  memories  behind  it,  beginning  with  Ricci,  Schall, 
Verbiest,  Gerbillon,  and  others.  Their  chief  college  at 
Siccawei,  or  Zi-Ka  Wei,  near  Shanghai,  takes  its  name  from 
the  family  ( Ka ) of  Paul  Zi,  one  of  Ricci’s  early  converts,  who 
was  born  before  the  Manchus  conquered  China  in  1643. 
Fontaney  was  appointed  to  Shanghai  about  1686.  What 
with  schools,  orphanages,  churches,  observatories,  hospitals, 
gardens,  and  what  not,  this  society  does  an  enormous  amount 
of  useful  work.  In  most  cases  the  Jesuits  have  sufficient  tact 
and  influence  to  manage  their  own  affairs  with  the  mandarins  ; 
as  with  the  Protestant  Inland  Mission,  it  is  one  of  their 
principles  to  call  in  the  aid  of  the  lay  power  as  little  as 
possible.  At  Chinkiang,  which  is  under  the  same  mission,  I 
once  had  to  put  in  a friendly  word  for  them  in  connection 
with  some  land  dispute,  but  I think  there  were  special  reasons 
for  it,  some  British  merchant’s  interests  being  also  involved. 
The  only  Jesuit  missionary  I ever  met  inland  was  discovered 
on  a river  steamer,  travelling  “ deck  ” amongst  the  Chinese 
passengers,  dressed  in  native  attire  of  course,  feeding  on  rice 
and  pork,  and  reading  his  Breviary  by  the  light  of  a faint  oil- 
lamp  amidst  the  fumes  of  tobacco  and  opium.  In  the  great 
Jesuit  establishments  there  is  the  same  poverty  and  simplicity 
as  elsewhere  ; each  priest  has  a living-room,  furnished  with  a 
small  bed,  an  extra  chair  for  guests,  a wash-stand,  table,  etc. 
No  fires,  carpets,  curtains,  or  any  other  comforts  and  luxuries, 
except  splendid  libraries.  They  meet  for  an  hour’s  “ recrea- 
tion ” in  a large  common  room  about  meal-times,  and  the  rest 
of  their  day  is  given  up  to  devotion  or  special  work.  All 
Jesuits  are  in  the  right  place;  the  bos  piger  always  does  bos 
pigers  work,  and  the  caballus  invariably  carries  the  ephippia. 
Many  of  them  are  eminent  men  in  the  fields  of  science — 
botanists,  zoologists,  ornithologists,  meteorologists,  classicists, 
sinologists,  and  so  on.  During  the  whole  of  my  residence  in 
China  I do  not  remember  hearing  of  any  “Jesuit  rows.’’ 
Within  the  last  few  years,  especially  whilst  the  Sino-Japanese 
war  was  going  on,  and  perhaps  just  before  that,  during  the 


Thou  comst  in  such  a Questionable  Shape  113 

Yangtsze  missionary  troubles,  their  chapels  in  the  neighbour- 
ing towns  may  have  been  attacked  ; but  things  were  soon 
arranged,  and,  at  all  events,  at  Shanghai  and  Siccawei  there 
has  never  been  serious  trouble.  The  bishop  is  also  a Jesuit — 
rather  an  unusual  occurrence,  I believe.* 

From  Shanghai  I went  to  Tonquin.  For  a long  time  the 
Annam  Mission  had  been  under  the  Spaniards;  Jesuits, 
Dominicans,  and  Missions  Etrangeres  have  all  had  part  in 
the  work,  but  at  present  the  Spanish  Dominicans  are  confined 
to  Tonquin,  the  French  priests  taking  the  southern  provinces. 
There  are  no  Jesuits  now.  It  is  a very  large  field  : there  are 
nine  or  ten  bishops,  and  nearly  a million  Christians.  The 
Annamese  make  better  converts  than  either  Chinese  or 
Japanese,  whose  tricky  character,  however,  they  share;  but 
they  are  gentler  and  more  sympathetic ; they  do  not  possess 
the  staunch  masculinity  of  the  Coreans.  The  French  bishop 
at  Hanoi'  gave  me  rather  a cold  reception,  evidently  mistaking 
me  for  a “ minister  with  his  Bible  : ” it  was  very  hot,  and,  to 
do  him  honour,  I had  invented  a compromise  sort  of  dress, 
consisting  of  white  trousers  and  an  alpaca  frock-coat ; I also 
carried  a book  under  the  arm,  for  I wanted  to  consult  him 
about  “tones”  in  speech.  No  wonder  he  scented  heresy. 
However,  the  mistake  was  soon  cheerfully  rectified.  I need 
hardly  say  that  no  Protestant  missionaries  would  be  tolerated 
in  Tonquin,  though  the  French  missionaries  receive  every 
countenance  in  British  India  and  Burma.  The  history  of 
persecution  in  Annam  is  almost  as  touching  and  bloody  as 
that  of  the  Corean  tyranny.  Until  the  French  Admiral  took 
action  in  1847,  and  Saigon  was  later  on  occupied  in  1858,  it 
was  hard  to  get  any  satisfaction  for  anti-Christian  outrages. 
By  the  treaty  of  1862,  freedom  was  given  to  French  and 
Spanish  missionaries  to  preach  throughout  the  kingdom.  I 
visited  the  Spaniards  at  Bac-ning,  Haiphong,  etc.,  and  met 
many  French  priests  at  various  places.  There  was  still  a 
little  friction  and  jealousy  in  Tonquin,  the  Spaniards  naturally 
resenting  the  loss  of  their  exclusive  influence  ; but  on  the 
whole  both  nationalities  work  loyally  to  achieve  the  spiritual 
ends  in  view.  The  days  of  persecution  are  now  entirely  over  ; 
if  there  is  the  shadow  of  any  left,  it  comes  rather  from  French 
* Two  bishops  have  died  since  this  was  first  published. 


I 


China:  Past  and  Present 


1 14 

officialdom  than  from  native  mandarins.  With  such  large 
garrisons  of  French  troops,  the  unpleasant  question  of  morals 
also  comes  in,  often  much  to  the  chagrin  and  disappointment 
of  the  missionaries.  There  are  fine  cathedrals  at  the  two 
capitals  of  Hanoi'  and  Saigon,  with  general  missionary  activity 
everywhere,  as  may  be  imagined  from  the  fact  that  there  are 
over  600  priests  in  the  country,  nearly  half  being  Frenchmen. 
I did  not  observe  that  either  the  French  or  the  Spaniards 
interested  themselves  much  in  the  conversion  of  the  Chinese  ; 
in  the  large  towns,  such  as  those  mentioned,  besides  Tourane, 
Faifo,  Cholon,  Hue,  etc.,  the  trading  community  is  chiefly 
Chinese. 

I also  made  the  acquaintance  of  the  French  bishop  * at 
Bangkok  ; at  various  times  I visited  besides  the  Siamese  sub- 
kingdoms of  the  Malay  peninsula,  but  I did  not  see  much 
Christianity  anywhere  in  Siam.  I went  to  see  some  American 
Protestants  near  Bangkok ; they  had  schools,  and  did  useful 
interpretorial  and  printing  work  ; but  somehow  the  impression 
left  upon  me  was  that  spiritual  activity  was  decidedly  weak 
in  these  parts.  True  Buddhists,  like  the  Siamese,  are  not 
easily  converted. 

I went  twice  to  Burma,  and  on  both  occasions  paid  visits 
to  that  glorious  old  man  Bishop  Bigandet ; also  to  the  other 
bishop  and  his  priests,  at  Mandalay : this  latter  bishop  was 
dying  when  I saw  him,  but  he  smoked  a cigar  with  me  very 
philosophically  notwithstanding.  Both  bishops  are  now  dead. 
But  when  proselytizing  ceases  to  be  dangerous  it  ceases  to 
interest  the  “general  reader.”  Innumerable  missionaries  of 
all  sects  carry  on  their  work  vigorously  in  Burma.  The 
Americans  are  chiefly  successful  amongst  the  Karens.  Bur- 
mese are  worse  to  tackle  even  than  Siamese.  I came  across 
several  parties  of  the  Karen  converts  in  the  steamer  on  the 
Irrawaddy ; they  are  trained  to  sing  hymns  very  sweetly, 
and  the  effect  is  very  touching.  But  I was  chiefly  interested 
in  the  missionary  work  farther  north  amongst  the  wild 
Kachyns.  The  American  Protestants  do  it  comfortably, 
keeping  schools  in  Bhamo,  and  training  up  the  young.  The 
French  priests,  at  least  Father  Cadoux,  the  one  I knew  best, 
lived  entirely  amongst  the  wild  natives  in  the  jungle;  he 
* Bishop  Vey  is  still  there,  or  was  there  last  year. 


He  hath  a Tear  for  Pity  1 1 5 

has  recently  paid  the  penalty  of  his  devotion  with  his  life. 
Father  Cadoux  literally  sold  all  that  he  had  and  gave  it  to 
the  poor.  The  only  thing  he  kept  was  a present  from  his 
mother  in  the  shape  of  an  old  sporting  gun.  I bought  his 
best  gun  from  him  myself  for  a hundred  rupees,  fully  intend- 
ing to  give  it  back  so  soon  as  solvency  should  have  returned  ; 
but,  as  he  died  soon  after,  I sent  it  to  a Protestant  bazaar 
in  Liverpool,  as  a “gun  with  a history,”  to  be  raffled  for: — 
this  was  in  1895.* 

In  none  of  the  Dutch  colonies  did  I see  any  missionary 
work : the  Hollanders  seem  to  discourage  it,  impartially,  and 
of  set  purpose. 

Last  of  all  I spent  two  years  in  the  island  of  Hainan. 
The  Catholic  mission  is  Portuguese,  and  does  not  succeed 
very  well.  The  Protestants  are  Americans  and  Danes  ; their 
success  lies  chiefly  in  the  Medical  Mission  results.  I used  to 
see  a good  deal  of  both  sects. 


CHAPTER  III 

THE  SECOND  MANCHU  EMPEROR  OF  CHINA  AND 
FILIAL  PIETY 

On  the  first  day  of  the  twelfth  moon  (about  January,  1688) 
the  Emperor  K’ang-hi,  at  the  head  of  the  Imperial  princes, 
dukes,  and  lords,  the  high  civil  and  military  officers  of  the 
Court,  etc.,  proceeded  on  foot  to  offer  sacrifice  at  the  Altar 
of  Heaven.  His  Majesty  had  personally  composed  the 
following  special  prayer  : — 

“The  Son  of  Heaven  by  succession,  a subject,  ventures  to 
impart  to  the  High  Emperor  of  August  Heaven  as  follows  : — 
Your  subject,  under  the  gracious  protection  of  Heaven,  has 
dutifully  served  his  grandmother,  her  Majesty  the  Senior 
Empress-Dowager,  until  she  was  blessed  with  great  age, 
happily  peaceful  and  healthy.  But  now  she  has  been  suddenly 
* See  chapter  on  “ Father  Cadoux”  in  Jolm  Chinaman. 


China : Past  and  Present 


1 16 

assailed  by  an  eruptive  fever,  and  during  the  past  ten  days 
has  gradually  grown  worse,  in  such  wise  that  her  life  is  in 
hourly  danger.  Your  subject  has  no  peace  morning  or  even- 
ing, and  has  abandoned  both  food  and  sleep.  He  is  reve- 
rentially busying  himself  with  drugs  and  medicines,  hunting 
everywhere  for  suitable  prescriptions ; so  far  without  satis- 
factory result,  much  to  the  perturbation  of  the  bowels  of  his 
compassion.  He  knows  not  what  to  do.  He  humbly  reflects 
that  Heaven’s  heart  is  benevolent  and  loving,  casting  pro- 
tection impartially  over  everything,  including  her.  Moreover, 
his  insignificant  person  has  thus  far  been  the  object  of  her 
tender  nurture.  He  recalls  the  fact  that  he  lost  his  own 
mother  in  his  earliest  youth,  and  was  obliged  to  fling  himself 
at  the  knees  of  his  grandmother.  For  over  thirty  years  she 
has  nourished  him  and  taught  him,  until  at  last  he  attained 
his  prime.  Had  he  been  without  his  grandmother,  her 
Majesty  the  Senior  Empress-Dowager,  he  most  certainly 
would  never  have  seen  the  present  day  of  his  reign  and  man- 
hood. His  whole  life  would  scarce  suffice  to  requite  her 
immeasurable  bounty.  In  her  present  condition  of  extreme 
danger,  the  cockles  of  his  heart  are  overwhelmed  with  despair. 
He  ventures,  therefore,  having  duly  purified  himself,  to  select 
this  day  upon  which,  devoutly  placing  himself  at  the  head 
of  his  ministers,  to  implore  and  beseech  the  Sacred  Vault  of 
Heaven,  and  to  humbly  crave  compassionate  notice  of  his 
earnest  prayer  ; and  that  a speedy  glance  may  be  bestowed 
upon  her,  so  that  she  may  soon  rise  from  her  dire  sickness 
and  long  enjoy  a hoary  age.  Should  her  appointed  time  be 
at  a close,  your  subject  is  willing  that  his  own  years  should 
be  reduced  so  as  to  increase  by  a few  twelvemonths  the  age 
of  her  Majesty  the  Senior  Empress-Dowager.  Wherefore 
now  he  crouches  at  the  foot  of  the  Altar,  and  looking  upward 
implores  that  Mighty  Aid,  the  desire  of  his  heart  being 
altogether  beyond  his  control.” 

As  his  Majesty  read  this  prayer,  the  tears  rolled  down 
both  his  cheeks,  and  all  the  princes  and  ministers  assisting 
at  the  ceremony  were  moved  to  weeping.  When  the  sacri- 
fice was  over,  his  Majesty  at  once  went  to  the  Palace  of 
Tender  Peace  to  attend  the  sick  couch. 


Fall'n  into  the  Sear — the  Yellow  Leaf  1 1 7 

With  reference  to  the  above  prayer,  which  of  course  is 
based  upon  the  ancient  Chinese  notions  of  God  and  Heaven, 
it  will  be  noticed  that  both  the  Supreme  Emperor  of  Heaven 
and  Heaven  itself  are  vaguely  assumed  to  possess  a personal 
character.  It  is  this  vagueness  which  has  given  rise,  amongst 
Christian  missionaries  in  China,  to  what  is  there  called  the 
“ Term  Question,”  one  which  has  been  discussed,  often  with 
great  acrimony,  for  many  years.  Two  hundred  years  ago  the 
Holy  Inquisition  thus  decided  the  question  for  the  Roman 
Catholics:  “The  words  Tien  and  Shang-ti  must  be  rejected, 
and  the  word  T'ien-chu  [Lord  of  Heaven]  retained  in  the 
sense  of  God.”  The  tabooed  words  are  those  used  in  K’ang- 
hi’s  prayer.  The  Jesuits  had  obtained  from  K’ang-hi  an 
explicit  statement  of  the  principle  under  which  the  Chinese 
worshipped  ; and  the  Emperor  declared,  with  the  approval 
of  his  learned  men,  that  the  duty  rendered  to  Confucius  and 
to  deceased  ancestors  was  free  from  superstition  and  idolatry 
of  every  kind.  This  conflict  between  the  Pope  and  the 
Emperor  is  really  at  the  bottom  of  the  general  missionary 
question  in  China ; for  the  Manchu  Emperors  were  exceed- 
ingly well  disposed  towards  Christianity  until  the  conflicting 
“ regulars  ” at  Peking  began  to  quarrel  among  themselves, 
and  until  the  Popes  began  to  interfere  in  connection  with 
ancient  Chinese  customs. 

The  old  Empress  (originally  only  a concubine),  who  was 
a Mongol  of  the  Korchin  tribe,  died  a few  days  later,  at  the 
age  of  seventy-five,  and  the  following  was  her  farewell  mani- 
festo. All  persons  in  high  office  are  supposed  to  leave  a 
testament  of  this  kind  behind  them,  and,  in  the  case  of 
subjects,  these  are  at  once  forwarded  to  Peking : — - 

“ I,  with  my  slender  share  of  merit,  was  invited  over  to  be 
married  by  Divissimns  Excelsus  ; and  Divus  Ornatus , his  son, 
did  me  the  honour  to  call  me  to  assist  in  the  duties  of  a home. 
A few  years  later,  unhappily,  he  ascended  upon  the  dragon 
as  a guest  on  high.  In  my  grief  I had  no  wish  to  live,  and  I 
vowed  to  die  with  him.  But  the  princes  and  ministers,  taking 
into  consideration  the  fact  that  Divissimns  Origo  was  then  a 
mere  child,  and  had  no  one  to  take  charge  of  him  on  his 
succession  to  the  great  heritage,  joined  in  very  earnestly 
begging  that  I would  make  an  effort  to  keep  alive  this  my 


1 18 


China:  Past  and  Present 


person.  I nourished  him  and  taught  him  without  remissness 
for  nineteen  years  ; when  again  misfortune  came  upon  us,  and 
Divissimus  Origo  collapsed  and  disappeared,  grieving  my 
heart  to  that  cruel  extent  that  I had  even  less  desire  than 
before  for  the  things  of  this  world.  At  the  head  of  my  house- 
hold I cried  out  to  Heaven,  with  the  view  of  carrying  into 
execution  my  earlier  intent.  But  the  princes  and  ministers 
once  more  represented  that  his  present  Majesty  had  succeeded 
to  the  throne  as  a mere  child,  and  just  when  he  was  most  in 
need  of  nurturing  care.  They  implored  me  over  and  over 
again,  and  I,  looking  at  the  frail  orphan,  could  not  bear  to 
abandon  him.  I made  effort  to  repress  my  sorrow,  and  we 
have  clung  to  each  other  for  months  and  years.  His  present 
Majesty,  whose  disposition  is  most  piously  filial,  and  who  is 
the  most  loyal  and  genuine  of  men,  has  personally  attended 
to  my  food  and  comfort,  morning  and  evening,  without  inter- 
mission. He  has  thought  of  my  requirements  in  every  way, 
so  that  nothing  has  been  wanting.  He  has  on  more  than  one 
occasion  recommended  the  assumption  of  additional  honours, 
which  have  carried  me  to  the  extreme  of  human  greatness. 
From  first  to  last  he  has  been  consistent  in  all  this,  well-nigh 
thirty  years.  For  these  reasons  I have  given  respectful  care 
to  my  own  person,  and  have  thus  been  able  to  overcome  in  a 
large  degree  the  grief  and  sorrow  caused  to  me  by  the  two 
deaths.  Moreover,  her  Majesty  the  Empress-Dowager  has 
rendered  to  me  every  careful  attention,  and  my  heart  is  there- 
fore quite  at  peace.  But  when  I reflect  upon  the  tranquil 
period  which  the  empire  is  now  enjoying,  and  the  pure  filial 
devotion  of  the  Emperor,  so  unequalled  from  ancient  times  till 
now,  I would  fain  think  I might  well  endure  more  happiness. 
But,  alas ! the  years  of  my  life  have  passed  the  appointed 
time,  and  the  things  of  this  world  only  leave  a sad  feeling  of 
emptiness  within  me.  I am  now  approaching  the  point  of 
death.  The  Emperor  is  personally  watching  after  my  medicines, 
to  the  abandonment  of  his  own  food  and  rest.  He  has  pro- 
ceeded on  foot  to  pray  for  me  at  the  Altar  of  Heaven,  and 
with  thorough  earnestness  he  has  cried  out  and  implored  on 
my  behalf.  But  nay,  the  appointed  time  cannot  possibly  be 
kept  back,  and  the  shadow  of  death  is  rapidly  closing  over 
me.  My  years  are  seventy  and  five,  but  as  I shall  soon  be 


Shuffled  off  this  Mortal  Coil  119 

once  more  at  the  side  of  Divus  Ornatus , my  earlier  joys  will 
come  back  to  me  again  ; so  why  need  I regret?  His  present 
Majesty  gives  the  best  of  his  attention  to  the  cares  of  govern- 
ment, loves  and  cherishes  his  people  : the  world  is  at  peace, 
and  her  sons  are  happy  in  their  vocations : that  the  rulers 
and  the  people  of  the  empire  rejoice  in  the  blessings  of  tran- 
quillity is  to  be  ascribed  to  the  merit  of  his  Majesty’s  ministers 
and  their  counsels  ; and  when  I have  gone,  may  they  continue 
to  render  equally  illustrious  service  ! But  as  the  filial  piety 
of  the  Emperor  has  become  a part  of  his  nature,  and  goes  far 
beyond  historical  precedent,  it  is  to  be  feared  that  his  grief 
may  be  excessive,  and  he  should  therefore  moderate  his 
lamentations,  giving  his  first  consideration  to  the  multifarious 
business  of  state.  On  the  other  hand,  the  civil  and  military 
functionaries  will  severally  pay  reverent  attention  to  the 
effective  discharge  of  their  own  duties,  and  in  no  wise  dis- 
appoint their  trusts,  all  thus  contributing  to  the  common 
expectation  of  illimitable  happiness. 

“As  to  my  funeral,  everything  shall  be  done  in  accordance 
with  statutory  form.  After  three  days  of  sackcloth,  the 
Emperor  will  proceed  as  usual  with  public  business,  and 
the  continuance  of  mourning  will  be  in  accordance  with  the 
testamentary  commands  of  Divissimus  Origo  ; that  is  to  say, 
days  will  be  counted  in  place  of  months,  and  mourning  may 
be  discarded  after  the  twenty-seventh  day.  As  to  the  sacri- 
fices at  the  Altars  of  Heaven  and  of  Earth,  those  to  the 
Ancestral  Shrines  and  Terminalia,  it  will  not  do  to  delay 
these  great  functions  in  any  way  on  account  of  my  poor  body. 
The  worship  ordinarily  offered  to  all  the  other  spirits  will  also 
go  on  as  usual  without  interruption.  Wherefore  now  tl  is 
manifesto  : let  all  act  in  obedience.” 

A few  words  in  explanation  of  the  above  document  may 
not  come  amiss.  The  founders  and  Reichinehrers  of  Chinese 
dynasties  are  divissimi  ; the  others  only  divi.  In  alluding  to 
her  own  son  and  grandson,  the  Empress  does  not  employ 
capital  letters.  Excelsus  founded  the  Manchu  empire,  and 
Origo  was  the  first  to  rule  at  Peking. 

Suttee  was  disapproved  by  the  Emperor  K’ang-hi,  who 
declined  to  honour  the  memories  of  suicide  widows ; but 
recent  Emperors  continue  to  patronize  the  custom,  and  only 


120 


China:  Past  and  Present 


a month  or  two  ago  * the  widow  of  a torpedo-boat  captain 
took  poison  at  Shanghai,  and  was  buried  with  her  husband. 
To  cut  out  pieces  of  one’s  own  flesh  in  order  to  make  therewith 
broth  for  a sick  parent  is  considered  specially  meritorious. 

As  to  the  additional  honours,  after  the  suppression  of  the 
Satrap  Rebellion,  K’ang-hi  declined  them  for  himself,  but  (as 
in  the  somewhat  analogous  case  of  Lord  Beaconsfield  and  his 
wife)  conferred  them  upon  his  grandmother.  The  honours  in 
question  are  such  as  the  present  Empress-Dowager  of  China 
has  received  from  her  son  and  her  nephew  (adopted  son),  the 
last  and  present  Emperors : they  consist  in  such  words  as 
Pia,  Felix,  Amabilis,  Sedata,  Pacifica,  Ornata,  etc. 

It  will  be  noticed  that  the  Empress-Dowager,  though  the 
wife  of  the  Senior  Dowager’s  son,  and  the  titular  mother  of 
K’ang-hi,  is  honoured  with  capital  letters. 

Mourning  in  China  is  almost  literally  sackcloth,  but  with- 
out the  ashes  ; the  unbleached  garments  are  not  hemmed, 
and  everything  worn  is  of  this  drab  or  white  colour,  free,  as 
far  as  possible,  from  stitches,  buttons,  and  elegance  of  fit. 
For  purposes  of  mourning,  a year  is  nine  months  ; and  three 
years  (twenty-seven  months)  is  the  period  for  a parent  or 
grandparent.  Military  officers,  and  in  some  cases  even  civil 
ones  (as,  for  instance,  Li  Hung-chang),t  only  retire  for  ioo 
days,  completing  their  term  at  their  official  posts ; but 
K’ang-hi  himself  admits  that  his  policy  in  insisting  upon  the 
full  twenty-seven  months  for  exalted  military  officers  was  in 
view  to  prevent  their  becoming  too  powerful. 

When  I was  travelling  in  Sz  Ch’wan  in  the  year  1881,  the 
higher  in  rank  of  the  two  Empress-Dowagers  died.  Neither 
I nor  my  servants  knew  anything  of  it,  until  one  day  they 
had  their  hats  “ blocked  ” in  the  streets  for  not  having 
removed  the  red  tassels  therefrom. 

The  Tartar  Emperor  whom  K’ang-hi  selected  as  a model 
belonged  to  a Tungusic  race,  ancestors  in  a way  of  the  now 
reigning  Manchus. 

The  annals  go  on  to  say  that  the  Emperor  “ beat  his 
breast,  stamped  and  roared,  calling  to  Heaven,  and  knocking 
his  head  on  the  ground,  crying  without  intermission  of  sound.” 
All  this,  and  the  going  into  mourning  of  the  Court  officials, 

* In  1896.  t And  more  recently  Yuan  Shii-k'ai. 


1 2 I 


Smiling  at  Gvief 

concubines,  etc.,  is,  however,  a mere  matter  of  regulation. 
But  K’ang-hi  went  much  farther.  Notwithstanding  his  ex- 
cessive grief,  he  discovered  one  precedent  in  history  for  not 
changing  months  to  days,  as  had  been  the  practice  of  Empe- 
rors ever  since  B.C.  200.  The  Tartar  Emperor  ruling  in  North 
China  in  A.D.  471-500  expressed  a desire  to  mourn  three 
whole  years.  K’ang-hi,  whilst  disclaiming  any  vain  desire  to 
beat  the  record,  considered  that,  as  his  own  mother  died  when 
he  was  eleven  years  of  age,  he  ought  to  mourn  twenty-seven 
months  for  his  grandmother,  who  had  reared  him.  He  offered 
to  free  his  ministers  from  all  discomfort,  and  to  do  it  all 
himself  in  the  privacy  of  his  own  rooms.  There  were  many 
decrees  sent  down,  and  many  prayers  submitted  on  this 
subject ; but  at  last  the  Emperor  said : “ Our  mind  is  made 
up  : no  further  representations.”  Whether  it  was  in  irritation 
at  their  failure,  or  what  not,  the  Board  of  Rites  now  (evidently 
on  the  sly  principle,  “ Don't  nail  his  ears  to  the  post,  my  lads  ! ”) 
memorialized  : “ Our  dynasty  in  mourning  for  Empresses  has 
no  precedent  for  cutting  off  the  plaited  queue  (‘  pigtail  ’)  ; 
besides,  her  Majesty  the  Dowager-Empress  has  passed  out 
commands  to  the  effect  that  her  Majesty  the  late  Senior 
Dowager-Empress,  when  sick,  said  to  her  : ‘ If  I do  not  rise 
from  this  sickness,  the  Emperor  must  positively  not  cut  off  his 
queue,’  and  it  is  therefore  only  proper  to  pay  due  attention  to 
these  commands.”  The  following  decree  was  received  : “ Her 
Majesty  the  late  Senior  Empress-Dowager  was  so  very  affec- 
tionate in  rearing  Us  that  We  must  notwithstanding  cut  off 
Our  queue.”  The  annals  continue  : “ And  his  Majesty  there- 
upon cut  off  his  queue.” 

The  Emperor,  it  is  recorded,  would  neither  eat  nor  drink  ; 
not  a drop  of  water  touched  his  mouth  for  several  days  ; his 
face  grew  wan,  and  he  got  quite  dazed.  The  Imperial  princes 
remonstrated  in  a body,  but  the  Emperor  explained  that  “ it 
was  the  proper  thing  for  a grandson  to  do,”  and,  after  thus 
speaking,  “ proceeded  to  sob  more  than  ever.”  In  a few  days 
the  Astronomical  Board  represented  that  the  last  day  but  one 
of  the  year  would  be  a good  day  for  the  funeral.  But  the 
Emperor  would  not  have  that  ; he  wished  to  be  with  the 
corpse  a little  longer.  The  Board  insisted.  The  Emperor 
then  said  : “Well,  then,  postpone  the  funeral  three  weeks  for 


I 22 


China:  Past  and  Present 


me.”  But  no,  the  Board  produced  dynastic  precedents  for  not 
crossing  over  New  Year’s  Day.  The  Emperor,  whose  wits 
seem  to  have  been  all  about  him,  despite  starvation  and  a 
dazed  appearance,  wanted  to  know  how  this  last  argument 
would  have  worked  if  his  grandmother  had  died  on  the  last 
day  of  the  year  ? He  added  that  the  two  last  Empresses  had 
lain  in  state  for  some  time,  and  the  Senior  Dowager  was 
entitled  to  at  least  as  much  consideration.  As  to  the  plea  of 
ill-luck,  the  Emperor  offered  to  take  all  the  risk  upon  himself. 
He  said  : “ Besides,  I offered  Heaven  to  shorten  my  own 
life  to  lengthen  hers  ; so  why  should  I be  afraid  of  ill-luck  ? 
Moreover,  I suspect  this  belief  in  luck  and  retribution  is  all 
humbug,  and  if  it  fails  to  do  me  any  personal  harm,  posterity 
will  be  all  the  wiser  for  the  illustration.”  After  naming  the 
17th  or  1 8th  of  the  first  moon,  the  Emperor  at  last  made  the 
nth  his  irreducible  minimum. 

The  next  question  was  how  to  get  the  Emperor  to  swallow 
some  gruel : the  Academy,  the  six  Boards,  in  fact  the  whole 
State,  applied  itself  to  the  delicate  task  of  getting  at  least  a 
spoonful  down  ; they  also  took  the  opportunity  of  pointing 
out  the  public  inconvenience  of  mourning  for  twenty-seven 
months.  The  Empress’s  stepmother  was  called  in  to  assist, 
and  promised  not  to  go  back  to  her  own  palace  until  the 
Emperor  had  eaten.  A decree  then  announced  that,  though 
the  Emperor  had  sipped  the  gruel,  he  could  not  get  it  down 
his  throat ; and,  moreover,  he  positively  refused  to  leave  the 
corpse.  Redoubled  efforts  were  now  made  to  get  the 
Emperor  back  to  his  palace  before  the  New  Year.  He 
inquired : “ Is  the  last  day  of  the  year  really  a dies  non  ? ” 
After  full  explanation,  the  Emperor  was  asked  to  consent  to 
take  his  food  on  New  Year’s  Day  in  front  of  the  coffin,  and 
to  spend  that  night  at  least  in  a tent  outside  the  building 
where  the  corpse  lay.  The  Emperor  refused,  on  the  ground 
that  a poor  man  is  obliged  to  remain  in  the  same  house  with 
a coffin,  and  that  an  Emperor’s  feelings  of  consanguinity  are 
the  same  as  a poor  man’s.  At  last,  however,  yielding  to  his 
ministers’  solicitations,  he  consented  (but  under  protest)  to 
leave  the  coffin  for  a little  time  on  New  Year’s  Day.  Finally, 
the  whole  official  body  “struck  work,”  and  demanded  punish- 
ment for  the  crime  of  refusing  to  consent  to  twenty-seven 


123 


IVas  this  not  Love , indeed! 

months’  mourning.  His  Majesty  at  last  began  to  totter  under 
the  weight  of  these  repeated  blows,  and  issued  a rescript : 
“Just  let  this  memorial  remain  with  me  a while,  and  address 
me  again  after  New  Year’s  Day.”  In  compensation  for  this 
small  concession,  the  Emperor  returned  to  the  body  and 
renewed  his  wailings  harder  than  ever.  Another  appeal  was 
made  by  the  ministers  to  the  Empress,  who  said  : “ I have 
twice  earnestly  exhorted  the  Emperor,  but  his  mind  is  made 
up.”  And  so  things  went  on  with  wearisome  iteration.  Up 
to  the  fourth  moon  the  Emperor  is  still  found  weeping  at 
intervals,  and  not  until  the  summer  does  he  consent  to  shave 
his  head  and  allow  the  queue  to  grow  again.  However,  the 
chief  astronomer  (a  Dutchman),  Verbiest,  died  just  about  now, 
and  the  Russian  frontier  trouble  at  Albazin  got  seriously 
complicated  with  the  Eleuth  and  Kalkha  Mongol  squabbles  ; 
the  Emperor  joined  the  Dalai  Lama  of  Tibet  in  an  effort  to 
restore  peace,  and  so  gradually  the  memory  of  his  grandmother 
seems  to  have  faded  away.  He  gave  all  her  clothes,  jewellery, 
and  knick-knacks  to  her  relatives,  the  Korchin  Mongols. 


CHAPTER  IV 

LETTER  FROM  THE  EMPEROR  OF  CHINA  TO  THE  POPE 

The  commands  to  the  Faith  Regeneration  Prince  Benedict 
of  the  Western  Ocean  are  as  follow  : 

“We  have  perused  the  Prince’s  memorial,  and  observed 
the  tribute  of  local  objects  sent  with  it,  from  all  of  which  the 
genuineness  of  his  devotion  is  sufficiently  manifest. 

“ His  late  Majesty  the  Emperor  Divus  Benevolens  [K’ang- 
hi]  extended  his  protection  over  the  myriad  regions  ; none  so 
distant  but  what  they  were  reached.  When  he  soared  aloft 
on  the  Dragon  Steed,  the  ministers  and  people  both  of  China 
and  of  foreign  parts  felt  eternal  regrets  for  his  memory.  We 
have  now  succeeded  to  the  Great  Inheritance,  and  Our  most 
anxious  endeavours  are  to  continue  the  policy  indicated  by 


124 


China:  Past  and  Present 


him.  The  land  of  the  Faith  Regeneration  Prince  is  situated 
in  very  remote  parts  : he  has  despatched  a special  envoy  to 
bring  a letter  submitting  his  views.  He  is  touched  with  the 
grace  vouchsafed  by  his  late  Majesty,  and  prays  for  the  long 
life  and  happiness  of  Our  Imperial  Selves.  His  supplication 
is  as  lucid  and  to  the  point  as  his  phraseology  is  respectful. 
We  approve  and  are  comforted. 

“The  envoy  having  come  so  far,  We  have  treated  him 
with  exceptional  courtesy.  As  for  the  men  of  the  Western 
Ocean  living  in  China,  in  Our  uniform  concern  for  all  creation, 
We  have  always  admonished  them  to  be  quiet  and  circumspect. 
So  long  as  they  are  able  to  pay  due  regard  to  the  laws,  and 
their  conduct  is  blameless,  We  shall  of  course  extend  to  them 
Our  love,  and  cherish  them. 

“ As  the  envoy  is  now  about  to  return  home,  this  mandate 
is  specially  issued.  Besides,  there  are  bestowed  sixty  pieces 
of  satin  of  the  three  first  qualities,  with  forty  of  the  second. 
Accept  them,  Prince,  as  a mark  of  Our  attention.” 

The  above  document  was  given  out  towards  the  end  of 
1725.  Some  time  during  the  late  autumn  of  that  year  the 
envoys  sent  by  Pope  Benedict  XIII.  had  reached  Peking  in 
order  to  endeavour  to  appease  the  Emperor  Yung-cheng, 
who  at  the  commencement  of  1724  had  issued,  and  put  into 
strict  force,  the  following  edict : — 

“ The  Board  of  Rites  reports  upon  a memorial  sent  up  by 
the  Viceroy  at  Foochow,  representing  that  men  from  the 
Western  Ocean  were  building  chapels  all  over  the  provinces 
of  China,  and  were  clandestinely  dwelling  in  them  for  the 
purpose  of  propagating  their  faith  ; that  men’s  minds  were 
being  gradually  misled  by  it,  and  that  there  was  no  advantage 
to  be  gained  from  tolerating  it : the  Board  advises  that,  ex- 
ception made  of  those  brought  to  Peking  to  do  service  [as 
mathematicians]  there,  all  the  other  Western  Ocean  men  in 
the  provinces  should  be  settled  at  Macao ; and  that,  as 
recommended  by  the  Viceroy,  the  chapels  should  all  be  turned 
into  public  offices,  those  persons  who  have  mistakenly  entered 
the  church  being  strictly  prohibited  to  remain  in  it.  Rescript : 
Western  Ocean  men  are  foreigners,  and  as  such  have  long 
lived  in  the  various  provinces : the  Viceroy  in  question  now 
recommends  that  they  be  removed : it  is  to  be  feared  that 


125 


A Child's  Ingratitude 

the  people  of  the  localities  concerned  may  mischievously 
molest  them.  Let  letters  be  sent  to  the  Viceroy  or  Governor 
of  each  province,  ordering  them  to  so  manage  their  removal 
as  to  grant  a period  of  a few  months  or  half  a year  within 
which  the  removal  must  take  place.  Official  escorts  must  be 
sent  both  with  those  brought  to  Peking  and  those  quartered  at 
Macao,  and  care  must  be  taken  that  they  suffer  no  hardship.” 
The  Catholics,  in  the  official  reports  they  have  left  on 
record,  admit  that  Yung-cheng  was  a wise  prince  ; but  it  is 
doubtful  if  they  are  all  aware  that  his  life  was  embittered  by 
the  evil  conduct  of  four  of  his  brothers,  who  had  already  made 
the  old  Emperor’s  life  a burden  to  him.  K’ang-hi  had  dis- 
inherited his  fifth  son,  Yiin-jeng,  usually  known  as  “the 
second  lad” — two  out  of  three  elder  sons  having  died  young 
— and  who  was  for  many  years  recognized  as  heir-apparent, 
because  his  mother,  who  died  in  childbirth,  was  the  Empress, 
and  not  a mere  concubine.  In  consequence  of  this,  the  “four- 
teenth lad  ” and  two  other  brothers  for  many  years  kept  up  a 
series  of  intrigues,  and  K’ang-hi  would  never  consent  to  name 
an  heir  whilst  he  lived.  Yung-cheng  was  known  as  the 
“ fourth  lad  ” until,  on  his  father’s  death-bed,  he  was  nomi- 
nated successor,  and  of  course  the  disinherited  clique  were 
jealous  of  him.  But  the  Emperor  was  very  patient,  giving 
them  chance  after  chance  to  reform.  At  last  the  ex-heir,  his 
elder  brother,  died,  and  the  treasonable  conduct  of  the  other 
three  became  so  outrageous  that  two  of  them  were  deprived 
of  their  liberty,  and  even  their  Imperial  names,  and  were  forced 
to  assume  the  plebeian  appellations  of  Akina  and  Sesuhe 
respectively.  They  died  in  prison  towards  the  end  of  1726. 

What  may  have  specially  embittered  Yung-cheng  against 
the  missionaries  is  the  fact  that  his  brother  Sesuhe  (then 
called  Yun-t’ang),  whilst  in  semi-exile  as  Generalissimo  near 
Kokonor,*  was  caught  in  the  act  of  corresponding  with  his 
friends  in  Peking  through  the  means  of  a secret  cypher  bear- 
ing a resemblance  to  European  letters.  The  missionaries 
at  Peking,  when  questioned,  professed  not  to  be  able  to 
decipher  the  message,  but  it  is  evident  from  the  following 
language  of  the  Emperor  that  his  animus  was  strong  : “ Akina 
(formerly  Yiin-sz),  Yun-t’ang  (afterwards  called  Sesuhe),  and 
* Prince  Twan’s  present  retreat,  1903. 


126 


China:  Past  and  Present 


Yiin-t’i,  having  formed  a clique  with  private  ends  in  view, 
and  having  given  themselves  up  to  circulating  mischievous 
rumours,  seem  to  be  carefully  showering  favours  upon  priests, 
taoists,  lamas,  physicians,  astrologers,  fortune-tellers,  and  even 
play-actors,  low  policemen,  and  Western  Ocean  men,  the  serfs 
of  high  officials,  and  such-like,  with  a view  to  making  future 
use  of  the  acquaintances  thus  formed,  etc.,  etc.”  In  particular, 
there  was  a certain  Jean  Morao  (in  Chinese  known  as  Mu 
King-yuan),  who  had  become  intimate  with  Sesuhe,  and  had 
been  overheard  discussing  with  him,  whilst  the  old  Emperor 
was  ill,  the  prospects  of  coming  to  the  throne.  Jean  Morao 
seems  to  have  followed  this  prince  to  Kokonor,  and  to  have 
arranged  (according  to  the  precedent  set  by  Father  de  Rhodes 
in  Tonquin)  a back  door  or  window  to  his  house  there,  through 
which  the  prince  could  slip  out  unobserved  to  take  spiritual 
consolation,  or,  as  the  Emperor  put  it,  “to  disobey  national 
custom  and  follow  the  teaching  of  outlandish  bonzes.”  In- 
deed, Sesuhe  on  one  occasion  announced  his  intention  to 
renounce  a lay  life  altogether,  and  he  declined  to  kneel  to 
the  Emperor’s  messengers.  Another  of  the  Emperor’s 
relatives,  named  Sunu,  fell  into  disgrace  for  similar  reasons. 
Sunu’s  sons  became  converts,  and  it  is  stated  in  a public 
decree,  dated  1728,  that  they  vowed  to  suffer  death  rather 
than  recant. 

In  the  summer  of  1726  another  letter  arrives  from  the 
Pope:  “The  Western  Ocean  Italia  Kingdom  Faith  Regene- 
ration Prince  Benedict  memorializes,  begging  that,  in  accord- 
ance with  the  precedent  set  in  the  case  of  Theodoricus 
Pedrini,  the  two  missionaries  imprisoned  at  Canton  may  be 
released.”  The  Emperor’s  rescript  ran  : “ Theodoricus  Pedrini 
was  guilty  of  transmitting  inaccurate  messages  and  making 
mischievous  representations  to  the  throne,  in  consequence  of 
which  his  late  Majesty,  taking  into  consideration  the  fact  that 
he  was  a man  from  beyond  the  seas,  allotted  to  him  the 
lenient  punishment  of  confinement.  On  Our  accession  to  the 
throne,  an  edict  of  indulgence  was  issued,  in  which  pardon 
was  granted  to  all  pardonable  offenders,  so  as  to  give  them  a 
fresh  opportunity  in  life.  Theodoricus  Pedrini’s  offence  fell 
within  the  scope  of  this  indulgence,  and  he  received  his 
dismissal.  But  at  that  time  the  Canton  Government  had  not 


No  Italian  Priest  shall  tithe 


127 


yet  included  the  names  of  Pi  T’ien-siang  and  Ki  Yu-kang* 
in  the  lists  submitted  under  the  indulgence.  As,  however, 
the  prince  now  makes  the  request  above  indicated  in  his 
memorial,  We  order  the  Canton  Government  by  this  special 
edict  to  let  these  two  men  go,  as  a mark  of  Our  universal 
clemency  ; at  the  same  time  it  may  be  stated  that  We  should 
in  any  case  have  noticed  the  matter  and  extended  Our  imperial 
favour  to  them,  for  it  appears  their  offences  fall  easily  within 
the  rules  of  Our  edict  of  indulgence.” 

Although  the  Emperor  Yung-cheng  thus  dealt  calmly  and 
justly  with  the  specific  matters  brought  before  him,  he  was 
not  to  be  prevailed  upon  to  tolerate  Christianity.  On  the 
other  hand,  he  was  not  to  be  deceived  by  silly  rumours,  such 
as  the  one  that  the  pretty  girls  of  Peking  were  being  bought 
up  for  presentation  to  the  Europeans.  The  unseemly  disputes 
betweeir  the  Catholics  themselves  did  not  improve  matters. 
Pope  Clement  XII.  declared  void  the  pastoral  letters  of  the 
Bishop  of  Peking,  and  Benedict  XIV.  by  his  Bull  Ex  quo 
singulari  drove  matters  into  the  impasse  from  which  they  have 
never  since  been  able  to  extricate  themselves.  No  terms  with 
ancestor  worship  were  allowed  to  be  made,  and  Christianity 
was  in  consequence  driven  to  the  inaccessible  mountains. 
Both  Dominicans  and  Jesuits  were  put  to  death  by  the 
Emperor  K‘ien-lung;  but  this  did  not  interfere  with  the  friendly 
treatment  of  the  mathematicians  at  Peking.  In  1774  the 
Jesuits  there  received  news  that  Clement  XIV.  had  abolished 
the  Society  of  Jesus,  so  from  that  moment  they  had  to  work 
as  secular  priests  under  the  bishop.  In  1775  the  cathedral 
was  destroyed,  but  the  Emperor  K‘ien-lung  was  sufficiently 
large-minded  to  sanction  and  even  contribute  to  its  recon- 
struction ; this  new  building  remained  in  sitit  until  after  the 
Franco-Chinese  war  of  1884,  when  Pope  Leo  XIII.  en- 
deavoured to  establish  better  relations  with  China ; his  con- 
ciliatory policy  at  last  consented  to  the  removal  of  the 
cathedral  to  a position  outside  the  north  gates  of  Peking  ; but 
he  was  not  politically  strong  enough  to  oust  France  altogether 
from  the  political  rdle  she  has  all  along  assumed  as  protector 
of  the  Catholic  Faith. 

* Note  to  original  Article. — I have  not  yet  been  able  to  ascertain  the  European 
names  of  these  missionaries. 


BOOK  IV 

THE  IMPERIAL  POWER 


CHAPTER  I 

THE  IMPERIAL  MANCHU  FAMILY 

It  is  a sad  sight  to  see  a once  really  noble  and  courageous 
ruling  house  crumble  away  so  utterly  as  the  Manchus  threaten 
to  do.*  Although  it  is  well  known  to  what  race  they  belong, 
and  the  vicissitudes  of  that  race  as  a whole  are  clearly  trace- 
able back  through  many  centuries  of  Chinese  history,  nothing 
very  specific  is  recorded  of  the  royal  Tungusic  tribelet  known 
as  “ Manchu  ” beyond  the  fact  that  it  was  one  of  the  petty 
clan  organizations  of  what  we  now  call  Kirin,  and  that  the 
clan  chieftain  Nurhachi  displayed  such  extraordinary  military 
talent,  that  he  soon  managed  to  weld  a number  of  cognate 
clans  into  a formidable  political  power.  The  very  name 
“ Manchu  ” is  of  obscure  if  not  very  doubtful  origin,  and  in  the 
first  stages  of  its  appearance  it  stands  for  a tiny  community 
which  was  so  ignorant  and  uncouth  that  even  the  personal 
appellations  of  the  earlier  chiefs  were  unknown  to  their 
descendants.  Nurhachi  died  in  1627  at  the  age  of  sixty- 
eight,  and  his  fifth  son,  Abukhaye,  carried  on  the  work  of 
expansion,  which  culminated  in  the  conquests  of  Corea,  Mon- 
golia, and  China;  but  he  also  died  early,  just  before  the 
entry  of  the  Manchu  troops,  under  his  brother  Torkun,  into 
Peking  in  1644;  and  the  first  real  Emperor  of  China  was 
Abukhaye’s  son,  little  more  than  an  infant,  who  reigned 
eighteen  years,  chiefly  under  the  regency  of  his  uncles. 

* Apparently  the  vigour  and  sagacity  of  the  Empress-Dowager  has  secured 
it  a new  lease  of  life. 


129 


The  Gates  of  Tartar 

From  that  day  up  to  the  fatal  year  1874,  when  the  eighth 
Emperor  T‘ung-chi  died  childless,  the  succession  has  been 
from  father  to  son  without  a single  break ; not  necessarily 
to  the  eldest,  for  the  second  Emperor  (1662-1722)  had  so 
much  trouble  with  his  sons,  and  the  palace  intrigues  that 
concentrated  round  successively  designated  heirs-apparent 
were  so  dangerous,  that  his  successors  adopted  the  ancient 
Persian  expedient  of  secretly  hiding  the  name  of  the  heir  in  a 
casket  carefully  concealed  in  an  inaccessible  spot  somewhere 
in  the  rafters  of  one  of  the  inner  palace  halls.  But,  notwith- 
standing, the  rule  has  always  been  succession  from  father  to 
son,  subject  to  the  reigning  Emperor’s  testamentary  choice 
of  sons. 

To  go  back  for  an  instant  to  the  early  Manchus : it  is 
interesting  to  note  amongst  the  leading  clan  names  of  A.D. 
1600  that  of  Nala,  the  present  Empress-Dowager’s  tribe  ; but 
the  royal  Manchu  ruling  house  was  surnamed  Aisin-Ghioro, 
which  appears  to  mean  “Gold-relatives,”  the  word  “gold” 
perhaps  referring  to  the  Gold  River  at  and  above  Harbin, 
where  the  Russians  are  now  fighting,*  the  ancient  political 
seat  of  the  most  powerful  of  the  Manchu  races.  Down  to 
this  day  collaterals  of  the  reigning  family  write  upon  their 
red  paper  visiting  “ cards  ” the  Manchu  word  Ghioro,  just  as 
the  remote  descendants  in  the  direct  line  write  the  Chinese 
words  signifying  “clansman.”  Thus  the  now  famous  Gene- 
ralissimo Junglu,f  about  whose  vigorous  army  reorganization 
so  much  has  been  heard,  would  always  sign  himself  (if  in  any 
way  related  by  blood  on  the  male  side  to  the  ruling  house) 
as  “The  Clansman  Junglu,”  or  “ The  Ghioro  Junglu.”  The 
cards  of  first-class  princes  run  : “ The  Agnate  Prince  Kung  ; ” 
of  the  second,  “The  Fiirst  Prince  Twan,”  and  so  on.  When 
Nurhachi  began  his  conquests,  the  Manchus  were  not  only 
totally  ignorant  of  letters,  but  all  tradition  even  of  those 
used  by  their  Imperial  ancestors  the  Gold  River  dynasty, 
ejected  in  A.D.  1200  by  Genghis  Khan,  had  totally  dis- 
appeared ; so  that  Nurhachi  and  Abukhaye  between  them 
had  to  adopt  a modified  form  of  the  Mongol  which  they  at 
first  unsuccessfully  tried  to  use,  and  which  in  its  adapted  and 
improved  shape  is  the  Manchu  writing  of  our  own  time : of 

* Harbin  is  now  a great  Russian  railway  centre.  f Died  1903. 

K 


130 


China:  Past  and  Present 


course  at  that  date  there  was  no  question  of  visiting  cards  or 
refinement  of  any  kind  ; everything  had  to  be  learned. 

The  leading  characteristics  of  the  seventeenth-century 
Manchus  were  manliness  and  simplicity.  All  the  Emperors 
have  studiously  avoided  what  may  be  called  “ Byzantine  ” 
luxury,  and  the  first  four  were  frugal  and  decidedly  economical 
besides  ; they  were  particularly  solicitous  not  to  permit  their 
race  to  fall  into  priggish  Chinese  ways,  and  more  especially 
not  to  allow  palace  eunuchs  to  hold  any  effective  power. 
They  had  always  before  them  the  fate  of  previous  Tartar 
dynasties.  The  Rev.  John  Ross,  who  has  lived  long  amongst 
and  thoughtfully  described  the  Manchus  of  Mukden,  well 
wrote,  exactly  twenty-four  years  ago,  words  which  now  sound 
prophetic: — “The  Ming  dynasty  committed  suicide,  just  as 
the  Daching  will,  if  they  permit  lawlessness,  licentiousness, 
and  corruption  to  rule  their  rulers.”  I may  explain  that  the 
Ming  dynasty  was  the  effeminate  eunuch-ridden  house  dis- 
placed by  Abakhaye  ; and  Ta-ts£ing,  or  “Great  Clear” 
dynasty,  is  the  official  designation  of  the  ruling  Manchu 
house,  first  adopted  by  him  when  he  decided  to  pose  as 
an  Emperor  instead  of  a mere  han  (Khan).  The  four  first 
monarchs,  and  even  the  fifth  to  a certain  extent,  were  hunting 
men ; the  periodical  battues  of  big  game  driven  by  an  army 
of  beaters  into  a vast  enclosure  were  intended  not  only  for 
sport,  but  primarily  to  keep  up  the  love  of  a fresh  outdoor 
life,  the  capacity  to  take  exercise  and  live  on  simple  food, 
the  courage  necessary  to  face  tigers,  and  so  on.  I have  twice 
been  through  the  chief  hunting-park,  which  occupies  an  area 
between  Dolonor  and  Jehol  almost  as  extensive  as  Yorkshire  ; 
but,  ever  since  the  accession  of  the  present  Emperor’s  grand- 
father in  1821,  hunting  has  been  abandoned,  except  mere 
pic-nic  parties  in  the  Peking  parks  ; Chinese  squatters  have 
been  allowed  to  encroach,  and  most  of  the  game  has  dis- 
appeared. Still,  even  now,  there  is  a certain  air  of  bluff  and 
booted  manliness  amongst  the  best  Manchus  as  compared 
with  the  slippered  and  slippery  Chinese,  although  the  fusion 
has  at  last  become  so  complete  that  the  Tartar  language 
has  disappeared  altogether,  and  it  is  often  difficult  to  distin- 
guish the  one  race  externally  from  the  other.  The  present 
elegant  semi-official  dress,  familiar  to  most  of  us  through 


The  Volume  of  his  Lovely  Face  13 1 

photographs,  consisting  of  a perfectly  plain  belted  silk  gown, 
with  large  slits  showing  black  boots,  is  essentially  Manchu  (the 
arrangement  of  slits  is  a mark  of  rank  too)  ; and  it  will  be 
noticed  that  the  princes  usually  prefer  to  have  their  portraits 
taken  without  the  frippery  of  hats  and  feathers.  It  is  difficult 
to  realize  that  the  “pigtail,”  of  which  all  Chinamen  are  now 
so  proud — for  it  really  suits  them — is  a purely  Manchu  idea, 
and,  together  with  the  Manchu  dress  (narrow  sleeves,  etc.), 
had  to  be  imposed  under  penalty  of  death ; it  was  also 
attempted  to  prevent  Chinese  women  from  squeezing  their 
feet,  but  that  painful  luxury  was  found  ineradicable.* 

The  only  specimens  of  genuine  Imperial  Manchus  with 
whose  features  I am  personally  acquainted  are  Prince  Tun, 
the  father  of  the  now  notorious  Prince  Twan,  and  Prince 
Ch'un,  the  father  of  the  reigning  Emperor.  Both  are  dead 
now,  but  both,  when  I saw  them,  were  walking  incognito  with 
some  friends  in  the  “ Strand  ” of  Peking — a street  of  book- 
sellers and  sweetmeat  shops  outside  the  Tartar  walls,  in  what 
is  known  to  Europeans  as  the  “ Chinese  city.”  It  was  a fair, 
or  fete  day,  and  Prince  Tun  was  engaged  in  the  plebeian 
amusement  of  peering  into  a “French”  stereoscopic  street 
stand  of  doubtful  respectability.  At  that  time  (1870),  neither 
he  nor  his  brother  was  of  much  account,  as  their  nephew 
T‘ung-chi  was  still  reigning,  and  their  brother,  Prince  Kung 
(the  chief  “Foreign  Minister”),  was  the  only  one  of  the 
Imperial;  family  with  any  shreds  of  reputation  left  after  the 
flight  of  the  Emperor  Hien-feng  and  the  peace  of  Pekin. 
Prince  Tun  was  then  colloquially  known  as  the  fifth  prince, 
and  he  was  usually  spoken  of  both  by  Chinese  and  foreigners 
as  a “beast,”  for  which  reason  I followed  him  about  to  get 
a good  look  at  him.  Prince  Ch‘un  was  the  “ seventh  prince,” 
and,  so  far  as  I can  recollect,  was  then  considered  a dullard, 
or  nonentity.  Prince  Kung  was  the  sixth  son  of  the  Emperor 
Tao-kwang,  and  Hien-feng  was  the  fourth.  All  the  princes 
of  the  family  have  a strong  family  likeness,  but  it  is  more 
marked  between  the  Princes  Ch'un  and  Kung,  who  probably 
come  of  one  mother.  The  chief  points  are  a heavy  sensual 
mouth,  with  just  a suspicion  of  “ underhangedness  ” about 

* Mrs.  Archibald  Little  has  secured  the  sympathy  of  many  leading  Chinese 
in  her  crusade  against  bound  feet. 


132 


China : Past  and  Present 


the  lower  lip,  and  a decided  scowl.  Otherwise  the  faces  are 
not  ill-looking,  though  the  expression  is  imperiously  vicious  ; 
possibly  this  evil  look  is  partly  owing  to  a suppressed  sense 
of  shame  and  wrong.  On  several  occasions,  when  riding  in 
the  broad  streets  of  Peking,  which  are  raised  causeways  con- 
siderably above  the  level  of  the  side-walks,  I came  across 
young  Manchu  princes  on  horseback  surrounded  by  their 
retainers.  Judging  by  the  picture  of  Prince  Twan  I see  in 
some  of  the  illustrated  papers,  I seem  to  recognize  the  face  of 
a young  man  who  once  spoke  to  me  pleasantly  when  I cantered 
up  to  him  to  escape  the  guards  who  were  officiously  trying 
to  edge  me  down  the  side.  But  if  that  was  he,  his  name  was 
not  then  Prince  Twan,  a title  he  could  only  bear  after  his 
father’s  death,  and  he  must  now  be  a man  of  fifty.  The  son 
does  not  necessarily  bear  a title  with  a name  like  his  father’s 
title,  and  the  title,  apart  from  its  name,  is  always  one  degree 
lower  in  rank,  unless  (like  Prince  Kung’s)  it  is  an  “irre- 
ducible ” one  ( wang  ti).  The  Manchu  officials  one  meets  in 
the  provinces,  usually  of  high  rank,  are  quite  indistinguish- 
able at  first  sight  from  Chinese ; as  a rule,  being  less  literary 
in  their  tastes,  they  are  also  less  ruses , and  have  a little  more 
of  what  we  should  call  the  “ bearing  of  a gentleman  ” about 
them  ; but  they  are  also  apt  to  be  more  irritable,  haughty, 
incompetent,  and  indiscreet.  I had  an  Imperial  clansman 
for  my  teacher  at  Peking ; and  two  ghioro  held  rather  high 
office  when  I was  at  Canton.  As  a rule,  it  may  be  said  that 
all  such  scions  of  royalty  rather  resemble  our  ideal  “ mean 
whites ; ” and  when  they  do  not  consort  with  gamblers  and 
bullies  in  order  to  eke  out  a bare  subsistence,  their  lazy  up- 
breeding  turns  them  into  spiritless  debauchees,  without  even 
the  republican  sprightliness  of  the  John  Chinaman  vulgaris. 

All  the  Imperial  personal  names  are  under  strict  tabu,  and 
it  is  quite  impossible  to  ascertain  the  native  Manchu  appel- 
lations of  any  of  the  Emperors  ; even  the  word  Nurhachi  is 
rarely  written  or  spoken,  and  in  any  case  he  was  a mere 
savage  whose  name  “got  out”  before  he  became  anybody; 
not  one  person  in  a hundred  thousand  in  China  ever  heard  of 
the  existence  of  Abukhaye,  who  is  always  known  as  T‘ai- 
tsung,  as  though  we  should  say  Sectmdus  Divus.  The  four 
Imperial  brothers  above  enumerated,  i.e.  the  Emperor  Hien- 


133 


The  Honours  of  a Name 

feng  (a  mere  date  name  or  reign  style,  like  the  papal  Pius, 
Felix,  or  Leo),  Prince  Tun,  Prince  Kung,  and  Prince  Ch‘un, 
are  personally  called  in  Chinese,  Yichu,  Yitsung,  Yihin,  and 
Yihwan  respectively ; but  the  word  chu  must  always  be 
mutilated  in  writing  or  in  print,  as  though  out  of  respect  for 
Her  Majesty*  we  should  write  V-ctoria  or  Vict-ia.  Nor 
durst  any  one  except  the  Emperor,  or  close  relatives  in  equal 
or  higher  degree,  even  utter  the  personal  names  of  the  princes, 
let  alone  write  them.  All  this  is  in  imitation  of  “ Byzantine  ” 
Chinese  ways,  which,  however,  in  this  respect,  seem  to  prevail 
all  over  North  Asia,  and  may  be  of  older  origin  than  China 
herself.  The  Chinese  personal  names  of  the  Manchu 
Emperors,  beginning  with  Abukhaye’s  son,  are  Fulin, 
Htianye,  Yinchen,  Hungli,  Yungyen,  Mienning,  Yichu, 
Tsaichun,  and  Tsait'ien  ; but  I should  not  advise  any  one 
to  go  crying  these  sounds  about  the  streets  of  Peking,  unless 
armed  with  a knobbed  stick.  The  sensible  Emperor  K'ien- 
lung  (Hungli)  endeavoured  to  make  the  indispensable  tabu 
as  easy  as  possible  for  the  “silly  people”  by  changing  the 
sounds  of  certain  syllables,  so  as  not  to  interfere  with  the  free 
use  of  current  language  ; and  his  successors  have  gone  further, 
by  giving  rare  and  practically  meaningless  syllables  as 
Imperial  names  ; thus  no  one  in  the  whole  course  of  his  life 
need  ever  write  the  characters  chu , hin , tsung , or  hwan  ; for 
no  one  has  the  faintest  idea  what  they  originally  mean,  and, 
if  curious,  must  hunt  up  in  a dictionary  to  find  out.  The 
tabu  does  not  now  extend  to  the  first  or  categorical  syllable. 
All  of  the  generation  of  Tao-kwang  must  have  names  begin- 
ning with  Mien,  and  all  of  the  generation  of  the  last  two 
Emperors  must  in  the  same  way  be  Tsai.  It  is  exactly  as 
though  all  our  royal  family  were  Athelstanes,  Athelhelms,  or 
Athelberts  in  the  generation  of  George  III. ; Egberts,  Egwins, 
or  Egwolfs  in  that  of  the  Duke  of  Kent ; and  Edmonds, 
Edreds,  or  Edwards  in  the  generation  of  Queen  Victoria  ; 
and  as  though  we  wrote  Athelst-n,  Egb-t,  and  Edmond,  etc., 
out  of  respect  for  the  brother  of  each  generation  who  was 
king. 

Now  the  whole  dynastic  difficulty  of  our  present  generation 
has  arisen  out  of  the  spiritual  fact  that,  when  Tsaichun  died, 
* First  published  in  October,  1900. 


i34 


China:  Past  and  Present 


there  was  no  son  to  succeed  him  ; if  he  had  had  a brother, 
his  brother’s  son  given  in  adoption  would  have  done  very- 
well  ; however  he  not  only  had  not  a son  or  a nephew  of  P‘u 
degree  to  perform  the  sacra , both  private  and  Imperial,  but 
he  had  to  go  back  for  a heir  to  his  uncles,  even  to  get  a Tsai 
of  any  kind,  not  to  say  a P‘u.  There  are  two  points  upon 
which  I am  not  certain,  as  I only  paid  a cursory  passing 
attention  to  events  at  the  time,  and  have  left  certain  docu- 
ments in  China.  Some  say  the  young  Empress  was  enceinte  ; 
but,  even  if  she  was,  the  child  might  have  been  a girl,  and,  in 
any  case,  there  must  have  been  an  interregnum,  which,  in 
China,  means  intrigue  and  danger  all  round.  The  other  point 
is : — Was  there  any  of  the  P‘u  category  already  born  to  any 
one  whomsoever  in  1874?  If  there  were,  I presume  the 
grandson  of  any  of  the  deceased  Emperor’s  uncles  would,  in 
the  absence  of  a son  or  nephew,  have  been  admissible.  But 
even  here  there  were  hitches.  Prince  Tun  was  no  longer  the 
Imperial  son  of  Tao-kwang;  he  had  been  given,, 'in  1845,  in 
adoption  to  that  Emperor’s  childless  brother  Mienk'ai  (Prince 
Tun),  who  died  in  1838.  Moreover,  in  1854  and  1856  his 
brother  Hien-feng  had  been  obliged  to  censure  and  degrade 
him  for  evil  living.  The  Viceroy  Chang  Chi-tung,  one  of 
the  most  learned  men  in  China,  is  my  authority  for  the 
following  rule: — “The  descendants  of  Emperors  may  not 
perform  the  Imperial  sacra  in  their  private  capacity ; but 
they  may  perform  the  sacra  privata  to  the  Emperor  as  their 
father.”  Thus  the  sons  of  the  three  Imperial  brethren  of  an 
Emperor  are  bound  to  regard  each  of  their  fathers  as  the 
head  of  a new  branch,  and  cannot  worship  further  back  than 
their  father’s  own  shrine.  But  Prince  Tun,  having  been  given 
in  adoption  to  the  elder  one  of  that  name,  was  not  able  to 
regard  even  his  own  father  (the  Emperor  Tao-kwang)  privately 
as  such  ; he  had  to  offer  private  sacra  to  Mienk'ai.  A fortiori , 
his  son  (now  called  Prince  Twan)  must  have  been  excluded 
from  all  prospect  of  the  Imperial  succession,  even  if  he  had 
then  had  a son  of  the  P‘u  category  to  “ trade  off.”  Then,  as 
to  the  next  brother,  Prince  Kung : I cannot  say  if  at  that 
time  his  son  (of  the  Tsai  category)  had  already  a son  of  the 
P‘u  group  ; but  as  the  hereditary  Prince  Kung  is  now  named 
P'uwei,  I suppose  either  that  his  father  was  dead  in  1874,  or 


The  Moon-struck  Frenzy  Rush  135 

that  the  late  Prince  Kung  his  grandfather  had  only  then 
living  one  son  (now  dead)  to  perform  his  own  sacra  privata. 
Anyway,  the  upshot  of  it  all  was  (and  it  had  to  be  decided  in 
a few  hours)  that  Prince  Ch'un’s  son,  whose  mother  was  a 
sister  of  the  present  Empress-Dowager,  was  chosen  as 
Emperor.  If  the  generation  had  been  all  right,  i.e.  if  Tsait'ien, 
the  son  thus  chosen,  had  instead  had  a son  elected,  all  might 
still  have  been  well,  and  the  spirits  could  have  rejoiced  to 
their  hearts’  content.  But  unfortunately  “equals  cannot 
sacrifice  to  equals,  nor  can  a man  adopt  his  equal ; ” or,  as 
the  Romans  used  to  put  it,  Qui  sibi  filium  per  adoptionem  facit , 
plend  pubertate  prcecedere  debet.  The  only  thing,  therefore, 
was  to  create  a precedent ; and  Chinamen  loathe  precedents 
as  Anglican  bishops  loathe  genuflexions.  It  was  arranged 
that  Tsait'ien’s  son  (when  he  should  come)  should  be  given 
in  posthumous  adoption  to  Tsaichun.  This  was  very  com- 
fortable for  Tsaichun  (the  Emperor  T'ung-chi) ; but  how 
about  the  Imperial  sacra  of  the  reigning  Emperor  Tsait'ien 
(Kwang-sii)  ? 

These  worrying  considerations  so  afflicted  the  classical 
mind  of  a censor  named  Wu  K‘o-tuh  (1878)  that  he  “worked 
it  all  out”  in  a long  memorial,  arriving  at  the  total  result  that 
the  dii  manes  would  certainly  not  tolerate  such  a job,  and 
that  the  dynasty  must  ultimately  come  to  grief.  Knowing 
that  “his  head  and  his  body  would  be  in  different  places”  if 
he  personally  represented  this,  he  sent  in  his  memorial  by 
post  (just  as  Baron  Calice  sent  his  card  to  Prince  Ferdinand), 
and  committed  suicide,  pinning  a draft  of  it  either  to  his  coat- 
tail or  to  the  table-cloth.  But  he  was  determined  to  have 
some  show  for  his  money  ; being  perfectly  aware  that  his 
paper  would  be  a saleable  commodity,  and  might  be  ulti- 
mately suppressed,  he  took  care  to  send  copies  about ; and  at 
the  time  they  appeared  I published  a full  translation  in  the 
Hongkong  Daily  Press  ; but  I have  since  lost  it,  and  now  only 
write  from  memory.  Meanwhile,  I have  no  doubt  the  harassed 
soul  of  Wu  K‘o-tuh  is  gloating  over  the  success  of  his  predic- 
tions ; but  Tsaichun  is  still  minus  his  sacra,  and  Tsait'ien  can 
neither  produce  a son  for  himself  nor  for  his  cousin.  The 
only  person  who  comes  fairly  well  out  of  it  all  is  the  Empress- 
Dowager,  who  has  at  least  got  an  adoptive  son  in  hand  to 


China : Past  and  Present 


136 

make  up  for  the  natural  one  deceased ; and,  unless  he  dies 
before  her,  she  thus  secures  sacrifices  to  herself  and  her  late 
husband. 

The  Dowager-Empress  only  recently  became  aware  of  the 
fact  that  the  reigning  Emperor  was  unlikely  to  have  descend- 
ants of  his  own,  and  she  was  perfectly  right,  according  to  her 
own  lights,  in  trying  to  find  a P‘u  to  make  things  comfortable 
for  the  ghosts  of  her  husband,  herself,  and  her  sons.  She  is 
certainly  not  going  to  murder  the  son  in  hand  until  sure  of  a 
spiritual  successor  to  him  (which  includes  to  herself).  All 
the  gossip  about  her  having  assassinated  Tsaichun’s  enceinte 
wife,  and  having  desired  to  assassinate  Tsait'ien,  etc.,  is  un- 
trustworthy. No  one  can  see  into  the  villainies  of  the  human 
heart,  and  of  course  all  things  are  possible,  in  China  as  else- 
where ; but,  so  far  as  I can  judge,  the  unfortunate  woman  has 
pluckily  done  the  best  she  can  for  the  dynasty. 

As  to  the  claptrap  which  has  been  written  about  the  origin 
of  the  Empress-Dowager  herself,  the  following  is  her  true 
official  record : — 

1854,  second  moon,  decree:  The  kweijen,  nie  Nala,  is  advanced  to 
be  th t pm  of  I. 

1856,  third  moon.  Divus  Severus,  the  Imperator  Valens,  was  born  ; 
being  His  Majesty’s  eldest  son.  His  mother,  the  pin  of  I,  advanced  to 
be  fei  and  then  kwei-fei , was  the  present  Empress-Dowager  Ts‘z-hi,  nee 
Nala. 

1857,  first  moon,  decree:  The  fei  of  I is  advanced  to  be  kwei-fei  of  I. 

Twelfth  moon  : Special  and  assistant  envoys  [named]  sent  with  insig- 
nia to  patent  the  pin  of  I,  nSe  Nala,  as  kwei-fei  of  I. 

In  the  first  place  she  belongs  to  the  good  old  family  of 
Nala,  and  it  does  not  in  the  least  matter  whether  this  is  by 
adoption  or  not,  as  stated  by  some  writers,  for  only  Manchus 
can  be  adopted  by  Manchus.  But  it  is  not  usual  to  adopt 
girls,  for  their  destiny  is  to  be  given  out  of  the  family,  and 
they  cannot  perform  sacra;  hence  girl  adoption  is  rarely 
desired.  Secondly,  she  began  her  career,  so  far  as  appears 
from  official  records,  as  a kwei-jen , which,  with  the  other 
three  titles  given,  we  have,  in  the  absence  of  suitable  English 
words,  to  translate  “concubine  of  the  5th,  4th,  3rd,  and  2nd 
rank.”  But  even  if  she  was  first  a slave,  or  anything  below 
the  fifth  rank,  that  would  be  no  disgrace  in  a Manchu  serving 


Gi's  a Guid  Solid  Funeral ! 137 

the  Emperor ; for  it  is  an  honour  reserved  even  for  male 
Manchus  of  the  highest  rank  (not  princes)  to  call  themselves 
“slave”  in  addressing  the  Emperor;  few  Chinese  have  the 
right  to  do  so.  The  word  “concubine”  has  an  objectionable 
meaning  for  us,  which  the  Chinese  words  do  not  convey ; 
moreover,  the  Empress  Ts‘z-an,  who  was  sole  Empress  when 
T‘ung-chl  was  born,  was  herself  a kwei-fei  until  1852,  the  first 
wife  of  Hien-feng  having  died,  and  there  being  no  Empress 
when  he  succeeded.  The  titles  appearing  under  the  decree 
of  1856  are  of  course  anticipatory,  for  no  history  of  an 
Emperor  is  ever  composed,  or  at  least  published,  until  that 
Emperor  dies;  in  the  same  way  Ts‘z-hi’s  name  and  advance- 
ments are  in  anticipation.  I believe  (but  I do  not  know) 
that  she  and  her  colleague  were  made  “West”  and  “East” 
Empresses  in  1858,  and  only  obtained  the  titles  Ts‘z-hi  and 
Ts'z-an  after  Hien-feng’s  death.* 

An  interesting  point  has  been  raised  in  connection  with 
this  extraordinary  desire  to  propitiate  the  dii  manes  and 
preserve  the  continuity  of  the  family,  gens , or  tribe.  As  a 
matter  of  fact,  the  Manchus  have  “ acquired  the  taste  ” for 
ghosts — it  is  not  a natural  love — and  it  is  only  their  Chinese 
degeneracy  that  causes  them  to  lay  such  stress  on  the  matter. 
The  tombs  of  Nurhachi  and  Abakhaye  near  Mukden  are  not 
kept  in  very  good  repair,  and  even  the  West  Tombs  of  the 
great  Emperors  north  of  Pao-ting  Fu  are  (if,  as  I suppose, 
they  are  kept  in  condition)  left  severely  alone.  It  is  her  own 
husband  (which  means  also  herself)  the  Empress-Dowager  is 
so  anxious  about,  and  for  that  reason  it  would  be  wise  to 
utilize  this  feeling  by  occupying  her  proposed  resting-place 
in  the  mountain  cemetery  where  her  husband  and  son  lie — 
supposing  that  she  or  any  of  the  Imperial  princes  wickedly 
detain  the  persons  of  our  envoys.f  With  some  nations,  to 
pull  the  nose  or  the  beard  is  a more  deadly  insult  than  to 
cut  the  head  off.  Many  persons  seem  shocked  at  the  idea  of 
desecrating  mausolea , but  are  quite  ready  to  demand  execu- 
tions. Surely  it  is  more  merciful  to  (figuratively)  pull  a man’s 

* Both  were  made  Dowagers  together  on  T'ung-ch'i’s  accession  in  1861. 

t Note  to  original  article.  Since  this  was  written  they  have  been  rescued  ; 
but  I leave  the  “ principle  ” on  record.  Her  gorgeous  tomb  cost  nearly  a million 
sterling. 


138 


China : Past  and  Present 


nose  than  to  cut  his  head  off,  especially  if,  by  threatening  to 
do  so,  you  can  stop  him  from  cutting  your  friends’  heads  off? 
If,  in  spite  of  threats,  the  said  man  or  woman  in  this  case 
persists  in  committing  a crime  against  the  elementary  “ law 
of  nations,”  it  is  his  or  her  own  fault  if  he  or  she  finds  a 
memorial  stone  to  the  victim  erected  on  the  top  of  his  own 
ancestor’s  or  her  own  husband’s  grave. 


CHAPTER  II 

FROM  THE  EMPEROR  OF  CHINA  TO  KING  GEORGE 
THE  THIRD 

( Translated  from  the  “ Tung-hwa  Luh ,”  or  published  Court  Records 
of  the  now  reigning  Manchu  dynasty.) 

“ Keng-ivu  (day).* — His  Majesty  proceeded  to  the  Great 
Pavilion  in  the  Garden  of  Myriad  Trees,  where  the  English 
Chief  Envoy  Macartney  and  the  Assistant  Envoy  Staunton 
were  admitted  to  Audience. 

“ I-mao  (day).f — An  Imperial  order  was  issued  to  the 
King  of  England  in  the  following  terms  : — 

“ So  then,  thou  King,  far  away  over  many  oceans,  thou 
hast  inclined  thine  heart  towards  civilization,  and  hast  made 
a point  of  despatching  envoys  to  respectfully  bear  a submis- 
sive address.  Crossing  the  seas,  they  have  arrived  at  Court, 
and  have  offered  their  devout  prayers  for  our  Imperial  welfare, 
besides  submitting  articles  of  local  production,  by  way  of 

* Lord  Macartney  reached  Peking  on  the  2lst  of  August,  1793,  and  quitted  it 
on  the  7th  of  October.  Ktng-wu  was  the  ninth  day  after  the  kalends  of  the  eighth 
moon,  and  as  the  Chinese  moon  is  usually  one  moon  behind  ours,  this  would  be 
September,  or  our  ninth  moon.  As  a matter  of  fact,  the  14th  of  September  was 
the  date.  The  scene  was  one  of  the  old  Cathayan  capitals  now  known  as  Jeho  or 
Zhehol,  which  the  present  translator  visited  in  1870.  The  Emperor’s  tent  was 
placed  in  the  middle  of  the  garden.  Jeho  is  140  miles  north-east  of  Peking.  (See 
Sir  George  Staunton’s  Embassy  to  China.) 

t I-mao  was  the  ninth  day  after  Keng-ivu — i.e.  the  23rd  of  September. 


139 


Alas ! what  are  we  Kings  ? 

evincing  thy  heartfelt  sincerity.  We  have  opened  and  perused 
the  address,  the  language  of  which  is  sufficiently  honest  and 
earnest  to  bear  witness,  O King,  to  the  genuineness  of  thy 
respectful  submission,  and  is  hereby  right  well  commended 
and  approved.  As  to  the  chief  and  assistant  envoys,  bearers 
of  the  address  and  the  tribute,  in  consideration  of  the  fatigue 
they  have  undergone  in  carrying  out  the  duties  of  their  distant 
mission,  We,  in  the  exercise  of  our  grace  and  courtesy,  have 
already  commanded  our  ministers  to  introduce  them  to  the 
privilege  of  audience ; have  bestowed  a banquet  upon  them  ; 
and  have  conferred  upon  them  repeated  gratifications,  in 
order  to  make  manifest  our  love  and  tenderness.  As  to  the 
six  hundred  or  more  of  officers  and  menials  in  charge  of  the 
ship,  who  have  returned  with  it  to  Chusan,  though  they  have 
not  been  to  the  metropolis,  We  have  also  bestowed  liberal 
presents  upon  them,  so  that  they  also  may  have  a rich  share 
in  our  gracious  kindness,  and  one  and  all  be  equal  recipients 
of  our  benevolence. 

“As  to  the  earnest  prayer  in  thine  address,  King,  that 
thou  mayest  despatch  a man  of  thine  own  nationality  to 
reside  at  the  Celestial  Court  * and  take  the  management  of 
the  commercial  interests  of  thy  kingdom,  this  is  quite  con- 
trary to  the  policy  of  the  Celestial  Court,  and  positively 
cannot  be  allowed.  Hitherto,  whenever  men  belonging  to 
the  different  States  of  Europe  have  shown  a desire  to  come 
to  the  Celestial  Court  and  take  service  there,  they  have,  it  is 
true,  been  permitted  to  come  to  the  metropolis.  But,  once 
there,  they  have  submitted  to  the  sumptuary  usages  of  the 
Celestial  Court,  and  have  been  quartered  in  the  Hall,f  never 
being  allowed  to  return  to  their  own  country.  This  is  the 

* Some  years  previously  the  Emperor  had  directed  that  China  be  invariably 
described  as  the  “Celestial  Court”  in  correspondence  with  barbarians,  in  order 
duly  to  impress  them.  The  Emperor  here  uses  it  both  in  the  sense  of  “China” 
and  of  the  “ Court  of  China.” 

t The  Peking  church  was  destroyed  by  fire  in  1775,  but  the  Emperor  con- 
tributed towards  building  a new  one.  The  King  of  France  and  the  Pope,  after 
the  abolition  of  the  Society  of  Jesus,  arranged  to  place  the  Peking  mission  under 

(the  Lazarists  ; and  Father  Raux,  the  first  Superior,  arrived  in  1784.  In  Peking 
the  mission  is  known  as  “the  Hall  of  the  Lord  of  Heaven.”  The  “acceptance 
of  service  ” refers  to  the  geographical,  mathematical,  and  astronomical  aid  given, 
in  consideration  of  which  the  Jesuits  and  other  priests  had  been  allowed  to  remain 
in  Peking. 


140 


China:  Past  and  Pvesent 


fixed  rule  of  the  Celestial  Court,  with  which,  it  is  thought. 
King,  thou  must  be  well  familiar.  But  now,  0 King,  thou 
seekest  to  depute  a man  of  thine  own  nationality  to  reside 
in  the  metropolitan  city.  As  such  a man  would  not  be  bound, 
like  the  different  Europeans  who  have  accepted  service  in  the 
metropolis,  to  refrain  from  returning  to  his  native  land,  and 
as  it  would  be  impossible  to  allow  him  to  move  freely  to  and 
fro,  and  to  communicate  information  with  regularity,  it  would 
really  be  a profitless  business.  Moreover,  the  area  under  the 
administration  of  the  Celestial  Court  is  of  exceeding  vast 
extent.  Whenever  the  envoys  of  foreign  dependencies  arrive 
in  the  metropolis,  the  Interpreters’  Bureau  cares  for  their 
entertainment,  and  all  their  movements  are  regulated  by  strict 
etiquette : there  is  no  precedent  for  their  ever  having  been 
allowed  to  do  as  they  like.  If  thy  State  were  now  to  leave 
a man  in  the  metropolis,  his  language  would  be  as  incompre- 
hensible as  his  attire  would  appear  extraordinary,  and  there  are 
no  quarters  suitable  for  such  a case.  If,  on  the  other  hand, 
it  were  proposed  to  insist  on  his  changing  the  style  of  his 
attire,  after  the  manner  of  the  Europeans  who  have  come  to 
the  metropolis  and  accepted  service  there,  the  Celestial  Court 
again  would  never  be  willing  to  force  any  man’s  compliance 
with  the  unreasonable.  Just  imagine,  if  the  Celestial  Court 
should  desire  to  send  a man  to  reside  permanently  in  thy 
kingdom,  dost  thou  think  that  thy  kingdom  would  be  able 
to  accept  these  commands  ? Besides,  the  countries  of  Europe 
are  very  numerous,  thy  kingdom  not  being  by  any  means 
the  only  one : if  all  of  them  were  to  pray,  as  thou  dost,  King, 
for  permission  to  depute  a man  to  remain  in  the  metropolis, 
how  would  it  be  possible  to  grant  such  permission  to  each 
one  of  them  in  turn  ? This  matter  it  is  most  positively 
impossible  to  allow.  Is  it  reasonable  to  suppose  that,  in 
order  to  comply  with  the  request  of  thee  alone,  O King,  the 
century  or  more  old  customs  of  the  Celestial  Court  can  be 
altered  ? If  it  be  argued  that  thy  object,  O King,  is  that  he 
should  keep  an  effective  supervision  over  trade,  it  may  be 
answered  that  thy  countrymen  have  engaged  in  commerce 
at  Macao  for  a considerable  time  anterior  to  the  present  day, 
and  have  invariably  been  treated  with  every  consideration. 
Take,  for  instance,  the  former  missions  which  Portugal  and 


’Tis  well  the  Robe  of  Majesty  is  gay  14 1 

Italy  * have  in  turn  sent  to  Court : they  also  advanced  certain 
applications  on  the  ground  of  exercising  a supervision  over 
trade.  The  Celestial  Court,  noticing  their  heartfelt  sincerity, 
treated  them  with  the  greatest  commiseration,  and  whenever 
any  matter  occurred  in  connection  with  the  commerce  of  the 
said  countries,  the  most  complete  satisfaction  was  always 
given.  On  a former  occasion,  when  the  Cantonese  nong- 
merchant  Howquaf  was  dilatory  in  paying  up  the  price  of 
a foreign  ship,  the  Governor-General  under  whom  the  matter 
arose  was  ordered  to  advance  the  whole  of  the  moneys  in- 
volved in  the  first  instance  from  the  official  chest,  and  to 
clear  off  the  debt  vicariously,  besides  severely  punishing  the 
defaulting  merchant.  Probably  thy  kingdom  has  heard  the 
facts  of  this  case.  Then  why  should  foreign  States  be  so 
bent  on  deputing  individuals  to  reside  in  the  metropolis,  and 
make  such  unprecedented  and  impossible  requests  as  this  ? 
Again,  a man  residing  in  the  metropolis  would  be  nearly 
three  thousand  miles  away  from  the  commercial  centre  of 
Macao.  How  would  he  be  able  to  exercise  an  effective 
supervision  ? If  it  be  argued  that  it  is  out  of  veneration  for 
the  Celestial  Court,  and  that  it  is  wished  that  he  should 
acquaint  himself  ocularly  with  the  arts  of  civilization,  it  may 
be  replied  that  the  Celestial  Court  possesses  a system  of  rules 
and  etiquette  suitable  to  the  Celestial  Court,  and  both  of 
these  must  be  different  from  those  of  thy  kingdom.  Even 
granting  that  the  person  of  thy  nationality  so  residing  were 
able  to  acquire  the  desired  knowledge,  thy  kingdom  naturally 
possesses  customs  and  regulations  of  its  own,  and  would 
never  be  able  to  follow  those  of  China ; so  that,  even  sup- 
posing the  person  really  understood  the  knowledge  thus 
acquired,  he  would  be  unable  to  make  any  proper  use  of  it. 
The  Celestial  Court  conciliates  all  within  the  four  seas ; its 
only  object  is  to  achieve  the  solid  ends  of  good  government ; 
it  attaches  no  value  to  curious  and  rare  objects  of  price.  But 
as  to  the  things  which  thou,  O King,  hast  in  this  instance 
sent  to  us,  in  consideration  of  thine  honest  heart  and  the 

* Portugal,  1753;  the  Pope’s  Legate,  Mezzabarba,  1715-21. 

■f  Howqua  is  a “ pidgin-English  ” name  borne  by  the  head  of  the  Ng  or 
Wu  family  at  Canton.  Hong  is  a Cantonese  word  equivalent  to  the  American 
“ store.” 


142 


China : Past  and  Present 


great  distance  they  have  been  carried,  We  have  specially 
commanded  the  Government  Department  immediately  con- 
cerned to  take  receipt  of  them.  As  a matter  of  fact,  the 
power  and  prestige  of  the  Celestial  Court  is  felt  far  and  wide  ; 
innumerable  States  come  to  render  fealty ; rare  and  valuable 
objects  of  all  kinds  are  ever  crossing  the  seas  and  accumu- 
lating here  ; there  exists  nothing  but  what  We  possess  it, 
as  your  chief  envoy  and  his  suite  have  seen  with  their  own 
eyes.  Still,  We  never  attach  any  importance  to  curious  and 
ingenious  objects,  nor  shall  We  ever  again  require  articles 
of  thy  country’s  manufacture  ; so  that  thy  request,  O King, 
that  thou  mayest  despatch  a man  to  reside  in  the  metropolis, 
is,  on  the  one  hand,  contrary  to  the  policy  of  the  Celestial 
Court,  and,  on  the  other,  would  seem  to  be  totally  without 
advantage  to  thine  own  kingdom. 

“Thou  art  thus  clearly  notified  of  our  pleasure,  and  thine 
envoys  are  hereby  dismissed  and  commanded  to  betake  them- 
selves by  comfortable  stages  back  to  their  country.  And 
thou,  King,  thou  shouldst  do  thy  best  to  realize  our  Imperial 
meaning,  make  still  further  efforts  to  prove  thy  loyalty,  and 
for  ever  strive  to  be  respectful  and  submissive,  so  as  to 
preserve  to  thy  kingdom  its  due  share  of  the  blessings  of 
peace. 

“ The  chief  and  assistant  envoys,  the  officials  below  them, 
the  interpreters,  escorts,  etc.,  have  been  granted  both  rewards 
in  chief  and  subsidiary  rewards  according  to  the  list  of  objects 
separately  drawn  up ; and  as  thine  envoys  are  now  about  to 
return  home,  these  our  Imperial  commands  are  specially  pre- 
pared, with  presents  for  thee,  O King,  of  patterned  silks  and 
other  valuable  objects,  as  by  ordinary  rule  in  the  first  instance  ; 
with,  besides,  gifts  of  coloured  satins,  gauzes,  curiosities,  and 
other  precious  articles,  as  enumerated  in  the  detailed  list. 
Accept  them  all,  O King,  with  deference,  as  a mark  of  our 
Imperial  love.  These  our  special  commands.” 

A further  command  runs  : — 

“Thou  King,  having  yearned  from  a distance  for  the 
civilizing  influence,  and  having  most  earnestly  inclined  thyself 
towards  improvement,  hast  despatched  envoys  to  reverently 
bear  with  them  an  address  and  tribute,  to  cross  the  seas  and 
pray  for  our  happiness.  We,  observing  the  honesty  of  thy 


Obscurity , the  Kingdom  of  Error  143 

respectful  obedience,  O King,  commanded  our  ministers  to 
conduct  the  envoys  to  the  honour  of  an  audience : a banquet 
was  bestowed  upon  them,  and  rewards  conferred  in  bounteous 
plenty.  Our  commands  have  already  been  formally  issued 
to  them,  and  presents  to  thee,  King,  have  been  accorded  in 
the  shape  of  patterned  silks,  valuable  curiosities,  etc.,  by  way 
of  manifesting  our  tender  affection. 

“But  the  other  day  thine  envoys  raised  the  question  of 
thy  kingdom’s  commerce,  and  petitioned  our  ministers  to 
bring  the  matter  before  us.  It  all  involves  tampering  with 
fixed  rules,  and  is  inexpedient  to  accord.  Hitherto  the 
barbarian  ships  of  the  different  European  States  and  of  thine 
own  kingdom  coming  to  trade  at  the  Celestial  Court  have 
always  conducted  their  commerce  at  Macao.  This  has  con- 
tinued for  some  time  now,  and  is  by  no  means  a matter  of 
yesterday.  The  stores  of  goods  at  the  Celestial  Court  are 
plenteously  abundant ; there  is  nothing  but  what  is  possessed, 
so  that  there  is  really  no  need  for  the  produce  of  outer  bar- 
barians in  order  to  balance  supply  and  demand.  However, 
as  the  tea,  silk,  and  porcelain  produced  by  the  Celestial  Court 
are  indispensable  objects  to  the  different  States  of  Europe, 
and  to  thy  kingdom,  for  this  reason,  We  have  in  our  grace 
and  commiseration  established  the  foreign  hongs  at  Macao 
in  order  that  all  daily  needs  may  be  duly  supplied,  and  every 
one  share  in  our  superfluous  riches.  But  now  thine  envoys 
have  made  considerable  demands  over  and  above  what  is 
provided  by  fixed  precedent,  in  such  wise  as  to  run  seriously 
counter  to  the  principle  of  recognizing  the  bounty  of  the 
Celestial  Court  to  distant  men,  and  its  nurturing  care  of  the 
different  barbarians.  Moreover,  the  Celestial  Court  exercises 
a controlling  supervision  over  all  countries,  and  is  benevolent 
to  each  in  an  equal  degree.  For  instance,  those  trading  in 
Canton  province  do  not  come  from  the  kingdom  of  England 
alone : if  they  were  all  to  come  clamouring  in  the  same  way, 
and  wantonly  to  pester  us  with  requests  impossible  to  concede 
in  this  style,  is  it  to  be  supposed  that  We  could  always  go 
out  of  our  way  to  grant  them  ? Remembering,  however,  that 
thy  kingdom  occupies  an  obscure  corner  in  the  distant  wilder- 
ness, and  is  far  removed  from  us  by  ocean  upon  ocean  ; also 
that  thou  art  naturally  unversed  in  the  political  etiquette 


144 


China:  Past  and  Present 


of  the  Celestial  Court,  We  for  this  reason  commanded  our 
ministers  to  make  all  this  plain  to  thine  envoys,  instruct  their 
minds,  and  dismiss  them  back  to  their  country.  But,  fearing 
that  thine  envoys  on  their  return  home  may  fail  to  represent 
matters  thoroughly  to  thee,  We  again  take  up  their  requests 
one  by  one,  and  prepare  these  further  commands  for  thy 
particular  instruction,  opining  thou  wilt  be  able  to  grasp  our 
meaning. 

“ I.  Thine  envoys  state  that  the  merchant  ships  of  thy 
kingdom  would  like  to  come  and  anchor  at  Ningpo,  Chusan, 
Tientsin,  and  Canton  for  purposes  of  trade.  Now,  hitherto 
the  traders  of  the  European  States  who  have  set  out  for 
places  under  the  Celestial  Court  have  always  found  the 
foreign  hongs  at  Macao  available  for  them  to  discharge  and 
ship  their  goods.  This  has  continued  so  for  a long  time,  and 
thy  kingdom  amongst  the  rest  has  complied  with  the  rule  for 
many  years  without  a single  contrary  word.  At  neither 
Tientsin  in  Chih  Li  province  nor  at  Ningpo  in  Cheh  Kiang 
province  have  any  foreign  hongs  been  established,  and  any 
ships  of  thy  kingdom  proceeding  thither  would  fail  to  find 
the  means  of  disposing  of  their  produce  withal.  Besides,  there 
are  no  interpreters  at  these  places,  and  no  one  would  be  able 
to  understand  the  language  of  thy  kingdom.  Thus  there 
would  be  many  inconveniences.  Apart,  then,  from  the  port 
of  Macao  in  the  Kwang  Tung  province,  where  trade  will 
continue  to  be  permitted  on  the  old  lines,  the  various  prayers 
of  thine  envoys  that  ships  may  be  allowed  to  anchor  for 
purposes  of  trade,  whether  at  Ningpo,  Chusan,  or  Tientsin, 
can  in  no  sense  be  entertained. 

“2.  Thine  envoys  state  that  it  is  desired  to  establish  a 
separate  hong  in  the  metropolitan  city  of  the  Celestial  Court, 
for  the  storing  and  distribution  of  produce,  after  the  manner  and 
precedent  of  Russia,  a request  which  it  positively  is,  even  in  a 
greater  degree  than  the  first,  quite  impossible  to  grant.  The 
metropolitan  city  is  the  cynosure  of  the  empyrean  for  all 
parts  of  the  world : its  etiquette  is  as  severely  exact  as  its 
laws  are  of  striking  majesty ; never  has  there  been  such 
a thing  there  as  the  establishment  of  mercantile  hongs  by 
foreign  dependencies.  Thy  kingdom  has  hitherto  traded  at 
Macao,  partly  because  Macao  is  comparatively  near  to  the 


We'll  keep  our  Customs  145 

seaports,  and  partly  because  it  is  the  commercial  emporium 
of  all  nations,  access  to  and  departure  from  which  are  very 
commodious.  If  a hong  for  the  distribution  of  merchandise 
were  to  be  established  in  the  metropolitan  city,  thy  kingdom 
is  situated  at  such  a very  great  distance  to  the  north-west  of 
the  metropolitan  city  that  the  conveying  thither  of  produce 
would,  besides,  be  very  inconvenient  indeed.  Formerly  the 
Russians  established  a trading  office  in  the  metropolitan  city 
because  this  was  anterior  to  the  organization  of  Kiachta  ; but 
they  only  had  houses  temporarily  given  to  them  to  reside  in. 
Afterwards,  when  Kiachta  was  established,  the  Russians  did 
all  their  trading  there,  and  were  no  longer  allowed  to  reside  in 
the  metropolitan  city;  and  this  has  been  so  now  for  some  score 
or  more  of  years.  The  Russian  trade  which  now  goes  on  at 
the  Kiachta  frontier  is,  in  fact,  analogous  to  the  trade  of  thy 
kingdom  at  Macao.  As  thy  kingdom  already  has  foreign 
hongs  for  the  distribution  of  produce  at  Macao,  why  must 
thou  needs  wish  to  establish  another  hong  in  the  metropolitan 
city  ? The  boundaries  of  the  Celestial  Court  are  defined  with 
absolute  clearness,  and  never  have  individuals  belonging  to 
outer  dependencies  been  allowed  to  infringe  the  frontiers  or 
mix  with  our  people  in  the  least  degree.  Thus  the  desire  of 
thy  kingdom  to  set  up  a hong  in  the  metropolitan  city 
positively  cannot  be  granted. 

“ 3.  Thine  envoys  state  again  that  they  desire  a small 
island,  somewhere  about  the  Chusan  group,  so  that  merchants 
can  go  thither  and  make  it  a resting  terminus  for  the  con- 
venience of  receiving  and  warehousing  produce.  Now,  the 
desire  expressed  by  thy  kingdom  for  permission  to  reside  at 
Chusan  comes  from  the  wish  to  distribute  the  merchants’ 
produce.  But,  as  Chusan  possesses  no  foreign  hongs,  and 
has  no  interpreters,  no  ships  of  thy  kingdom  have,  so  far, 
gone  thither ; and  thus  the  desire  of  thy  kingdom  to  possess 
the  island  in  question  is  a futile  one.  Every  inch  of  land 
under  the  Celestial  Court  is  accounted  for  in  the  official 
survey ; the  boundary  marks  are  strictly  laid  down,  and  even 
islands  and  shoals  must  be  considered  from  this  frontier 
point  of  view,  each  belonging  to  its  proper  jurisdiction. 
Moreover,  thy  kingdom  of  England  is  not  the  only  one 
amongst  the  outer  barbarians  which  turns  towards  civilization 

L 


China : Past  and  Present 


146 

and  trades  with  the  Celestial  Court.  Were  other  States  to 
come  clamouring  in  the  same  way,  and  each  beg  for  a gift  ot 
land  for  the  occupation  of  its  traders,  how  would  it  be  possible 
to  grant  the  petition  of  each  ? Besides,  the  Celestial  Court 
has  no  precedent  for  such  a course,  and  therefore  it  is  in- 
expedient in  a yet  greater  degree  to  grant  this  request 
either. 

“4.  They  "say  once  more  that  some  small  place  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  the  provincial  capital  of  Canton  might  be 
set  apart  for  the  barbarian  traders  of  thy  country  to  reside 
in  ; or,  as  an  alternative,  that  those  persons  residing  at  Macao 
might  be  allowed  to  travel  backwards  and  forwards  at  their 
convenience.  Hitherto  the  barbarian  merchants  of  the 
different  European  States,  residing  for  purposes  of  trade  at 
Macao, have  had  the  boundary-line  marked  out  clearly  for  them, 
and  have  not  been  allowed  to  transgress  it  one  single  foot  or 
inch ; nor  have  the  barbarian  traders  resorting  to  the  foreign 
hongs  to  dispose  of  their  goods  been  permitted  to  take  upon 
themselves  to  enter  Canton,  the  object  of  all  this  being  to 
check  the  rise  of  disputes  between  the  people  and  the 
barbarians,  and  to  set  a igreat  barrier  between  China  and 
Abroad.  The  request  now  made  that  a separate  place  near 
Canton  may  be  set  apart  for  the  residence  of  the  barbarian 
merchants  from  thy  kingdom  is  thus,  in  the  first  place, 
contrary  to  the  precedents  which  have  up  to  this  time 
governed  the  barbarian  merchants  of  Europe  residing  at 
Macao : moreover,  the  different  European  States  have  traded 
in  Kwang  Tung  province  for  a great  many  years,  and  have 
accumulated  great  profits : they  come  in  daily  increasing 
numbers : how,  then,  would  it  be  possible  to  set  apart  a 
separate  piece  of  land  for  the  residence  of  each  ? As  to 
barbarian  merchants  moving  to  and  fro  as  they  may  list,  it 
is  for  the  local  officials,  assisted  by  the  Chinese  hong-men,  to 
institute  inquiry  as  each  case  may  seem  to  require.  If  no 
bounds  of  any  description  were  set,  it  is  to  be  feared  that  the 
people  of  the  interior  might  from  time  to  time  get  into  dis- 
putes with  the  barbarian  merchants  of  thy  kingdom,  which 
would  have  results  very  far  from  the  commiseration  intended. 
Taking  into  consideration,  therefore,  the  requirements  of  the 
case,  We  must  declare  for  residence  at  Macao,  in  accordance 


In  Little  Trades , more  Cheats  and  Lying  147 

with  established  practice,  as  being  the  only  satisfactory  and 
desirable  course. 

“ 5.  Again,  they  say  that  the  barbarian  merchants  of  the 
English  kingdom  might  proceed  from  Canton  down  to  Macao 
by  the  inner  reaches,  and  their  goods  might  either  pay  no  taxes 
at  all,  or  reduced  taxes.*  Now,  there  are  fixed  tariffs  govern- 
ing all  cases  connected  with  the  payment  of  duties  by 
barbarian  traders  moving  to  and  fro,  and  in  this  regard  all 
the  nations  of  Europe  are  upon  the  same  footing.  Just  as  it 
would  not  do  at  the  present  time  to  charge  the  ships  of  thy 
country  any  excess  over  the  tariff  because  they  happen  to  be 
the  most  numerous,  so  is  it  inexpedient  to  make  an  exception 
in  favour  of  thy  country  by  reducing  the  duties  payable  by  it 
alone.  The  only  course  is  to  charge  a just  levy  in  accordance 
with  the  existing  practice,  and  on  the  same  footing  as  the 
other  countries.  Henceforth  the  barbarian  merchants  of  thy 
State  proceeding  with  their  produce  to  Macao  must  receive 
every  attention  as  before,  in  order  to  manifest  due  com- 
miseration for  them. 

“6.  They  next  apply  that  the  ships  of  thy  kingdom  may 
pay  duties  in  accordance  with  a tariff.  Now,  the  Hoppo  of 
Canton  in  levying  tonnage  dues  f has  hitherto  acted  under  a 
fixed  tariff ; and,  as  it  has  now  been  declared  inexpedient  to 
establish  trading  hongs  at  any  other  seaports,  it  follows  that 
duties  must  be  paid  as  before,  in  accordance  with  precedent,  to 
the  Hoppo  of  Canton,  and  that  there  is  no  necessity  for  any 
further  notification  on  the  subject.  As  to  the  Teaching  of 
the  Lord  of  Heaven  t cultivated  by  thy  kingdom,  this  is 
simply  the  teaching  which  has  up  to  this  time  been  cultivated 
by  the  different  nations  of  Europe.  The  Sacred  Emperors 
and  Illustrious  Kings  of  the  Celestial  Court  have,  ever  since 
the  creation  of  the  world,  handed  down  the  teachings  which 
they  have  instituted  from  time  to  time ; the  earth’s  millions 
have  a standing  guide  provided  for  them  to  follow  herein, 

* Probably  this  refers  to  re-exports  to  unsold  cargoes.  The  Emperor,  like  all 
Chinese,  shows  acuteness  in  evading  the  main  point  and  betaking  himself  to 
generalities. 

t “ Ships’  materials  ” are  the  actual  words  used,  but  a single  extra  dot 
(probably  accidentally  omitted)  transforms  these  into  “ships’  dues.” 

X This  term  is  now  usually  confined  to  the  Roman  Catholic  faith;  “Jesus 
teaching”  is  the  common  expression  for  “Protestants.” 


China:  Past  and  Present 


148 

and  would  not  venture  to  befool  themselves  with  outlandish 
doctrines.  So  far  as  the  European  men  who  have  accepted 
service  in  the  metropolis  are  concerned,  they  reside  in  the 
Hall,  and  are  not  allowed  to  form  connections  with  the  people 
of  China,  or  to  wantonly  propagate  their  faith.  The  dis- 
tinction between  Chinese  and  barbarian  is  strictly  maintained. 
The  desire  which  thine  envoys  now  express  is  that  barbarian 
men  may  be  allowed  to  preach  their  faith  as  they  list,  which 
is  even  more  impossible  to  grant  than  anything  else. 

“The  above  categorical  homily  is  forthcoming  in  con- 
sequence of  the  wanton  suggestions  made  by  thine  envoys. 
Thou,  King,  maybe,  hast  not  been  able  to  thoroughly  com- 
prehend the  political  principles  of  the  Celestial  Court,  and 
hadst  no  idea  of  wanton  intrusion  thyself.  In  all  cases  where 
tributary  kingdoms  with  honest  heart  turn  towards  civilization, 
We  invariably  display  our  commiseration,  in  order  to  make 
manifest  our  tender  affection.  Should  they  crave  any  matters 
from  us  which  do  not  conflict  with  our  political  principles,  in 
all  cases  We  go  out  of  our  way  to  grant  their  requests.  More- 
over, in  thy  case,  O King,  residing  as  thou  dost  in  an  obscure 
spot  across  the  oceans,  having  protested  thine  earnestness  and 
paid  thy  tribute,  We  have  conferred  upon  thee  rich  favours 
in  double  the  measure  of  other  countries.  But  the  requests 
now  submitted  by  thine  envoys  not  only  seriously  concern  the 
statutory  rules  of  the  Celestial  Court ; they  are  all  quite  futile 
and  impracticable  even  in  thine  own  interests.  We  now  once 
more  set  forth  our  meaning  for  thine  instruction,  O King, 
who  shouldst  enter  into  our  views  and  for  ever  render 
obedience,  thus  enjoying  thy  due  share  of  the  blessings  of 
peace.  If,  after  this  clear  declaration,  thou,  King,  shouldst 
peradventure  lend  misguided  ear  to  the  words  of  the  men 
under  thee,  and  allow  barbarian  merchants  to  go  with  their 
trading  ships  to  Cheh  Kiang,  Tientsin,  etc.,  and  seek  to  land 
there  for  purposes  of  trade,  know  thou  that  the  statutory  rules 
of  the  Celestial  Court  are  very  strict,  and  that  the  civil  and 
military  officers  in  charge  of  each  place  will  do  their  duty 
faithfully,  and  will  not  allow  any  ships  of  thy  kingdom  pro- 
ceeding thither  to  remain  there,  but  will  positively  have  to 
drive  them  away  at  once  to  sea,  so  that  the  barbarian 
merchants  of  thy  kingdom  will  have  all  their  trouble  in  vain. 


Oh,  Majesty!  how  dost  thou  pinch  ! 149 

Say  not  thou  wast  not  warned  ! Tremble  and  obey,  without 
negligence,  this  further  command  ! ” 

“ Jen-yin  (day).* — Rescript  to  the  Cabinet  Council : 

“ Chu  Kwei  f has  sent  up  a memorial  reporting  that 
England  has  submitted  an  address  with  tribute.  As  certain 
tribute  envoys  in  previous  years  had  arrived  in  the  metropolis 
and  received  handsome  rewards  from  us,  the  King  in  question 
has  specially  prepared  an  address,  with  articles  of  local  origin 
as  tribute,  for  submission  to  us.  His  heartfelt  sincerity  is 
sufficiently  manifest,  and  although  no  special  envoy  has  come 
to  Canton  for  the  above  purpose,  on  what  ground  should 
there  be  any  difficulty  about  vouchsafing  acceptance  ? 

“An  Imperial  order f is  also  issued  commanding  him  in 
the  following  words  : — 

“ ‘ Thy  kingdom  lying  far  away  as  it  does  across  repeated 
oceans,  last  year  thou  sentest  envoys  to  reverentially  bear  an 
address  with  tribute,  to  cross  the  seas,  and  pray  for  our 
happiness.  We,  observing  thy  heartfelt  earnestness,  O King, 
ordered  our  ministers  to  admit  them  to  the  privilege  of 
audience,  bestowed  a banquet  upon  them,  and  conferred 
rewards  in  bounteous  abundance.  We  issued  a formal  decree 
of  commands  for  them  to  take  home  with  them,  and  pre- 
sented thee,  O King,  with  patterned  silks  and  valuable 
curiosities,  in  order  to  make  manifest  our  tender  affection. 
Now,  O King,  thou  hast  once  more  prepared  a submissive 
address  with  local  articles,  which  thou  hast  sent  by  barbarian 
ship  to  Canton  for  submission  to  us.  The  honesty  of  thy 
reverent  submission  is  sufficiently  obvious.  The  Celestial 
Court  holds  in  conciliatory  possession  all  the  States  of  the 
world.  We  reck  not  of  the  gifts  of  jewels  which  come  to 
our  Court : what  We  value  is  the  senders’  honesty  of  purpose. 
We  have,  however,  commanded  our  viceregal  authorities  to 
admit  the  objects  in  question,  in  order  to  allow  free  scope  to 
thy  devout  respect. 

‘“As  to  the  punitory  expedition  which  the  Celestial 

* Jen-yin  is  the  twenty-fourth  day  after  the  kalends  of  the  twelfth  moon  in 
the  sixtieth  year  of  the  Emperor  K‘ien-lung  ; five  days  later  he  abdicated.  This 
would  be  early  in  February,  1796. 

t Chu  Kwei  was  viceroy  at  Canton.'’ 

t This  Emperor  often  drafted  the  replies  which  his  officers  were  to  send,  and 
even  told  them  to  say,  “We  dare  not  trouble  the  Emperor  about  this  matter.” 


China  : Past  and  Present 


150 

Court  some  time  ago  despatched  against  the  Ghoorkas,  the 
generalissimo  commanding-in-chief  penetrated  deeply  into 
their  country  at  the  time,  capturing  successive  strong  points. 
The  Ghoorkas,  awe-stricken  before  our  military  might,  came 
cringing  in  to  offer  submission,  and  it  was  then  first  that  the 
generalissimo  reported  the  condition  of  affairs  to  us.*  The 
benevolent  goodness  of  the  Celestial  Court  extends  far  away 
over  both  China  and  Abroad  in  equal  measure.  Unwilling 
that  the  poor  folk  of  that  region  should  one  and  all  come  to 
annihilation,  We  for  this  reason  consented  to  receive  their 
submission.  At  that  time  it  is  true  the  generalissimo  did 
allude  in  his  report  to  the  fact  that  thou,  King,  hadst  sent 
an  envoy  to  Tibet  to  proffer  a petition,  stating  that  thou 
hadst  exhorted  the  Ghoorkas  to  make  their  submission.  But 
the  great  results  of  our  victory  had  then  already  been  achieved, 
nor  was  there  ever  any  need  to  trouble  the  military  power 
of  thy  kingdom.  In  thy  present  address,  O King,  it  is  stated 
that  this  affair  occurred  after  the  last  envoys  had  started  on 
their  journey  hither,  and  that  therefore  they  had  not  been 
able  to  report  it  to  us  ; but  it  is  evident  thou  art  ill  acquainted 
with  the  sequence  of  events.  Still,  as  thou,  O King,  appearest 
able  to  understand  the  principles  of  right,  and  art  reverently 
submissive  to  the  Celestial  Court,  We  readily  accord  our 
commendation  and  approval,  and  now  make  thee,  O King, 
special  formal  gifts  of  embroidered  satins,  etc.  On  thy  part, 
O King,  make  further  efforts  in  devoted  loyalty,  and  ever 
merit  our  imperial  favour,  thus  giving  effect  to  our  high  desire 
that  even  the  most  distant  may  participate  in  the  soothing 
influence  of  our  benevolence.’ 

“ When  Chu  Kwei  shall  have  received  the  above  document, 
he  will  at  once  proceed  to  deliver  it  to  the  taipan  f Brown 
belonging  to  the  said  country  for  further  transmission  by 

* The  Annals  of  the  Manchu  Wars  distinctly  states  that  “in  1795,  when  the 
English  envoy  came  to  Peking  [inaccurate,  of  course]  with  tribute,  he  said: 
‘ Last  year  but  one,  your  general  led  his  troops  into  the  Timi  country  south-west 
of  Tibet,  and  on  that  occasion  we  aided  you  with  gunboats.  Should  you  hereafter 
desire  the  use  of  European  troops,  we  offer  you  our  services.’  It  was  only  then 
that  the  Emperor  became  aware  that,  when  the  Ghoorkas  submitted,  it  was 
because  they  were  menaced  also  on  the  south.’’ 

t Taipan  is  a Cantonese  word  meaning  “partner”  or  “head  of  a commercial 
house,”  but  referring  solely  to  Europeans.  The  Hoppo — a “ pidgin-English  ” 
word — is  the  Comptroller  of  Customs. 


No  move  of  that , Hal  151 

him  back  to  his  country,  so  that  the  King  in  question  may 
be  still  further  filled  with  grateful  obligation  and  reverent 
submission,  and  our  affectionate  tenderness  be  thus  made 
manifest. 

“The  rule  is  that  officials  of  the  Celestial  Court  may  not 
have  any  truck  with  outer  barbarians.  Chu  Kwei  therefore 
did  right  to  give  him  orders  to  take  back  the  objects  presented 
to  the  former  Viceroy  and  the  Hoppo.” 

N.B.  (to  original  article). — In  all  the  above  papers  there 
are  words  which  do  not  admit  of  exact  translation.  For 
instance,  the  word  translated  “barbarian”  cannot  possibly  be 
accurately  rendered:  it  is  rather  “outlandish”  or  “strange,” 
having  in  it  at  the  same  time  that  suspicion  of  inferiority 
which  is  wrapped  up  in  the  vague  English  word  “ natives  ” as 
opposed  to  genuine  white  men,  or  in  the  American  expres- 
sion “ coloured  folk.”  The  use  of  “ thou  ” denotes  unmis- 
takable inferiority.  Such  words  as  “order,”  “submissive 
address,”  “policy,”  “etiquette,”  “commiseration,”  “civiliza- 
tion,” “devout  respect,”  “imperial  commands,”  and  “tender 
affection,”  are  susceptible  of  many  turns  and  shades  in 
translation.  However,  the  rendering  is  word  for  word  and 
literal  throughout,  so  far  as  the  Chinese  language  admits  of  it. 


CHAPTER  III 

THE  EMPEROR  OF  CHINA  AND  LORD  AMHERST 

In  view  of  the  recent  interview  between  Prince  Henry  of 
Prussia  and  the  Emperor  of  China,  it  is  curious  to  recall  the 
very  different  reception  accorded  to  Lord  Amherst  by  the 
present  Emperor’s  great  grandfather,  usually  known  as  Kia- 
k’ing,  eighty-two  years  ago.*  The  story  is  best  told  in  his 
Majesty’s  own  words  : — 

* Written  in  1898. 


152 


China:  Past  and  Present 


“Bestowal  of  the  following  mandate  upon  the  King  of 
Ying-ki-li : — 

“Thy  kingdom  far  away  across  the  oceans  proffers  its 
loyalty  and  yearns  for  civilization.  Formerly  in  the  58th 
year  of  K‘ien-lung  (1793),  when  the  late  Emperor,  his 
exalted  Majesty  Divus  Purus,  was  on  the  throne,  thou  didst 
despatch  an  envoy  across  the  seas  to  Our  court.  On  that 
occasion  the  envoy  of  thy  kingdom  most  respectfully  fulfilled 
the  rites  and  failed  not  in  form,  -for  which  reason  he  was 
enabled  to  bask  in  the  Imperial  Favour  and  to  enjoy  audi- 
ences and  banquets,  rich  presents  besides  being  conferred 
upon  the  mission.  This  year,  O King,  thou  hast  again  sent 
an  envoy  to  be  the  bearer  of  an  address  and  to  deliver  thy 
quantum  of  local  articles.  We,  in  consideration  of  the  fact 
that  thou,  O King,  wast  genuine  in  thy  respectful  submission, 
felt  deeply  overjoyed,  and,  following  up  the  old  precedents, 
commanded  the  official  body  to  arrange  for  audiences  and 
banquets,  so  soon  as  the  envoy  of  thy  kingdom  should  arrive, 
entirely  in  accordance  with  the  rites  of  the  last  reign.  As 
soon  as  ever  thine  envoy  arrived  at  Tientsin,  We  commanded 
officers  to  proceed  to  that  place  and  confer  upon  him  a 
banquet  there.  But  lo ! when  thine  envoy  came  to  render 
thanks  for  the  feast  he  did  not  observe  the  proper  ceremonial 
forms.  We,  holding  that  the  petty  subject  of  a distant 
kingdom  might  well  be  excused  for  his  ignorance  of  forms, 
gave  special  commands  to  certain  great  officers  that  they 
should,  just  as  thine  envoy  was  approaching  the  capital, 
inform  him  to  the  effect  that  in  the  58th  year  of  K‘ien-lung 
thine  envoys,  when  saluting,  in  each  case  knelt  down  and 
koivtowed  in  due  form,  and  to  explain  how  impossible  it  was 
to  make  any  alteration  in  the  present  instance.  Your  envoy 
verbally  told  Our  high  officers  that  when  the  day  should 
arrive  he  would  duly  carry  out  both  the  kneeling  and  the 
kowtow , and  that  there  would  be  no  failure  in  form.  Our 
great  officers  then  made  representations  to  Us  to  this  effect, 
and  We  thereupon  announced  Our  pleasure,  directing  that 
thine  envoy  should  have  audience  on  the  7th  day  of  the  7th 
moon  (26th  August),  and  that  presents  and  a banquet  should 
be  bestowed  on  the  following  day  in  the  Cheng-ta  Kwang- 
ming  Hall ; food  being  again  conferred  in  the  T‘ung-lo 


As  you  like  it  153 

Garden.  Leave  was  to  be  taken  on  the  9th,  and  on  that 
day  a trip  to  the  Wan-shon  Hill  (part  of  the  Summer  Palace) 
was  to  be  granted.  On  the  nth,  presents  were  to  be  dis- 
tributed at  the  T'ai-ho  Gate,  and  then  the  party  were  to 
adjourn  to  the  Board  of  Ceremonies  for  a banquet.  On  the 
13th  they  were  to  be  dismissed,  and  Our  great  officers  had 
given  thine  envoy  full  information  as  to  the  forms  and  the 
dates.  On  the  7th,  the  day  fixed  for  the  audience,  thine 
envoy  had  already  got  as  far  as  the  gate  of  the  palace,  and 
We  ourselves  were  about  to  mount  the  throne,  when  the 
chief  envoy  suddenly  announced  that  he  was  very  ill  and 
unable  to  walk.  We,  holding  it  quite  possible  that  the  chief 
envoy  should  be  suddenly  taken  ill,  then  ordered  that  the 
assistant  envoys  alone  might  be  admitted.  But  the  two 
assistant  envoys  also  declared  that  they  were  in  a suffering 
condition,  a piece  of  impoliteness  it  would  be  impossible  to 
exceed.  We  did  not,  however,  visit  upon  them  seriously 
Our  displeasure,  but  that  very  day  dismissed  them  back  to 
their  country,  and  as  thine  envoy  never  obtained  an  audience, 
it  follows  that  neither  could  thine  address,  O King,  be  handed 
in,  and  that  it  remains  in  thine  envoy’s  hands  to  be  carried 
back.  However,  reflecting  that  thou,  O King,  hast  submitted 
an  address  and  offered  presents,  We  opine  that  thine  envoy’s 
want  of  respect  in  proceeding  to  give  interpretation  to  thy 
genuine  feelings,  is  the  fault  of  thine  envoy  ; the  respectful 
submissiveness  of  thyself,  O King,  this  We  right  well  dis- 
cover, for  which  reason  We  make  a point  of  selecting  from 
amongst  the  tribute  articles  some  maps,  pictures,  views,  and 
images,  which  We  retain  in  commendation  of  thy  loyal  heart ; 
this  being  equivalent,  in  fact,  to  accepting  the  whole.  We  also 
present  thee  with  a white  jade  ‘As  you  like  it  (i.e.  a sceptre);’ 
an  official  chaplet  of  kingfisher  jade  ; two  pairs  of  large  belt 
purses  and  eight  small  ones,  as  a mark  of  Our  tenderness. 
As  thou  art  removed  exceeding  far  from  the  Central  Flowery 
Land,  and  thy  sending  envoys  over  this  great  distance  is  no 
easy  matter ; moreover,  as  thine  envoy  has  not  been  able  to 
adequately  acquaint  himself  with  the  ceremonial  observances 
of  China,  thou  wilt  not  hear  with  pleasure  of  these  divers 
discussions  and  argumentations.  The  Celestial  Dynasty  sets 
no  value  upon  distant  things,  and  does  not  regard  as  rare  or 


i54 


China : Past  and  Present 


precious  objects  any  of  the  ingenious  curiosities  of  thy  land. 
Thou,  O King,  maintain  harmony  amongst  thy  people,  and 
sedulously  strengthen  thy  domain,  treating  alike  the  distant 
and  the  near ; that  is  what  best  secures  Our  commendation. 
Henceforward  no  more  envoys  need  be  sent  over  this  distant 
route,  as  the  result  is  but  a vain  waste  of  travelling  energy. 
If  thou  canst  but  incline  thine  heart  to  submissive  service, 
thou  mayest  dispense  with  sending  missions  to  court  at 
certain  periods ; that  is  the  true  way  to  turn  towards  civiliza- 
tion. That  thou  mayest  for  ever  obey  We  now  issue  this 
mandate. 

* * * * * * 

“Commands.  When  in  the  present  instance  Ying-ki-li 
country  sent  tribute,  and  the  envoy  landed  on  his  arrival  at 
the  seaport  of  Tientsin,  We  specially  commanded  Sulenge 
and  Kwang  Hwei  to  signify  our  pleasure  and  confer  a banquet, 
directing  him,  when  the  time  should  arrive  for  acknowledg- 
ments, to  go  through  the  form  of  thrice  kneeling  and  nine 
kowtows,  and  if  duly  performed  conducting  him  to  Peking. 
Supposing  he  were  unversed  in  the  forms  of  etiquette,  repre- 
sentations were  to  be  made,  pending  Our  pleasure  ; the  boats 
in  which  he  travelled  were  not  to  be  allowed  to  sail  away, 
but  he  was  to  return  by  the  same  route  to  Tientsin,  and 
thence  by  sea  to  his  country.  But  Sulenge  and  Kwang  Hwei 
have  deliberately  disobeyed  the  Imperial  commands  and 
brought  him  straight  on  towards  Peking  ; they  have,  more- 
over, allowed  the  boats  to  go  away  on  their  own  account ; it 
is  in  this  that  their  blame  lies.  But  things  having  thus  gone 
wrong,  We  once  more  commanded  Hoshitai  and  Muktenge 
to  go  and  meet  the  mission  atTung-chow,  in  order  to  rehearse 
the  ceremonies.  The  limit  of  time  was  fixed  at  the  6th  day 
of  the  7th  moon,  and  if  by  this  date  forms  had  been  complied 
with,  the  mission  was  to  be  brought  on  further.  But  if  up  to 
that  date  forms  had  not  been  complied  with,  a report  of 
impeachment  was  to  have  been  sent  impending  Our  pleasure. 
On  the  5th  Hoshitai  and  Muktenge  sent  up  an  evasive 
report,  and  on  the  6th  they  brought  the  mission  right  on.  At 
half-past  one  p.m.  on  that  day  We  seated  ourselves  in  the 
Klin-cheng  Hall  to  give  audience  to  the  pair,  and  first  enquired 
of  them  how  the  rehearsal  had  gone  off.  Taking  their  hats 


A ( John ) Bull  in  a China  Shop  155 

off  and  knocking  their  heads  on  the  ground,  they  replied  that 
there  had  been  no  rehearsal.  Then  We  asked  them  how  it 
was,  if  there  had  been  no  rehearsal,  that  no  report  of  impeach- 
ment had  been  sent  in.  Hoshitai  said:  ‘When  they  have 
their  audience  to-morrow  they  will  certainly  conform.’  It  is 
in  this  again  that  their  blame  lies.  After  early  breakfast  at 
half-past  six  on  the  morning  of  the  7th,  We  signified  our 
intention  to  mount  the  throne  and  give  audience  to  the 
mission.  Hoshitai  first  represented  that  ‘ the  mission  could 
not  come  along  so  quickly,  but  that  on  its  arrival  at  the  Gate 
he  would  ask  further  instructions.’  Then  he  represented  that 
‘ the  chief  envoy  was  suffering  from  dysentery,  and  a little 
more  time  was  wanted.’  Finally  he  represented  that  ‘the 
chief  envoy’s  sickness  had  caused  him  to  collapse,  and  he 
could  not  appear  in  audience.’  To  this  We  replied  that  the 
chief  envoy  might  return  to  his  lodging,  where  medical 
attendance  would  be  supplied  for  him  ; meanwhile  the 
assistant  envoys  might  be  ordered  in.  The  last  representa- 
tion then  was  that  ‘ the  two  assistant  envoys  are  both  ill  too, 
but  as  soon  as  the  chief  envoy  is  perfectly  well,  they  will  have 
audience  along  with  him.’ 

“ China  is  overlord  of  all  under  Heaven,  and  it  is  impossible 
to  meekly  tolerate  this  supercilious  insolence.  Hence  We 
have  sent  down  Our  pleasure,  expelling  the  envoy  in  question 
back  to  his  country,  but  not  otherwise  punishing  his  grave 
offence.  Kwang  Hwei  was  at  the  same  time  commanded  to 
escort  him  to  Canton  to  take  his  ship  there.  Since  then  We 
have  learnt  from  other  officers  of  the  court,  who  have  been 
admitted  to  audience,  that  the  envoys  travelled  from  Tung- 
chow  right  up  to  the  palace  waiting-room  during  the  night, 
and  that  the  envoy  stated  his  uniform  was  behind,  and  would 
not  be  here  just  yet,  adding  that  it  was  impossible  to  see  the 
Great  Emperor  in  his  ordinary  attire.  How  was  it  Hoshitai 
did  not  represent  these  facts  to  Us  at  Our  interview  with  him? 
And  if  he  forgot,  why  did  he  not  make  a supplementary 
representation  later  on  ? Or  do  it  early  the  next  day  ? Any 
of  these  courses  would  have  sufficed.  But  not  to  have  repre- 
sented the  facts  at  all  up  to  the  very  moment  of  Our  taking  Our 
seat,  places  the  offence  of  the  pair  in  a graver  category  even 
than  that  of  Sulenge.  If  they  had  represented  in  time  We 


China:  Past  and  Present 


156 

should  have  fixed  another  date  for  the  audience,  from  which 
the  envoys  could  then  have  retired,  feeling  that  everything 
had  gone  off  in  due  form.  Who  would  have  thought  that 
stupid  ministers  could  bungle  matters  to  this  degree  ? We 
really  have  no  face  to  confront  Our  courtiers  withal,  and  there 
is  nothing  for  it  but  to  accept  a share  of  the  blame  Ourselves. 
The  offences  of  the  four  individuals  in  question  will  be  dealt 
with  as  soon  as  the  Board  reports  upon  their  deserts.  Mean- 
while We  first  signify  this  Our  pleasure  for  the  general 
information  of  all,  here  or  in  the  provinces,  including  the 
Mongol  princes  and  dukes.” 

Later  on  the  Board  advised,  and  his  Majesty’s  pleasure 
ran  : — “ Sulenge  is  deprived  of  his  presidency  of  the  Board  of 
Works  and  of  his  Captain-Generalship  of  the  Red  Chinese 
Banner  ; but  as  an  act  of  grace  he  is  given  a third  button, 
and  will  fill  the  lower  office  of  Assistant-President  to  the 
same  Board  ” (the  other  three  ditto,  mutatis  mutandis). 

About  the  20th  of  November  the  following  decree  was 
issued  : — 

“To  the  Cabinet  Council.  Tsiang  Yu-t'ien and  colleagues 
report  the  steps  taken  in  connection  with  the  arrival  of  the 
Ying-ki-li  tribute  envoys  at  Canton  and  their  return  home. 
As  the  Ying-ki-li  tribute  envoys  are  unable  to  carry  out  the 
‘thanking  for  banquet’  forms;  and  as  in  the  58th  year  of 
K‘ien-lung  (1793)  no  banquet  was  given  to  the  (Macartney) 
mission  on  its  arrival  at  Canton,  there  was  of  course  no 
occasion  in  the  present  instance  to  force  a banquet  upon 
them.  The  action  of  the  viceroy  and  his  colleagues,  as  now 
reported  by  them,  in  conferring  upon  the  envoys  three  tables 
laid  out  with  dinner,  and  also  presents  of  sheep,  oxen,  etc., 
was  highly  proper.  But  touching  the  postscript,  advising 
that  another  Imperial  decree  should  be  issued,  setting  forth 
in  clear  terms  the  serious  want  of  politeness  on  the  part  of 
the  said  envoys,  and  leaving  the  punishment  of  them  to  the 
king  of  the  said  country,  this  is  entirely  unnecessary.  As  to 
the  proclamations  which  the  viceroy  reports  he  has  had  pre- 
pared for  issue  to  the  trading  ships  of  the  said  nation  coming 
to  Canton,  We  adopt  the  (Confucian)  view:  ‘Mark,  but  do 
not  talk  about  things  beyond  our  ken,’  and  We  had  already 
directed  that  no  further  steps  be  taken.  Evidently  the  viceroy 


Let  Bygones  be  Bygones  157 

had  not  received  the  decree  to  this  effect  when  he  made  these 
further  representations. 

“To  sum  up.  This  matter  was  first  of  all  bungled  by 
Sulenge,  and  then  a second  time  by  Hoshitai.  We  on  Our 
part  have  weighed  the  whole  circumstances,  administered  a 
due  admixture  of  kindness  and  severity,  made  return  in  excess 
of  receipts,  and  in  short  done  all  that  it  was  meet  to  do,  so 
that  the  matter  may  now  be  allowed  to  drop.  As  the  envoy 
has  displayed  such  knavish  deceit,  even  if  an  Imperial  decree 
were  issued  as  advised,  when  he  should  get  home  he  would  of 
course  conceal  or  distort  the  facts  and  concoct  a story  so  as  to 
gloss  over  his  own  blunders  ; thus  the  most  dignified  course 
is  to  let  the  whole  matter  slide. 

“ When  the  tribute  envoys  reach  Canton,  the  viceroy  in 
receiving  them  should  read  them  a solemn  lecture  to  the  effect 
that  their  failure  to  carry  out  the  proper  forms,  whilst  charged 
with  their  sovereign’s  commands  to  come  to  the  Celestial 
Court  with  tribute,  is  entirely  their  own  fault  ; but  that  his 
Majesty  the  Emperor  in  his  benevolence  and  magnanimity, 
has  refrained  from  chastising  them,  and  has  even  deigned  to 
accept  some  of  their  king’s  tribute,  and  to  distribute  objects 
of  value  in  return  ; that  this  is  grace  commensurate  with  the 
height  of  Heaven  and  the  depth  of  Earth  ; that  when  they 
return  home  they  must  not  fail  to  feel  grateful.  Add  that 
‘ your  country  has  hitherto  traded  at  Canton,  which  therefore 
is  the  port  fixed  for  your  country.  If  in  future  there  are  any 
more  tribute  missions,  they  must  invariably  anchor  at  Canton, 
and  there  await  the  result  of  the  report  to  Peking  of  the 
viceroy  and  the  governor ; they  must  not  go  on  to  Tientsin  ; 
and  if  they  do  so,  the  authorities  there,  in  obedience  to  Imperial 
commands,  will  reject  their  advances ; which  of  course  means 
that  your  people  will  have  all  your  travelling  for  nothing.’ 

“If  clear  commands  are  set  forth  to  them  in  this  fashion, 
they  will  naturally  experience  a sense  of  fear  and  gratitude 
combined,  and  there  is  no  need  to  enter  into  any  discussion 
of  right  or  wrong  with  them. 

“We  have  further  reflected  that  when  Ying-ki-li  sent  tribute 
in  the  58th  year  of  Kien-lung,  application  was  made  for 
permission  to  trade  at  Ningpo  in  Cheh  Kiang  province.  But 
in  the  present  instance  their  tribute  ships,  in  going  and 


1 58  China : Past  and  Present 

coming,  passed  Cheh  Kiang  without  dropping  anchor  there. 
This  looks  as  though  they  had  a special  eye  on  Tientsin  for 
trade,  so  as  the  better  to  carry  out  their  monopoly  schemes. 
The  viceroy  must,  under  no  circumstances,  fail  to  discourage 
them  from  coming  to  Tientsin,  and  thus  nip  that  idea  in  the 
bud,  making  it  clear  that  even  if  they  do  go  there,  they  will 
not  be  able  to  get  their  messages  through.  As  to  Poson 
(?  Porson)  and  the  other  four,  as  they  are  all  barbarian 
traders,  and  as  the  country  in  question  is  still  allowed  to 
trade,  of  course  it  is  unnecessary  to  drive  them  all  out,  and 
thus  rouse  their  suspicions,  so  that  they  can  be  allowed  to 
remain  if  they  like,  as  the  viceroy  suggests.” 


I fear  the  Devil  worst 


159 


BOOK  V 

THE  FOREIGNER  IN  CHINA 

CHAPTER  I 
LIFE  IN  CHINA 

SEVERAL  friends  have  lately  asked  me  if  a married  lady  can 
safely  go  to  China,  if  the  climate  is  very  deadly,  if  the  people 
are  very  dangerous,  and  so  on.  To  all  such  questions  it 
would  be  possible  to  give  a set  of  correct  answers  which 
would,  at  the  same  time,  be  diametrically  opposed  to  each 
other.  It  must  be  remembered  that  China  is  as  big  as 
Europe  ; that  Chinese  towns  with  European  settlements 
attached  differ  very  much  from  those  consisting  of  exclusively 
native  populations  ; that  the  climate  of  Peking  is  as  different 
from  that  of  Canton  as  that  of  St.  Petersburg  or  New  York 
is  from  the  climate  of  Havana  ; that  the  appearance  and  the 
disposition  of  the  people  of  each  province  vary  as  much  as 
they  do  in  the  different  countries  of  Europe — indeed,  the 
Chinese  regard  us  “Westerners”  as  being  of  one  pale-faced 
or  “devil”  race,  with  slight  local  variations ; — and  that  whilst 
in  some  places  a steamer  arrives  or  leaves  nearly  every  hour, 
at  others  there  is  a solitary  visit  perhaps  once  in  ten  days ; 
or,  if  the  “ port  ” is  an  inland  or  riverine  one,  no  news  may 
come  from  the  outer  world  except  that  conveyed  by  coolie, 
chair,  or  native  boat.  For  instance,  the  port  of  Wenchow, 
though  on  the  coast,  is  still  * without  a telegraph  line ; and 
when  the  great  riot  took  place  in  1884  the  victims  had  to 
wait  for  the  fortnightly  steamer  to  take  them  away. 

The  happy  hunting-ground  of  European  ladies  is,  of 
course,  Shanghai,  and  in  appearance  the  “ settlements  ” are  a 

* Remedied,  I believe,  this  year  (1903). 


i6o 


China:  Past  and  Present 


cross  between  Nice  and  Odessa,  except  that,  instead  of  being 
on  the  sea,  Shanghai  is  on  a river.  Yet  this  river  is  so  broad, 
the  promenades  are  so  extensive  and  unobstructed,  that,  in 
spite  of  this  difference,  the  feeling  of  airiness  and  expansive- 
ness is  greater  in  Shanghai  than  in  either  of  those  European 
cities.  It  is  quite  possible  to  spend  one’s  whole  life  in 
Shanghai,  driving  or  walking  in  half  a dozen  different 
directions  four  or  five  miles  every  day,  without  seeing  any 
more  of  native  Chinese  squalor  than  one  sees  of  genuine 
Turkish  life  at  Constantinople  (Pera),  Burmese  life  at 
Rangoon,  Arab  life  at  Alexandria,  or  Greek  life  at  Athens  ; 
which  in  each  case  is  very  little,  if  we  take  as  a standard  the 
primitive  existence  of  the  natives,  apart  from  foreign  immigra- 
tion, machinery,  hotels,  newspapers,  railways,  and  fin  de  sikle 
luxuries  generally  ; which,  after  all,  are  only  a thin  veneer  of 
progress  found  in  the  large  towns. 

Shanghai  is  in  the  shape  of  a horseshoe,  the  apex  being 
the  British  and  French  settlements  to  the  west,  the  open  part 
being  the  river  as  it  flows  out  to  the  sea  at  Wusung,  a dozen 
miles  off ; the  north  shank,  the  American  settlement ; and 
the  south  shank,  the  native  walled  city  and  junk  anchorage, 
near  which  very  few  white  people  ever  go,  except  on  official 
business,  or  out  of  curiosity.  A river,  running  from  west  to 
east,  commonly  known  as  the  Soochow  Creek,  divides  the 
British  from  the  American  settlements,  and  is  crossed  by  six 
or  seven  bridges,  each  one  several  hundred  feet  or  yards 
apart  from  the  next.  The  British  settlement,  again,  is  divided 
off  from  the  French  to  the  south  by  a narrow  creek  called 
the  Yang-King  Pang,  which  is  likewise  crossed  by  six  or 
seven  bridges.  A third  creek,  still  farther  to  the  south, 
divides  off  the  French  settlement  from  the  odoriferous  native 
city  ; there  are  only  four  bridges,  and  at  good  distances  apart, 
which,  in  so  far  as  it  is  an  arrangement  calculated  to  make 
sudden  raids  difficult,  is  a highly  desirable  one.  At  a 
distance  of  about  one  mile  west  from  the  river  there  is  a 
fourth  watercourse,  crossed  by  eight  bridges,  called  Defence 
Creek,  running  north  and  south,  and  connecting  the  three 
others.  The  English  and  French  settlements  united  thus 
occupy  a strong  strategical  position  for  defence,  and  together 
form  what  may  be  called  an  irregularly-shaped  island,  roughly 


Busy  Throngs  of  Men  1 6 1 

one  mile  square,  or  rather  two  islands,  of  which  the  oblong 
British  absorbs  three  parts,  and  the  narrow  French  one  part, 
of  the  total  mile  area.  These  two  settlements  together 
engross  practically  the  business  part  of  Shanghai,  in  the 
same  sense  that  the  City  of  London  forms  the  business  nucleus 
of  the  Metropolis. 

The  American  settlement  of  Hongkew  is  four  miles  long 
by  an  average  of  half  a mile  deep  ; but  only  one-sixth  of  it — 
the  section  adjoining  the  British  settlement — is  laid  out  in 
cross  streets,  and  thickly  built  upon  ; but  there  is  a second- 
class  and  temporary  air  about  most  of  the  buildings,  with  the 
exception  of  the  Japanese,  German,  and  United  States  con- 
sulates. The  greatest  part  of  it  still  consists  of  Chinese 
market  gardens,  and  one  long  road — an  excellent  drive — 
runs  to  the  “ Point.” 

The  opposite  bank  of  the  river,  called  Pootung,  may  be 
taken  to  represent  that  part  of  the  hoof  enclosed  by  the  horse- 
shoe. It  is  little  visited  by  foreigners  other  than  those 
concerned  in  the  various  works  established  there. 

Far  away  west  from  the  British  and  French  concessions 
stretches  what  may  be  called  suburban  Shanghai,  which 
extends  as  far  as  the  enormous  Jesuit  establishments  of 
Siccawei.  This  space  is  taken  up  by  the  race-course,  gardens, 
and  villa  residences,  and  may  be  compared  with  the  environs 
of  Manchester,  Leeds,  Birmingham,  or  other  such  busy 
English  towns,  except  that  there  is  just  a touch  of  the  cheap, 
the  temporary,  and  the  American  about  everything,  as  though 
things  were  not  intended  “to  stay”  so  permanently  as  is  the 
case  with  solid  old  England. 

The  designers  of  the  settlements  made  the  fatal  mistake 
of  underestimating  the  future  development  of  Shanghai,  and 
the  result  is  that  the  streets  are  all  far  too  narrow  for  their 
work,  always  excepting  the  magnificent  “ Bund  ” or  Praya,  a 
broad  parade  flanked  with  palatial  “ hongs  ” on  the  land  side, 
and  with  green  grass  and  gardens  on  the  river-side ; it  is  always 
full  of  life  and  activity,  on  account  of  most  of  the  large  local 
steamers  sweeping  past  it  at  all  hours  of  the  day.  The 
wealthy  Chinese  are  only  too  eager  to  dwell  in  the  foreign 
settlements,  where  they  can  enjoy  a comparative  immunity 
from  “ squeezes,”  freely  expose  their  wealth  and  their  women, 

M 


1 62  China : Past  and  Present 

and  indulge  in  every  species  of  barbarian  novelty  without 
risk  of  interference.  In  the  native  city  there  is  no  space  for 
carriages  of  any  kind,  nor  are  the  streets  clean  enough  or 
broad  enough  to  permit  of  women  gadding  about,  even 
supposing  that  the  purdah  customs  (as  they  say  in  India)  of 
the  natives  were  not  against  such  a display.  But  one  of  the 
gayest  sights  in  the  world  is  the  Maloo,  or  chief  road  leading 
through  the  British  settlement  to  Siccawei,  on  an  afternoon, 
when  landaus,  broughams,  cabs,  jinrickshas,  barrows,  cavaliers, 
all  go  spanking  along  in  the  bright  sunshine  in  wild  and 
picturesque  confusion.  The  rich  “compradores”  and  “shroffs” 
bring  with  them  their  whole  harems,  grandmothers,  daughters, 
nurses,  and  womankind  generally,  decked  out  in  the  most 
gorgeous  of  silks  and  satins,  glossy  black  hair,  well  greased 
and  heavily  laden  with  gold  pins,  flowers,  jade,  and  king- 
fishers’ feathers,  fearful  and  wonderful  paints  and  fards, 
bright  red  “ pants,”  and  invisible  small  feet.  Everybody 
seems  so  happy  that  one  forgets  the  dust,  the  noise,  and  even 
the  danger ; for  the  driving  is  too  often  both  incompetent 
and  reckless.  Broughams  are  very  cheap  in  Shanghai.  For 
fifty  dollars  in  silver  (now  under  five  pounds)  a month  one 
can  hire  a carriage  daily,  or  even  several  times  a day,  the 
horse  and  coachman  always  turning  up  fresh.  The  stables  just 
outside  the  settlement  are  connected  by  telephone  with  most 
of  the  “ hongs,”  so  that  in  ten  minutes  a carriage  can  easily 
be  summoned.  When  a brougham  or  caliche  has  done  its 
duty  by  the  white  man,  it  descends  to  the  Chinaman ; and 
thence,  as  its  springs  weaken  and  its  wheels  begin  to  wobble, 
down  to  the  depths  of  a native  hack  or  hired  trap.  A skinny 
pair  of  horses  may  be  seen  careering  along  at  break-neck 
speed  with  three  painted  women  on  each  seat,  a nurse  on  the 
box,  step,  or  dickey,  and  a “mafoo”  or  “ boy”  perched  on  the 
bar,  shaft,  or  any  other  odd  corner.  On  they  go,  pell-mell, 
thoroughly  enjoying  the  fun,  the  fresh  air,  and  the  liberty. 
Some  of  these  women  may  be  no  better  than  they  ought  to 
be,  but  no  one  knows  much  about  or  cares  to  interfere  with 
the  mysteries  of  the  Chinese  harem.  Every  afternoon  a 
number  of  smart  two-horsed  landaus,  containing  brilliantly 
dressed  European  or  American  ladies,  may  also  be  seen 
mixing  with  the  crowd,  the  footmen  and  drivers  in  the  most 


Take  Things  by  the  Smooth  Handle  163 

immaculate  of  uniforms  ; but  it  is,  or  at  least  used  to  be,  good 
form  for  permanent  residents  to  display  only  one  horse,  and 
no  one  but  the  Chief  Justice  (above  suspicion)  and  the 
“Caesar’s  wives”  just  described  was  supposed  to  drive  two. 

A noble  duke  is  stated  by  local  tradition  to  have  described 
Shanghai,  thirty  years  ago,*  as  a “ sink  of  iniquity.”  It  is 
true  that  the  ways  of  mankind  savour  more  of  San  Francisco 
or  Alexandria  than  of  London,  especially  so  far  as  casual 
visitors  are  concerned  ; but  after  all  Shanghai  is  tolerant 
rather  than  vicious,  and  the  mixed  population  is  so  good- 
natured  that  anyone  but  a murderer  may  rehabilitate  himself 
or  herself  after  a period  of  industry,  repentance,  and  quiet. 
There  are,  at  any  rate,  no  such  street  scenes  at  night  in 
Shanghai  as  there  are  in  London.  Drunkenness  amongst 
Europeans  is  almost  unknown ; the  only  exceptions  are 
sailors  “on  the  spree.”  Destitute  Europeans  are  liable  to 
deportation,  and  no  effort  is  spared  to  keep  up  the  prestige 
of  the  white  man.  The  natives  are  treated  kindly  and  fairly, 
sharing  equally  almost  all  the  privileges  of  the  “dominant 
race.”  If  the  tiny  public  garden  in  front  of  the  British  con- 
sulate is  strictly  reserved  for  Europeans  (or  persons  clad  as 
such),  it  is  only  because  the  native  coolie  class  is  so  pre- 
ponderant that  nurses  with  their  charges  would  neither  be 
safe  nor  would  find  room  to  sit  down  were  every  Chinese 
ruffian  promiscuously  admitted  ; hence  a written  permission 
is  usually  required  from  all  but  well-known  and  prominent 
Chinamen  before  they  are  allowed  to  pass  the  gates.  This 
shady  garden  is  the  favourite  resort  of  children  and  babies  in 
the  morning  ; and  the  native  amahs  or  nurses,  who  are  usually 
most  attentive  and  affectionate,  take  the  opportunity,  whilst 
the  children  play  about,  to  discuss  the  characters  of  their 
masters  and  mistresses,  whom  they  keep  carefully  informed 
of  all  the  little  scandals  of  bachelor  life  communicated  to 
them  by  other  nurses  and  by  Chinese  women  of  their  acquaint- 
ance. Hence,  in  Shanghai  every  one  knows  who  every  one 
is,  and  what  every  one  does  ; the  strait-laced  are  at  liberty  to 
tabu  the  easy-going  if  they  choose:  but  Peruvians  do  not 
behave  like  Germans,  nor  Frenchmen  like  Yankees;  and  so 
it  comes  round  that  with  twenty  nationalities  to  please  nearly 

* This  paper  first  appeared  in  1898. 


China : Past  and  Present 


164 

everybody  ends  by  submitting  to  the  inevitable,  and,  whilst 
living,  letting  live. 

Shanghai  is  a veritable  republic  of  the  Venetian  type. 
The  native  authorities  have  only  a nominal  dominio , but  no 
real  possessio.  A score  of  consuls  rule  the  roast,  but  they  can 
only  act  in  matters  of  general  interest  through  their  doyen  as 
spokesman,  and  through  the  Municipal  Council  as  executive. 
Moreover,  if  any  change  in  municipal  rule  is  desired,  the 
consuls  cannot  give  more  than  a temporary  sanction  to  new 
regulations  until  that  nebulous  body  or  local  “concert”  known 
as  the  “ Ministers  at  Peking  ” signify  their  august  approval. 
A “constitution  ” has  thus  grown  up,  and  Russians,  Germans, 
Turks,  Japanese,  etc.,  who  have  only  the  vaguest  notion  of 
popular  liberties  at  home,  may  find  here  a preliminary  train- 
ing in  the  arts  of  freedom.  Of  course,  in  matters  touching 
the  claims  of  his  own  nationals  against  Chinese,  each  consul 
is  free  to  deal  direct  with  the  mandarins.  The  Chinese 
authorities  are  not  allowed  to  issue  proclamations  in  the 
settlements,  except  under  the  joint  seals  of  themselves  and 
the  Council.  They  may  make  no  arrests  unless  the  senior 
consul  endorses  the  warrant,  which  he  will  not  do  unless 
good  primd  facie  reasons  are  given.*  Chinese  defaulters  and 
offenders  are  subject,  in  minor  matters,  to  the  jurisdiction 
of  the  “ Mixed  Court,”  a strange  tribunal,  where  a native 
magistrate  nominally  presides,  and  a foreign  assessor  really 
pulls  the  strings.  A punkah  cools  the  “court”  as  it  smokes 
its  cigar  on  the  bench  and  administers  rough  justice  ; the 
forms  of  procedure  are  Chinese  ; that  is,  all  parties,  witnesses 
included,  have,  unless  foreigners  or  privileged,  to  address  the 
embodiments  of  equity  upon  their  knees.  The  ushers,  head 
police,  and  staff  generally  are  Europeans,  and  European 
counsel  may  plead  before  the  court.  There  is  a strange 
jumble  of  dialects,  for  the  Shanghai-Ningpo  group  is  only 
understood  locally,  and  at  least  half  the  natives  haled  before 
the  court  come  from  Canton,  Tientsin,  Fuh  Kien,  or  elsewhere. 
“ Pidgin  ’’-English  has  to  be  tolerated  to  some  extent  as  a 
lingua  franca.  In  grave  cases  the  Chinese  territorial 
authorities  hear  the  pleadings  in  their  own  courts,  and  in  all 
cases  Europeans  are  sued  before  European  courts.  The 

* Last  year,  1902,  the  rules  were  amended  in  favour  of  the  municipality. 


The  Sty  anger  within  thy  Gates  165 

consul  or  the  Chinese  authority  has  a right  to  “watch  the 
case/’  if  he  chooses,  from  the  bench,  and  in  cases  of  homicide 
the  Chinese  are  always  very  tenacious.  Those  Europeans  or 
Americans  who  have  no  treaties  are  nominally  liable  to 
Chinese  law,  and  are  brought  before  the  Mixed  Court ; but, 
as  a rule,  no  Greek,  Paraguayan,  Roumanian,  or  Nicaraguan 
would  be  unreservedly  entrusted  to  the  mercies  of  China. 
Torture  is  not  allowed  at  the  Mixed  Court,  but  the  most 
brutal  inquisitions  go  on  at  the  Chinese  yamins  still.  There 
are  one  or  two  old  residents  of  China  who  have  no  nationality 
at  all,  their  authorities  having  disclaimed  them,  or  themselves 
having  disclaimed  their  authorities.  But  in  Shanghai  there 
is  always  a modus , or,  as  the  Chinese  say,  “ that  often  actually 
is  which  in  the  nature  of  things  cannot  be,”  and  something 
invariably  “turns  up”  to  solve  the  difficulty.  The  minor 
Powers  have  no  regular  assessors,  but  the  British  assessor  sits 
thrice  a week  or  more,  the  American  twice,  and  the  Austrian 
or  German  once.  No  Chinese  employ / of  a foreign  Power 
would  be  tolerated  as  assessor. 

The  French  have  their  own  Municipal  Council  and  their 
own  Mixed  Court.  They  are  so  few  in  number  that,  unless 
they  kept  their  own  settlement  in  their  own  hands,  they  would 
at  once  be  swamped  and  outvoted.  On  the  whole,  their 
settlement  is  competently  and  fairly  managed.  The  British 
and  American  settlements  have  one  Council  between  them, 
and  any  consul-general  ( i.e . the  senior  in  rank  and  service) 
may  be  doyen  for  the  time.  Even  the  French  consul-general 
is  allowed,  if  senior  in  point  of  arrival,  to  combine  his  own 
functions  with  that  of  doyen.  Practically,  it  is  the  British, 
German,  French,  or  United  States  consul-general  who  is 
always  doyen.*  Minor  Powers  usually  waive  their  rights,  and 
no  Japanese  has  yet  had  a chance.  Probably,  when  extra- 
territorial jurisdiction  is  abolished!  in  Japan,  the  Japanese 
will  assert  their  rights  to  take  turn  by  turn  in  the  doyenship. 
Once  or  twice  the  Portuguese  consul-general  has  “ come 
round  ” in  turn,  but  things  do  not  work  well  except  under 
the  representative  of  a Great  Power  ; the  interests  of  Austria, 
Italy,  Turkey,  or  Spain,  are  not  sufficiently  large  to  make 

* Since  1898  Spanish  and  Portuguese  consuls  have  taken  periodical  turns. 

t It  has  been  abolished  for  several  years  now. 


China:  Past  and  Present 


1 66 

them  locally  “ great,”  but  owing  to  the  excellent  Chinese 
training  possessed  by  the  late  Austrian  representative,  he 
figured  prominently  for  many  years  as  assessor,  vice-consul, 
consul,  and  consul-general. 

Great  Britain  is  the  only  power  which  has  had  a court 
separate  from  the  consul,  and  of  late  years  even  Great  Britain 
has  merged  into  one  the  functions  of  Chief  Justice  and  consul- 
general  ; but  this  is  not  found  perfectly  satisfactory,  and 
before  long  the  Supreme  Court  will  doubtless  have  its  separate 
Chief  Justice  once  more.  In  fact,  the  functions  were  again 
separated  while  this  was  being  printed.*  As  all  the  consuls, 
and  even  the  Minister,  are  in  a way  subordinate  to  the  Chief 
Justice  in  certain  legal  aspects,  it  is  incongruous  for  the  same 
officer  to  receive  peremptory  diplomatic  instructions  from 
the  one,  and  to  issue  peremptory  judicial  orders  to  the  others, 
who,  in  other  matters,  are  as  independent  as  the  consul- 
general.  Moreover,  his  functions  and  opinions  as  consul 
must  often  clash  with  the  expected  calmness  of  a judicial 
mind.  It  may  be  his  lot  to  adjudicate  in  the  final  resort 
upon  a matter  concerning  which  his  protest  may  be  on 
record  as  protector  of  trade.  I need  hardly  say  that  these 
are  my  own  private  opinions  only,  and  are  only  uttered  in 
order  to  further  illustrate  the  nature  of  European  life  in 
Shanghai. 

Many  will  be  surprised  to  hear  that  life  in  China  is  much 
more  luxurious  than  it  is  at  home.  Servants  and  food  are 
so  cheap  that  a dollar  goes  almost  as  far  there  as  a pound 
at  home.  Moreover,  houses  are  so  arranged  that  every  man 
or  woman  has  his  or  her  spacious  bath-room  attached  to 
the  sleeping  apartment.  The  usual  life  of  a Shanghai-ite  is 
as  follows  (the  difference  between  the  length  of  summer 
and  winter  days  is  much  less  than  in  Europe) : He  rises  soon 
after  dawn  ; if  he  is  energetic,  he  goes  out  for  a walk,  a ride, 
or  (now)  a turn  on  his  cycle,  and  gets  his  early  coffee  on  the 
race-course.  More  ordinarily  he  stretches  himself  on  a long 
cane  chair,  and  has  his  tea  and  his  smoke  at  home.  The 
daily  paper  turns  up  during  this  “ lie  off,”  and  a few  (very 
few)  take  the  opportunity  of  reading  the  native  organ  too. 
Almost  every  man,  woman,  and  child  has  a bath,  or  the 
* The  change  was  made  after  Sir  N.  Hannen’s  death. 


But  Children  of  a Largev  Growth  167 

means  of  taking  a bath,  every  day  during  the  year.  In 
Shanghai  hot  and  cold  water  taps  are  not  uncommon  since 
the  extension  of  the  water-works  system,  but  in  the  other 
parts,  and  also  largely  in  Shanghai  itself,  the  water  is  generally 
carried  up  in  buckets  by  the  water-coolie.  The  “ Ningpo 
bath-tub  ” is  a huge  jar,  weighing  about  3 cwt.,  and  beauti- 
fully finished  off  with  a green  glaze  inside.  Its  upper  rim  is 
oblong,  and  about  eight  or  ten  feet  in  circumference ; the 
bottom  is  about  five  or  six  feet  in  circuit,  and  in  it  one  person, 
or  even  two  at  a pinch,  can  splash  about  in  comfort.  These 
cost  from  seven  to  ten  dollars,  according  to  size ; but  a good 
wooden  tub  can  be  got  for  two  or  three.  In  the  better 
classes  of  European  houses  the  only  outhouses  are  the  stables 
and  servants’  quarters,  and  often  the  kitchen,  every  accom- 
modation for  the  “masters”  being  provided  in  the  bath  and 
dressing  rooms.  As  a rule,  the  “ boys  ” are  allowed  to  bring 
morning  tea  into  the  mistresses’  rooms  as  well  as  the  masters’ ; 
but,  as  married  ladies  usually  possess  amahs,  the  amah  often 
does  it.  The  Chinese  “ boy  ” is  very  quiet,  noiseless,  and 
clean ; there  is  not  the  same  inclination  to  regard  him 
as  a real  man  as  there  would  be  if  he  was  a European. 
Cases  have  occurred  where  “boys”  have  attempted  to  take 
advantage,  but  there  is  no  general  sense  of  danger  or  im- 
propriety. Chinamen  make  excellent  nurses,  and  it  is  not  at 
all  uncommon  to  see  a pigtailed  individual  dandling  and 
cooing  to  a foreign  baby  with  a milk-bottle  in  his  hand.  In 
fact,  Chinamen  do  excellent  “woman-pidgin”  of  all  kinds; 
as  washermen  they  are  unrivalled,  though  at  first,  owing  to 
native  “ olo  cussom,”  they  do  not  care  to  wash  women’s 
clothes.  As  dress-makers  they  are  excellent,  and  many  ladies 
keep  one  regularly  at  work,  all  the  year  round,  in  the  hall  or 
porch  ; in  the  Chinese  shops  it  is  not  unusual  to  see  a score 
of  Chinamen,  in  a row,  engaged  upon  sewing-machines. 
But  in  very  few  parts  will  the  men  do  the  most  menial 
portions  of  housemaid’s  cleaning  work ; this  is  always  done 
by  women,  who,  like  our  charwomen,  visit  the  “ hong  ” only 
for  an  hour  or  two  in  the  morning.  In  Foochow  whole 
regiments  of  handsome  and  gaily-dressed  women,  with  large 
bare  feet,  walk  in  from  the  country  daily,  each  with  a couple 
of  large  buckets  attached  to  a pole  on  her  shoulder,  in  order 


1 68  China:  Past  and  Present 

to  carry  away  fertilizing  matter  for  the  fields.  Some  families, 
especially  the  Americans  and  the  missionaries,  adhere  to  the 
English  custom  of  breakfast,  which,  of  course,  often  involves 
proportionately  early  dinner  and  supper.  But  “ society  ” at 
Shanghai  and  elsewhere  almost  universally  adopts  the  French 
practice  slightly  modified.  “ Tiffin,”  or  dejeuner  a la  fourchette , 
takes  place  at  12.30,  and  dinner  at  seven  or  eight.  These 
meals  are  practically  the  same.  A glass  of  sherry  to  begin 
with  ; soup,  fish,  entree , joint,  sweets,  curry,  cheese,  salad,  and 
(except  amongst  Protestant  missionaries)  beer  or  wine  ; and 
then  dessert.  Thirty  years  ago  living  was  more  princely,  and 
“junior  messes”  were  expected  to  dress,  and  to  “keep  up  the 
credit  of  the  house”  by  having  really  good  liquor.  Fifty,  or 
even  a hundred,  taels  a head  monthly — then  equal  to  ^10  to 
£20 — were  allowed  ; and,  apart  from  sherry,  liqueurs,  brandy 
and  soda,  and  such  trifles,  claret  and  champagne  were  always 
offered.  But  in  these  hard  times  manners  have  changed.  In 
the  hot  season  a change  of  clothes  is  always  necessary ; but 
“ dressing,”  as  such,  is  now  the  exception,  and  only  rarely  kept 
up  at  bachelors’  messes.  It  is  seldom,  indeed,  still  that  a guest 
is  offered  nothing  beyond  beer  or  fine  claret,  but  the  general 
style  is  considerably  reduced,  and  thirty  taels — nearer  £5  * 
at  present  rates — would  be  a good  mess  allowance  for  a 
junior.  The  usual  hotel  charges  are  three  to  four  dollars  a 
day  (7^.)  for  everything.  The  chief  work  of  the  day  is  done 
between  the  bath  and  tiffin  hours,  and  at  Shanghai  the 
“exchange”  is  the  club.  Here,  from  12  to  12.30,  the  hall 
and  bar  are  crowded  with  merchants,  brokers,  officials,  and 
loafers,  some  looking  out  for  a tiffin,  others  anxious  to  secure 
guests.  A cocktail  at  the  bar  is  considered  the  correct  thing. 
Hospitality  is  the  rule  all  over  China,  and  especially  at 
Shanghai.  If  a man,  not  being  a confirmed  “ cadger  ” — and 
even  then  his  regular  patrons  take  him  in  turn — if  a man  is  at 
all  genial,  and  has  a mind  to  change  his  diet,  he  may  always 
be  sure  of  half  a dozen  invitations.  Many  men  tiffin  regularly 
at  the  club,  where  a man  can  live  royally,  bedroom  and 
everything  but  liquor  included,  for  the  equivalent  of  seven 
shillings  a day.  “ The  club  ” is  the  English  club,  conveniently 
situated  on  the  “Bund,”  at  the  junction  with  the  P'rench  settle- 

* Now  barely  £4. 


Are  at  their  Savoury  Dinner  set  169 

ment ; but  there  is  another  English  “ country  ” club,  admitting 
ladies,  with  tennis  grounds,  on  the  road  to  Siccawei ; a 
German  club  in  the  background  of  the  settlements ; and 
one  or  two  other  less  fashionable  places  of  resort  elsewhere. 
During  the  morning,  up  to  tiffin  time,  Shanghai  is  overrun 
by  “ brokers,”  who  drive  their  traps  about  between  the  banks  ; 
the  importers  and  the  exporters  negotiate  with  them  bills, 
margins,  contracts,  and  so  on.  Just  before  tiffin  hour  there  is 
a brief  lady  parade  on  the  bund,  where  the  gentler  sex  display 
their  costumes,  make  up  their  tiffin  parties,  and  take  the  air. 
It  is  only  the  more  energetic  of  them — at  least,  in  the  warm 
seasons — who  go  out  shopping  in  the  morning.  The  banks 
almost  invariably  “have  a tiffin,”  which,  however,  closes 
promptly  within  an  hour  or  so  ; the  consuls,  taipans  (heads 
of  houses),  customs  officials,  and  junior  messes,  each  dispense 
hospitality  in  their  own  way.  Broadly,  it  may  be  said  that 
no  one  tiffins  alone.  After  tiffin  most  people  have  to  go  to 
work  again,  from  about  2 or  2.30  to  4 or  5.  The  luxurious 
take  a snooze  ; the  cadgers  doze  over  the  mail  papers  at  the 
club ; the  ladies  are  generally  supposed  to  snooze  too,  or,  at 
all  events,  to  unbrace  themselves  a little  in  preparation  for 
the  five-o’clock  tea.  This  is  the  hour  for  calls,  and  it  is  then 
that  the  softer  and  sterner  elements  of  Shanghai  life  mostly 
meet  on  common  ground.  From  that  time  to  close  upon 
the  dinner-hour  every  one  turns  out,  either  to  ride  on  the 
“ Rotten  Row  ” at  the  side  of  the  main  road  ; to  drive,  walk, 
cycle,  play  tennis,  rackets,  etc. ; or  to  “ train  ” for  the  races. 
There  is  a good  deal  of  hospitality  at  the  dinner-hour  too, 
but  perhaps  not  so  universal  as  at  tiffin.  Whist  is  the  rule 
after  dinner,  and  parties  are  formed  according  to  the  points 
played.  As  an  illustration  of  the  cosmopolitan  life  of 
Shanghai,  it  may  be  stated  that  for  many  years  the  “senior 
rubber”  (dollar  points,  five  on  the  rub)  was  regularly 
played  by  the  Chief  Justice,  the  United  States  Consul- 
General,  and  the  Spanish  and  Italian  Ministers ; any  one 
might  cut  in,  but  those  four  formed  the  nucleus.  I cut  in  only 
once,  and  had  the  pleasure  of  relieving  that  grave  body  of  fifty 
dollars.  Quarter-dollar  and  dollars  were  more  in  my  line  ; 
but  even  I rather  looked  down  on  the  ten-cent  men.  Sunday 
tiffins  are  a great  Shanghai  institution.  It  is  correct  to  go 


China:  Past  and  Present 


170 

to  church,  and  after  that  the  older  residents  usually  either 
give  regular  tiffins  or  go  to  them.  Sunday  afternoon  is 
snoozed  away,  for,  despite  the  efforts  of  the  Germans,  the 
Anglo-Scotch  element  has  put  its  foot  down  upon  Sunday 
billiards  and  cards  at  the  club. 

Shanghai  has  a magnificent  race-course  and  grand  stand  ; 
and  the  races,  which  take  place  spring  and  autumn,  are  great 
events.  Training  upon  Mongol  ponies  goes  on  as  seriously 
as  though  the  Derby  itself  were  concerned.  Coffee  and  bread 
and  butter  are  served  on  the  course  at  dawn  gratis  to  all 
who  care  to  come  for  it,  and  training  goes  on  for  a month  or 
more  early  in  the  morning.  The  grand  stand  is  like  any 
other  grand  stand  when  the  great  day  comes  ; all  the  new 
toilettes  of  the  season  are  exhibited  ; each  walk  in  life  yearns 
for  the  smiles  of  the  walk  richer  than  or  above  it ; the 
knowing  ones  give  their  horses  a basin  of  champagne  on  the 
sly,  and  pound  about  thoughtfully  with  jockey-like  mysterious- 
ness as  though  they  had  the  cares  of  Europe  on  their  backs  ; 
the  “great  ladies”  are  accorded  the  stewards’  arms  for  tiffin, 
and  the  Chinese  mob  is  only  visible  through  binoculars  at 
suitable  distances.  The  chief  “ lotteries  ” on  the  night  pre- 
ceding the  first  day’s  racing  are  held  at  “ the  club,”  and  here 
again  the  manners  and  customs  of  Old  England  are  solemnly 
aped  in  the  most  approved  style. 

In  the  winter  season  there  are  drag  hunts  (a  herring 
drawn  along  by  a horseman  some  distance  ahead  of  the  field), 
and  paper  hunts  (bits  of  paper  scattered  by  the  “ hare  ” at 
intervals)  ; sometimes  the  irate  Chinese  peasant — here  again 
in  faithful  imitation  of  the  British  farmer — “ ups  with  his 
bamboo  pole/’  and  hits  somebody  over  the  head.  However, 
of  late  years  the  rustics  have  been  squared  by  a regular  com- 
pensation system.  They  do  their  best,  however,  to  get  a 
shot  in  the  leg  whenever  a sportsman  comes  by,  for  then 
there  is  “number  one  chancee”  for  special  compensation. 
Rarely  does  a season  pass  without  the  British  Consul  having 
to  salve  a Chinaman’s  wounded  pate  and  pocket.  For  killing 
a Chinaman  outright  the  charge  is  often  several  hundred 
dollars  ; but,  of  course,  sportsmen  are  as  careful  as  possible. 
In  such  cases  the  mandarins  always  demand  the  execution 
of  the  sportsman  as  their  first  bid  for  popularity. 


Economy  is  no  Disgrace  17 1 

Shanghai  is  so  over-crowded  now  that  few  houses  in  the 
settlement,  except  the  British  and  French  consulates,  can 
give  a garden-party.  The  French  “compound”  is  rather 
confined,  and  the  routs  have  usually,  therefore,  an  official  fete 
air  about  them  ; but  in  the  British  enclosure  there  is  ample 
space  for  half  a dozen  nets,  and  here  lawn-tennis  parties  are 
frequently  given  during  the  summer  evenings.  Of  late  bicycles 
have  come  in  ; previously  horse-riding  was  largely  indulged 
in  by  both  sexes ; but  there  is  always  the  objectionable  ride 
through  the  settlement  to  contend  with,  and  so  most  persons 
begin  their  mount  at  the  stables  near  the  race-course.  The 
“ farm  ” is  another  local  institution,  situated  near  the  race- 
course, and  sealed  bottles  of  carefully-kept  milk  are  sent  out 
thrice  a day  from  this  flourishing  place,  which  also  supplies  a 
very  fine  but  unpleasantly  white-looking  butter.  Mothers  at 
Shanghai  need  be  under  no  anxiety  on  the  score  of  milk. 
There  being  no  duty  whatever  on  food  and  personal  require- 
ments for  Europeans,*  it  follows  that  living,  apart  from  the 
low  prices  ruling  in  China,  is  exceedingly  cheap.  In  many 
parts  of  China  eggs  are  thirty  or  forty  for  a shilling  ; chickens, 
threepence  to  sixpence  each  ; venison,  twopence  a pound  ; 
beef,  the  same  ; mutton  (which  must  come  from  Mongolia  or 
Calcutta),  always  dear  ; game,  in  the  winter,  cheap  ; fish,  fruit, 
vegetables,  etc.,  in  proportion.  Of  course,  in  a wealthy  place 
like  Shanghai  market  prices  go  up,  but  even  in  Shanghai 
most  prices  are  “ beneath  contempt.”  The  only  really  expen- 
sive things  are  mutton,  foreign-grown  fruit,  good  milk,  and  a 
few  other  Chinese  luxuries  unappreciated  by  Europeans.  All 
wine  is  cheaper  than  in  England  ; so  are  tobacco,  cigars, 
clothes,  and  furniture.  Good  house-rent  is  rather  high,  but 
not  so  when  we  get  out  of  our  heads  that  a dollar — though 
worth  just  as  much  as  ever  in  China — is  only  half  what  it 
used  to  be  worth  in  gold.  Servants  range  from  five  to  twelve 
dollars  a month,  and  “ find  ” themselves.  Chinese  tailors  are 
quite  good  enough  for  all  except  the  gommeux  and  the 
“mashers.”  Chinese-made  upholstery  and  furniture  is  quite  the 
equal  of  European  in  appearance ; and,  if  it  is  not  so  durable 
— well,  durability  is  not  a special  feature  of  Shanghai  life. 

The  damp  affects  the  exterior  of  houses,  and  the  quality 
* This  comfortable  arrangement  is  now  a thing  of  the  past. 


172 


China:  Past  and  Present 


of  the  building  and  finish  is  not  of  the  best.  Hence  few 
residences  look  neat  unless  painted  almost  annually,  and 
cobbled  up,  re-plastered,  and  varnished  frequently.  The  white 
ants,  too,  though  to  a less  degree  in  Shanghai  than  elsewhere, 
create  great  depredations.  Soda-water  is  locally  manufac- 
tured, of  very  passable  quality,  and  cheap ; light  German 
beers,  wishy-washy  though  they  are,  run  neck  and  neck  with 
the  infinitely  superior  but  headier  English  beers  ; but  it  is 
not  every  one  in  the  East  who  can  drink  beer  : it  produces 
“liver.”  The  water  at  Shanghai  and  Hongkong  is  good; 
at  Hongkong  absolutely  perfect.  In  most  other  places  one 
has  to  boil  it  and  be  careful.  Though  several  large  European 
“stores”  flourish,  especially  at  the  two  great  centres  named, 
it  may  be  said,  in  general  terms,  that  the  “ heathen  Chinee  ” 
has  a monopoly  of  the  retail  trade.  This  is  the  sort  of 
colloquy  that  goes  on  between  the  wife  of  a rich  European 
merchant  and  a Chinese  shopman  every  day  in  Shanghai : — 

A.  Mornin  missizi.  What  ting  you  wanchee  ? 

B.  My  wanchee  namba  one  klah,  mendy  clo. 

A.  Yih.  Massa  talky  my.  Alio  bloky  he  lat  talowssy. 

B.  My  smallo  boy  he  wanchee  talowssy  too. 

A.  To-day  my  catchee  plenty  falesh  jam,  bota,  veshitabu,  Bombay 
licey.  Dat  kolly  pase  welly  guh  tastee ; sposey  puttee  chutney,  no 
can  spilum  so  quih.  Parsee  man  too  muchee  chowchow  so  fashion. 

B.  Lookee  here,  Ching-chong,  my  tinkee  you  that  ting  too  muchee 
olo.  You  buy  cheap  ! 

A.  Naw  ! Ebbely  ting  nampa  wan!  I no  pay  you  owloo  ting. 
Sposey  you  no  likey,  sendy  he  back,  can  do  ! 

B.  I tinky  you  too  muchy  hompox,  Ching-chong,  belong  swee  mow 
outside  ; inside  largey  squeezy. 

As  a rule,  these  Chinamen  are  thoroughly  trustworthy  so 
long  as  ordinary  shrewdness  and  prudence  are  used  in  dealing 
with  them.  A European  shopman  is  as  much  out  of  place 
at  Shanghai  as  a European  valet : it  does  not  seem  to  become 
the  dignity  of  the  white  man  to  do  “counter-pidgin.”  Hence 
the  majority  of  them  are  “ bosses  ” of  some  sort  ; if  not 
consuls,  commissioners,  taipdns , “ lity-pidgin”  (write  business, 
= clerks),  or  managers,  they  are  skippers,  foremen,  inspectors, 
engineers,  or  shop  superintendents.  The  only  “ proletariat  ” 
cases  are  the  seamen,  and  they  soon  find  themselves  in  jail  or 
on  their  way  home  if  they  do  not  behave  themselves  decently. 


A Ministering  Angel,  thou!  173 

Very  few  English  women  take  to  Shanghai  in  the  hour  of 
their  misfortune  ; but  there  are  more  Americans,  Austrians, 
and  Germans  than  can  be  associated  with  strictly  orthodox 
municipal  life.  California  is  much  nearer  than  Europe,  and 
that  is  probably  the  reason.  If  occasionally  a European 
woman  is  found  married  to  a disreputable  Chinese,  no  matter 
how  regularly,  means  are  found  to  get  her  home.  If  an  old 
resident  falls  into  evil  ways,  a subscription  is  soon  raised  to 
get  decently  rid  of  him,  or,  if  possible,  to  set  him  up  on  his 
legs  again.  The  seamy  side  of  our  English  home  life  is  not 
much  seen  ; and  just  as  in  India  every  white  man  is  a Sahib , 
and  in  the  southern  islands  a Tuwan,  so  in  China  he  is  con- 
sidered to  be  of  the  lettered  or  sien-sheng  type. 

If  Chinamen  treat  our  women  with  respect,  it  is  not 
because  they  think  they  deserve  it,  but  because  our  women 
have  the  strength  of  body  and  mind  to  insist  upon  it.  At  first 
the  Chinaman  fails  to  understand  dancing,  decollete  costume, 
walking  about  arm  - in  - arm,  paying  afternoon  visits,  and 
drinking  tea  with  ladies  alone,  smiling  and  nodding  in  the 
streets,  sitting  together  in  church,  kissing  (in  which  osculatory 
art  the  Europeans  all  differ),  male  doctors  for  ladies,  and  so 
on.  The  Chinese  woman,  unless  a mere  peasant,  has  her 
feet  artificially  squeezed  ; is  rigidly  confined  to  the  house  ; 
can  see  no  male  friends  whatever,  except  the  nearest  of 
relatives  ; only  goes  out  on  the  occasions  of  certain  annual 
feasts  ; never,  under  any  circumstances,  however  low  her 
degree,  exposes  her  neck  ; never  walks,  however  humble  her 
sphere,  arm-in-arm  even  with  her  husband  ; never  kisses  a 
grown-up  son,  and  never  eats  or  sits  with  a strange  man,  i.e. 
so  long  as  she  maintains  a decent  position  in  life.  At  first 
the  unbroken-in  Celestial  mistakes  the  frank  freedom  of  our 
English  manners,  and  flatters  himself  he  has  “ namba  one 
chancee  but  he  very  soon  finds  out  that  a European  woman 
is  as  much  his  master  as  a European  man,  and  thus,  to  use 
his  own  expressive  proverb,  “ the  mangy  toad  does  not  aspire 
to  the  flesh  of  the  heavenly  swan.”  In  Australia  not  a few 
Irish  and  English  girls  have  married  respectable  Chinamen, 
who,  they  say,  being  more  industrious  and  sober,  make  much 
better  husbands  than  the  British  article  ; but,  as  with  European 
women  who  from  time  to  time  find  their  way  into  Persian, 


China:  Past  and  Present 


174 

Moorish,  or  Turkish  harems,  they  lose  caste,  and  soon  have 
to  sink  into  obscurity,  or  come  home.  When  a Chinaman 
speaks  English  really  well,  and  has  the  manners  of  a 
European,  exceptions  may  occasionally  be  made  ; indeed, 
there  is  at  least  one  Spanish  lady  in  China  married  to  a 
respected  native  ; and  for  many  years,  at  Canton,  a Chinese 
physician,  attired,  “ pigtail  ” included,  in  Chinese  costume, 
was  the  sole  medical  attendant  upon  all  the  European  and 
American  ladies.*  The  English  alone  of  all  European  races 
refuse  all  compromise  with  “ natives,”  and  this  is  one  of  the 
secrets  of  our  political  supremacy.  In  the  Dutch  colonies 
half-breeds  are  almost  as  good  as  Dutchmen  ; the  Spaniards 
(though  stricter  in  the  Philippines,  and  with  Chinese)  are 
inclined  to  be  catholic,  socially,  so  long  as  the  mestizo  is 
Catholic  in  religion.  The  mixed  Portuguese  of  Macao  are 
looked  down  upon  even  by  the  Chinese.  The  Russians  and 
French  are  remarkably  easy.  The  English  do  not  mind  a 
New  Zealander,  who,  both  in  pride  and  in  physical  appear- 
ance, is  quite  their  equal  ; he  is  the  only  “ native  ” man  who 
“ succeeds  ” as  a husband  for  British  women.  If  the  Japanese 
were  only  a little  bigger  they  might  gain  status  in  time ; 
but  so  long  as  a Chinaman  wears  “ pigtails  ” and  petticoats 
his  case  is  hopeless. 

The  drawbacks  of  Shanghai  life  are,  first  of  all,  the 
mosquitoes,  which  are  a nuisance  for  at  least  half  the  year  ; 
in  some  ports  all  the  year  round.  Then  the  heat ; for  two 
or  three  months,  for  four  and  even  six  at  the  more  southerly 
ports,  the  incessant  perspiration  is  exhausting.  The  smells 
in  Shanghai  and  Hongkong  are  reduced  to  a minimum,  but 
at  most  of  the  other  ports  a European  woman  is  practically 
confined  to  the  narrow  area  of  the  settlements,  on  account  of 
the  filth,  the  noisy  curiosity  of  the  natives,  and  the  absence 
of  what  may  be  called  “ police  order  ” generally.  The  very 
cheapness  of  servants  and  the  very  dignity  of  Europeans 
conduce  to  listlessness  and  idleness  on  the  part  of  women. 
There  are  no  “shops,”  even  at  Shanghai,  in  the  sense  of 
street  promenades.  In  Shanghai  and  Hongkong  the  bands 
play,  but,  elsewhere,  one  may  be  years  without  hearing  other 
music  than  that  of  one’s  own  piano  ; and,  as  to  theatres, 

* See  chapter  on  “ Dr.  Wong  ” in  John  Chinaman. 


Solitary  Enjoyments  quickly  pall  175 

concerts,  and  shows  generally,  there  are  never  any  except  at 
these  two  centres.  A man  has  always  the  distraction  of  his 
profession  ; but  a woman,  unless  resourceful  and  courageous, 
soon  pines  for  home.  Moreover  (and  this  is  serious),  the 
heat  “ washes  her  out,”  both  in  colour  and  energy.  As  to 
danger,  there  is  none  at  either  Hongkong  or  Shanghai, 
though  there  have  been  riots  at  both  places.  At  Canton, 
Foochow,  Chinkiang,  Wuhu,  Ichang,  Chungking,  Wenchow, 
and  Tientsin  there  have  been  serious  risings,  sometimes  loss 
of  European  life,  destruction  of  property,  broken  heads,  and 
so  on  ; and  at  all  the  minor  ports,  besides  the  extra  risk  of 
“rows,”  the  above-described  Shanghai  amenities  are  invariably 
on  a lesser  scale,  whilst  the  disagreeables  are  intensified. 
For  the  wife  of  a consul,  customs’  commissioner,  or  taipan , 
provided  with  a good  airy  house,  life  may  be  made  tolerable 
if  the  woman  be  cheerfully  disposed  and  actuated  by  a 
sense  of  duty.  Otherwise,  I should  say  to  all  ladies  : “ Give 
China  a wide  berth,”  unless  they  can  make  sure  of  Hong- 
kong or  Shanghai.  Of  course,  Hongkong  is  British,  and 
not  Chinese  at  all ; but,  in  most  respects,  European  life  is 
much  the  same  as  in  Shanghai. 


CHAPTER  II 

PERSONAL  REMINISCENCES  TOUCHING  OPIUM -SMOKING 

ALMOST  the  first  Chinaman  I set  my  eyes  upon  when  I 
landed  in  China  proper  in  the  year  1869  was  one  Wong  Ko- 
ung,  the  conipradore  or  petty  accountant  in  the  British  Con- 
sulate at  Shanghai : he  had  been  in  that  position  long  before 
1869,  and  even  at  that  date  he  had  acquired  a well-established 
reputation  as  an  opium-smoker.  This  man  continued  to 
serve  the  Consulate  faithfully  and  well  in  the  same  capacity 
until  about  four  years  * ago,  smoking  opium  steadily  all  the 
time,  and  never,  so  far  as  I am  aware,  permitting  this  habit 
to  interfere  in  any  way  with  his  official  or  social  duties.  Like 
most  well-to-do  Chinese,  he  always  had  around  him  a number 

* Written  in  1896. 


China:  Past  and  Present 


176 

of  hangers-on  in  the  shape  of  clerks,  wives,  concubines,  and 
poor  relatives,  all  more  or  less  dependent  on  him  ; but  his 
household,  though  in  the  consular  enclosure  or  grounds,  was 
invariably  treated  as  private,  and  sacred  to  himself.  No  one 
asked  any  questions  or  interfered  in  any  way  with  what 
went  on  inside : he  ruled  his  people  as  a petty  despot,  and 
apparently  to  every  one’s  satisfaction.  Most  of  the  British 
consuls  at  the  minor  outposts  entrusted  him  with  money  and 
accounts : he  never  disappointed  his  friends  ; always  acted 
punctually  and  shrewdly  ; was  generally  respected ; and  at 
last  died  at  an  average  age,  leaving  the  business  to  a son-in- 
law.  He  always  had,  it  is  true,  a yellow,  cadaverous,  opium- 
smoking appearance,  but  the  state  of  his  general  health  rarely 
if  ever  kept  him  from  his  counting-house  : he  could  well  afford 
his  indulgence,  and  it  certainly  never  prejudiced  his  mental 
power.  And  here  I may  repeat  an  observation  which  a 
private  servant  of  mine — a sort  of  Chinese  Sam  Weller — 
once  made  to  me : “ Stupid  men  like  myself  don’t  smoke 
opium  : it  is  always  the  men  with  brains  who  smoke  ; they 
concoct  profound  schemes  whilst  they  are  smoking.”  I have 
certainly  found  that  opium-smokers  are  usually  men  of  higher 
mental  powers  than  non-smokers.  It  is  generally  believed 
by  the  Chinese  that  long-continued  opium-smoking  checks 
or  stays  altogether  the  power  to  beget  children.  If  so,  then 
this  seems  to  be  the  only  penalty  that  Wong  Ko-ung  ever 
paid.  I believe  I am  right  in  saying  he  died  childless,  in 
spite  of  his  extensive  family  connections.* 

After  this  first  experience  I spent  two  years  and  a half 
in  Peking  and  Tientsin,  scouring  the  surrounding  country  in 
ail  directions,  visiting  many  large  towns  and  villages,  and 
travelling  between  2000  and  3000  miles  on  horseback  upon 
the  Mongolian  steppes  beyond  the  Great  Wall.  Both  in 
Peking  and  Tientsin  it  struck  me  that  the  effects  of  opium 
were  rather  bad.  I often  used  to  drop  in  at  the  opium-dens 
to  watch  the  smokers.  There  was  never  noise  or  disorder. 
Nor,  on  the  other  hand,  did  I ever  perceive  any  skeletons  in 
rags,  or  any  signs  of  shameless  debauch  and  abject  misery, 

* I have  since  received  from  Tao  Mai-sen,  the  present  compradore,  a portrait 
of  his  uncle.  I understand  from  a former  consul-general  (this  year  deceased)  that 
Wong  was  not  quite  childless. 


Oh,  Shame!  where  is  thy  Blush?  177 

directly  traceable  to  opium.  Debt  and  impecuniosity  are 
chronic  conditions  all  over  China.  In  the  northern  parts 
dirt  and  vermin  are  also  well-nigh  universal  with  the  common 
people,  in  each  case  quite  independently  of  opium.  In  the 
winter  it  is  so  bitterly  cold,  and  in  the  summer  so  scorchingly 
hot,  that  the  opium-houses,  with  their  pale  light  and  roomy 
couches,  are  delightful  resting-places ; certainly  not  so  bru- 
talizing in  aspect  as  the  noisy  gin-palaces  of  English  towns. 
In  the  hotels  I noticed  that  merchants  and  hawkers  usually 
took  a few  pipes  morning  and  evening.  As  the  whole  hotel 
population,  of  all  ranks,  ages,  and  sexes,  often  made  up  their 
beds  upon  the  same  k'ang, — a sort  of  raised  brick  platform, 
covering  half  the  room,  and  heated  with  straw,  argols,  or 
brushwood, — I had  abundant  opportunities  of  both  smelling 
and  tasting  opium.  I found  the  smell  rather  sickening  or 
cloying,  but  not  otherwise  disagreeable.  I never  had  the 
courage  to  gulp  down  the  smoke  ; but,  taken  into  the  mouth 
only,  it  seemed  to  me  rather  nice.  I noticed  that  women 
very  often  smoked,  much  oftener  than  (I  subsequently  found) 
in  the  south.  A good  many  women  of  but  moderate  repu- 
tation are  wont  to  haunt  the  average  Chinese  inn  : besides, 
there  are  cooks,  scavengers,  the  landlord’s  family,  a few 
female  travellers,  and  so  on.  Also  in  the  shops  and  eating- 
houses  women  managers  are  a good  deal  in  evidence  in  the 
north.  Perhaps  we  Europeans  saw  more  of  them  than  an 
ordinary  native  traveller  would  have  done,  because  their 
curiosity  often  prompted  them  to  come  and  peep  at  us.  I 
observed  that  the  Manchu  women  often  smoked  opium  too : 
they  stand  about  the  streets  and  doors  much  more  freely 
than  the  Chinese  women,  and  nearly  always  smoke  tobacco. 
All  opium-smokers  seemed  to  me  to  be  rather  ashamed  of 
the  habit.  I never  heard  any  one  of  either  sex  go  so  far  as 
to  praise  it  or  recommend  it.  The  chief  impression  left  upon 
me  was  that  it  caused  a waste  of  money  and  time,  and  I 
believe  these  considerations  usually  operate  after  a season 
of  indulgence  to  disgust  the  smoker,  and  cause  in  him  or  her 
a desire  to  discontinue  it.  Certainly  the  feeling  of  shame, 
weak  and  unsteady  though  it  may  be,  is  much  greater  in 
the  moderate  opium-smoker  than  in  the  English  excessive 
drinker.  I was  over  and  over  again  asked  if  I could  cure 

N 


China:  Past  and  Present 


178 

the  craving.  Often  a smoker  would  rate  me  gently  for 
belonging  to  a nation  which  supplied  the  noxious  drug ; but 
as  a rule  he  did  not  seem  very  serious  about  it,  and  there 
was  always  a sort  of  lurking  consciousness  in  his  manner 
that  the  charge  was  mere  clap-trap.  The  fact  that  Europeans 
themselves  would  not  smoke  (except  out  of  curiosity),  and 
despised  Chinese  smokers,  seemed  to  leave  a great  impres- 
sion upon  the  average  victim.  I often  heard  tales  of  exces- 
sive smoking — how  such  a man  smoked  all  night  and  slept 
all  day,  and  so  on  ; but  I never  once  heard  of  a man  abso- 
lutely ruining  himself  or  his  family  by  indulging  ; still  less 
did  I ever  come  across  a case  myself.  Peking  is  at  best  a 
vicious  place.  Here  we  have  an  idle  Manchu  population, 
supported  by  the  Government,  and  to  a great  extent  debarred 
by  custom  from  competing  in  industry  with  the  pure  Chinese, 
even  if  willing  and  able.*  Besides  this,  Peking  is  the  coveted 
haven  of  all  officials  who  have  saved  money,  and  wish  to 
keep  in  touch  with  the  Court.  Money  is  plentiful,  and 
luxury  is  great : to  a large  extent  the  same  may  be  said  of 
Tientsin.  Though  in  the  north  spirituous  liquor  is  freely 
drunk,  drunkenness  is  very  rare,  and  for  this  reason  causes 
no  feeling  of  shame  when  it  does  occur  ; in  fact,  it  is  rather 
a graceful  and  complimentary  act  to  get  tipsy,  or  feign  tipsi- 
ness, at  a feast : there  is  absolutely  no  sense  of  degradation 
in  it,  such  as  is  inseparable  from  opium-smoking.  My  first 
servant  at  the  Legation  was  an  opium-smoker  ; so  was  my 
first  teacher  : and  both  of  these  were  provided  for  me  officially. 
I think  most  of  the  other  teachers  and  servants  were  non- 
smokers.  Those  who  did  not  smoke,  invariably  made  fun 
at  the  expense  of  those  who  did.  The  above  are  the  not 
very  profound  impressions  which  daily  contact  with  opium- 
smokers  left  upon  me  after  over  two  years’  residence  in  the 
north.  To  sum  up,  all  who  smoked  were  rather  ashamed 
of  it : none  ever  boasted  of  it : most  admitted  that  it  was  a 
“fast”  and  debauched  form  of  pleasure.  It  undoubtedly,  as 
I could  see,  caused  a waste  of  time  and  money  ; and  this 
extravagance  of  course  to  a certain  extent  impoverished  the 
family  concerned  ; but  I never  noticed  any  dreadful  inroads 

* Since  the  “Boxer”  wars,  I notice  that  steps  have  been  taken  to  modify  the 
exclusive  social  and  economic  position  of  the  Manchus. 


Set  a Thief  to  catch  a Thief  179 

upon  the  constitution,  nor  did  I often  hear  of  such  ; and 
when  I did,  the  victims  described  were  rich,  and  could 
afford  it. 

After  this,  again,  I spent  two  years  and  a half  at  Han- 
kow and  Kewkiang  on  the  Great  River,  travelling  overland 
between  the  two  places,  and,  when  travelling,  of  course  living 
in  native  inns.  My  residence  at  both  these  ports  was  upon 
the  European  “ settlement,”  and  therefore  the  facilities  I had 
for  mixing  with  the  villagers  and  shop-people  were  not  so 
extensive  as  in  the  north,  where  we  travelled  more,  and 
seldom  spoke  anything  but  Chinese  ; still,  I used  to  walk 
out  every  day.  The  official  writers  at  both  consulates  were 
opium-smokers,  but  at  the  same  time  fat  prosperous-looking 
men,  of  great  intelligence.  My  private  teacher  was  also  a 
smoker.  He  was  about  forty  years  of  age,  had  just  bought 
a concubine,  and  she  soon  presented  him  with  a baby.  As 
at  Tientsin,  so  at  Hankow  and  Kewkiang,  the  more  intelli- 
gent of  the  official  servants  in  the  consulate  were  opium- 
smokers  ; in  fact,  a leading  Chinese  servant,  like  the 
characteristic  French  valet  of  the  plays,  must  be  a bit  of  a 
rogue,  if  he  is  to  keep  an  effective  eye  on  the  others.  My 
own  body-servant,  who  remained  with  me  from  this  time 
onwards  for  twenty-five  years,  was  not  only  a strict  non- 
smoker,  but  also  a rigid  non-drinker : he  would  not  even  use 
tobacco.  He  belonged  to  the  sect,  wrongly  described  as 
“Vegetarians,”  which  recently  distinguished  itself  by  massa- 
cring a number  of  helpless  missionaries  near  Foochow.*  He 
despised  and  was  a deadly  enemy  of  all  opium-smokers.  He 
often  used  to  beguile  the  time  whilst  he  was  assisting  my 
toilet,  or  waiting  upon  me  at  table,  by  recounting  the  villanies 
of  the  other  servants.  Yet  I never  heard  him  say  that  any 
family  had  been  ruined  by  opium-smoking.  He  knew  to  a 
nicety  how  many  pipes  or  hours  a day  the  viceroy,  the 
governor,  or  the  general  smoked  ; how  much  the  prefect  paid 
for  his  concubines  ; who  gave  and  who  took  bribes,  and  how 
much  ; and  all  like  matters  which  form  the  subject  of  ordinary 
Chinese  conversation : but  he  never  told  me  any  harrowing 
opium  stories  of  dying  by  inches,  starving  wives,  early  deaths, 

* Since  this  was  written,  in  1896,  I have  accumulated  more  information  about 
the  Tsai-li  (“  In  the  Inside  ”),  or  “Vegetarians  ; ” but  this  is  not  the  place  for  it. 


i8o 


China:  Past  and  Present 


and  wasted  opportunities.  Rather  the  reverse.  It  was:  “Such 
a one,  in  the  depths  of  the  night,  over  his  opium  pipe, 
concocted  such  and  such  a successful  scheme  for  filling  his 
pockets.”  During  these  years  on  the  Great  River,  I casually 
noticed  a considerable  waste  of  money  and  time  in  con- 
nection with  opium-smoking : nothing  more.  It  was  also 
evident  that,  as  with  our  dissolute  “corner-men  ” in  England, 
so  with  the  Chinese  opium-smoker,  the  evil  habit  often  lost 
a man  a job,  kept  him  in  shabby  clothes,  and  gave  him  a 
sullen,  self-indulgent,  and  hangdog  appearance, — I was  going 
to  say,  made  his  house  less  comfortable:  but  nearly  all 
Chinese  interiors,  with  the  exception  of  those  of  the  small 
rich  minority,  are  grimy,  comfortless,  and  unfurnished  to  the 
last  degree ; so  that  in  this  respect  there  is  little  difference 
to  chronicle  in  favour  of  the  non-smokers. 

On  two  different  occasions  I resided  in  the  celebrated 
and  busy  city  of  Canton,  spending  a year  and  a half  on  the 
“settlement,”  and  a year  and  a half  in  the  Chinese yam$n,  or 
“ official  residence.”  During  the  whole  three  years  I used  to 
parade  the  native  streets  for  at  least  two  hours  a day,  prying 
into  every  nook  and  cranny,  acquainting  myself  with  officials 
and  people  of  every  rank  and  class  from  the  highest  to  the 
lowest,  studying  the  local  dialects,  and  getting  as  nearly  as  I 
could  to  the  bottom  of  everything  connected  with  social  life- 
My  personal  teacher,  a man  of  extremely  lofty  character,  and 
subsequently  employed  for  many  years  by  the  Hongkong 
Government,  was  an  opium-smoker,  as  I learnt  through  my 
loquacious  servant,  and  subsequently  again  from  the  teacher’s 
own  official  employers.*  He  was  so  ashamed  of  it  that  he 
seems  to  have  begun  to  check  the  habit  as  soon  as  he  came 
to  reside  with  me ; but  as  he  was  old,  miserly,  and  feeble,  he 
was  compelled  to  surreptitiously  swallow  opium  pills  in  order 
to  “ support  the  walls  of  his  stomach.”  The  most  tried  if  not 
the  ablest  of  the  official  servants  were  opium-smokers.  Of  the 
two  writers  the  smarter  one  was  a smoker.f  Opium-dens 
were  common  everywhere ; but  corruption  was  universal  : 
opium,  gaming,  and  every  other  popular  vice,  went  on  quite 
merrily  at  Canton.  I had  a second  private  teacher  of  the 

* See  the  chapter  on  “ Old  Ow”  {John  Chinaman , Murray,  1901). 

t See  the  chapter  on  “ Old  Lu  ” (John  Chinaman , Murray,  1901). 


1 8 1 


In  Fair  Round  Belly 

Hakka  race,  who  was  either  so  heavy  an  opium-smoker,  or  so 
delicate  a man  to  sustain  whatever  amount  he  really  did 
smoke,  that  he  possessed  scarcely  the  power  to  articulate  ; 
but  he  was  gentle  and  mild-mannered,  a very  dutiful  son, 
and  a kind  husband.  The  Viceroy — who  is  still,  at  the  age  of 
seventy-two,  doing  excellent  service  as  a viceroy  farther  north 
— was  not  only  a heavy  opium-smoker,  but  told  me  so  him- 
self.* His  chief  sorrow  was  that,  despite  numerous  con- 
cubines, he  had  no  child  of  his  own.  He  told  me  that  it  was 
during  his  campaign  against  the  Taiping  rebels  that  he  first 
acquired  the  evil  habit,  on  account  of  toothache.  Two  or 
three  years  later  he  was  accused  by  a censor  of  being  an 
opium-smoker,  and  was  removed  from  office ; but  he  is  so 
honest  and  straightforward  a man  that  the  Emperor  has  been 
obliged  to  employ  him  once  more.  The  Tartar-General  was 
also  generally  understood  to  smoke  opium.  The  next  highest 
official,  the  Literary  Chancellor,  was  not  only  a heavy  smoker, 
but  he  was  officially  accused  of  it  by  a censor.  The  Viceroy 
was  ordered  to  report,  which  he  did  as  follows,  evidently  with 
his  tongue  in  his  cheek  : — “ What  goes  on  in  the  depths  of  the 
Literary  Chancellor’s  private  residence,  your  servant,  not 
having  the  entree , is  naturally  unable  to  say  ; but  your  servant 
observes  that  the  Literary  Chancellor’s  cheeks  are  big  and 
fat,  and  certainly  not  like  the  cadaverous  cheeks  of  those  who 
smoke  opium  heavily : he  does  not  therefore  commit  himself 
to  an  opinion.”  In  all  the  passenger  steamers,  both  between 
Canton  and  Hongkong  and  on  the  Great  River,  there  is 
ample  accommodation  provided  for  opium-smokers  : no 
attempt  whatever  is  made  to  check  it,  nor  could  such  an 
attempt  succeed  without  ruining  the  company’s  passenger 
traffic.  Canton  is  a city  full  of  charitable  organizations,  and 
amongst  these  are  several  societies  for  putting  a stop  to 
the  vice  of  opium-smoking.  The  European  missionaries 
there  are  also  very  active  in  this  respect.  In  no  part  of  China 
have  the  European  and  American  medical  missions  been 
more  successful  than  in  Canton.  The  Cantonese,  though 
very  vain,  are  a much  more  gritty  and  self-respecting  race 
than  the  Chinese  of  the  north ; and  amongst  them  there  are 
not  only  a large  number  of  non-smokers,  who  are  anxious  to 
* Died  1903.  See  chapter  on  “ Liu  K’un-yih  ” (John  Chinaman , Murray,  1901 ). 


China:  Past  and  Present 


182 

cure  smokers,  but  there  are  many  smokers  who  are  most 
anxious  to  cure  themselves.  In  the  neighbouring  British 
colony  of  Hongkong  there  is  no  attempt  made  to  interfere 
with  the  liberty  of  the  subject.  Chinese  may  smoke  as  much 
opium  as  they  like,  when  and  where  they  will ; but  nowhere 
do  I remember  to  have  seen  fewer  traces  of  opium  misery 
than  in  Hongkong.  Life  is  too  active,  men  are  too  busy  to 
smoke  much  of  their  time  away  : the  people  look  better  fed 
and  more  prosperous  than  on  the  mainland  ; and  the  same 
may  be  said  of  Saigon,  Penang,  and  Singapore.  This  fact 
opens  the  question : May  it  not  be  from  sheer  weariness  and 
want  of  something  to  do  that  many  Chinese  take  to  the 
opium-pipe  ? In  most  places  in  China  organized  gambling 
is  forbidden.  With  the  exception  of  an  occasional  game  at 
shuttle-cock  or  kite-flying — only  at  fixed  seasons — there  are 
no  outdoor  sports.  The  Chinese  rarely  walk  for  pleasure. 
As  already  stated,  interiors  are  comfortless.  There  is  no  social 
intercourse  between  respectable  men  and  women.  There  is 
not  sufficient  house-room,  privacy,  or  light  for  reading  after 
dark.  How  is  time  to  be  killed  ? I think  that  the  monotony 
of  existence  maybe  one  of  the  chief  causes  of  opium-smoking. 
On  the  whole,  though  at  Canton  I was  in  contact  with  opium- 
smokers  almost  daily,  and  made  a point  of  seeing  as  much  as 
possible  of  native  life,  the  seamy  side  of  opium-smoking  did 
not  obtrude  itself  much  upon  me.  Just  as  in  an  English  coast 
town  one  may  daily  see  the  flaring  light  of  the  gin-palace, 
the  besotted  faces  of  occasional  loafers,  the  bedraggled 
garments,  and  infer  therefrom  great  misery  behind  it  all  ; so 
one  might  fairly  infer  great  misery  from  the  spectacle  of 
numerous  opium-dens,  cadaverous  faces,  and  tatterdemalion 
garments  in  Canton,  if  one  should  see  it ; but  I did  not  see 
it  obtrusively,  though,  as  I said  before,  I was  daily  poking 
my  nose  into  all  sorts  of  nooks  and  corners.  Naturally,  a 
medical  missionary  will  see  a great  deal  more  of  the  seamy 
side.  It  is  his  business. 

I next  spent  a whole  year  in  the  true  home  of  opium,  the 
province  of  Sz  Ch’wan,  where  in  the  winter  season  one  may 
see  growing  hundreds  of  square  miles  of  the  poppy  all  at 
once.  By  boat  and  on  foot,  chiefly  on  foot,  I travelled 
thousands  of  miles,  averaging  twenty-five  miles  a-day  for  at 


Feed  me  with  Food  convenient  183 

least  six  months,  and  taking  in  portions  of  the  provinces  of 
Kwei  Chou  and  Hu  Peh.  I used  to  watch  the  girls  and  the 
children  making  incision  into  the  poppy-bud,  or  scraping  off 
the  pale  juice  into  basins  ; then  see  the  men  carrying  it  to  the 
village  market ; the  dealers  buying  up  the  rapidly  darkening 
mess  by  the  ounce  ; the  coolies  marching  off  with  loads  of  it 
on  journeys  of  hundreds  and  even  thousands  of  miles  to  other 
provinces,  endeavouring  to  avoid  the  taxing  stations  on  the 
way.*  In  this  province,  though  a great  many  people — I 
should  say  at  least  half — did  not  smoke  at  all,  yet  smoking 
was,  so  to  speak,  universal,  and  with  many  almost  as  much  a 
matter  of  habit  as  taking  food.  Yet  here,  strange  to  say, 
where  opium  was  so  cheap  and  easily  obtainable,  and  so  com- 
monly smoked,  less  harm  seemed  to  be  done  than  in  places 
where  the  more  expensive  Indian  drug  is  imported.  This 
fact  would  seem  to  confirm  what  I have  suggested, — that  it  is 
rather  the  waste  of  money  and  time  than  any  physical  injury 
to  the  constitution  which  does  the  mischief.  My  first  ex- 
perience was  with  boatmen.  I had  about  fifty  permanent 
coolies  attached  to  my  own  boat,  besides  from  fifty  to  two 
hundred  specially  engaged  when  there  was  a dangerous  rapid 
to  pass.  These  boatmen  were  a dissolute,  devil-may-care, 
happy-go-lucky  brood — apparently  the  scum  of  the  province. 
In  Sz  Ch’wan,  when  a man  has  failed  at  everything  else,  he 
becomes  a boatman — that  is,  for  the  time  being  a beast  of 
burden.  The  pay  is  about  6d.  or  u.  a month,  according  to 
the  rate  of  the  sterling  exchange  (but  in  effect  always  about 
ij.,  for  low-priced  silver  is  just  as  good  as  high-priced  silver 
in  China),  plus  three  rice  meals  a day,  with  a little  pork,  fish, 
or  salt  vegetables,  plus  an  occasional  “ blow-out  ” of  pork 
when  a great  danger  is  overcome,  plus  occasional  “wine- 
money  ” from  the  passengers,  plus  an  extra  pecuniary  reward 
if  good  speed  is  attained.  The  poor  wretches,  often  clad  in 
mere  rags,  work  hard  from  sunrise  till  sunset,  ropes  round 
their  bodies,  heads  bowed  to  the  ground  ; now  splashing  in 
water,  now  clambering  over  rocks.  It  is  a red-letter  day  for 
them  when  there  is  a fair  wind,  and  they  can  all  huddle 
together  for  warmth,  doing  nothing  but  chatter  whilst  the 
boat  sails  along.  My  escorting  mandarin  and  his  servant 
* See  the  chapter  on  “ Likin  ” (China,  Murray,  1901). 


184  China:  Past  and  Present 

both  smoked  opium.  So  did  the  captain  and  the  pilot.  The 
next  important  “official”  was  the  galley  cook:  he  smoked 
too.  About  half  the  coolies  would  smoke  whenever  they  got 
the  chance,  if  they  were  able  to  buy,  borrow,  or  beg  the 
opium.  At  the  end  of  the  journey  their  whole  earnings 
went  in  a spree  ; and  thus  they  went  on,  alternately  slaving 
and  spreeing,  until  consumption,  cold,  or  drowning  took  them 
off.  Life  is  cheap  in  the  interior  of  China : it  can  be  deliber- 
ately bought  for  a few  shillings,  and  in  any  case  it  is  so  little 
valued  that  few  make  a fuss  about  losing  it,  so  long  as  it  is 
done  in  an  ordinary  way.  Opium-indulgence  does  its  share, 
doubtless,  towards  perpetuating  poverty,  recklessness,  and 
misery  amongst  this  class  ; but,  so  far  as  I could  see,  much 
the  same  sort  of  harum-scarum  existence  would  have  been 
led  even  without  the  opium.  Although  I walked  a great 
deal,  I always  had  six  or  eight  chair-bearers  with  me,  and  I 
found  that  the  two  or  three  who  smoked  opium  practically 
delayed  me  two  or  three  hours  a day  unless  I kept  a very 
sharp  eye  on  them.  Having  once  inhaled  their  opium,  they 
were  as  capable  of  work  as  the  others  ; but  they  were  no  good, 
or  at  least  would  do  nothing,  without  it ; and  of  course  wasted 
time  in  buying  it,  preparing  it,  smoking  it,  and  packing  up 
their  pipes.  I used  to  dine  very  often  with  the  city  general, 
who  still  occupies  high  rank  in  the  north-western  provinces.* 
He  belonged  to  the  “ old  school ; ” — that  is,  he  pocketed 
more  than  half  his  men’s  pay,  knew  nothing  of  war,  and  was 
a heavy  opium-smoker.  He  always  used  to  excuse  himself, 
when  dinner  was  half  over,  in  order  to  take  a few  pipes  of 
opium  ; then  he  would  return.  His  wife  smoked  too.  In 
appearance  he  was  pale  and  rather  “washed  out,”  but  he 
could  well  afford  the  luxury,  and  as  he  must  now  be  over 
sixty,  cannot  be  much  the  worse  for  it.  The  civilian  officials, 
with  the  exception  of  one  who  was  an  opium  sot,  all  boasted 
of  being  abstainers,  and  truly.  Even  the  sot,  however,  was  a 
capable  official.  My  official  servants  were  all  smokers.  My 
teacher  was  a Christian,  and  the  Catholic  missionaries  took 
care  that  he  did  not  smoke.  The  Protestant  missionaries 
used  to  save  would-be  opium  suicides  almost  daily ; but 

* I no  longer  see  his  name,  and  presume  he  is  dead.  See  chapter  on  ‘‘A 
Soldier  of  the  Old  School  ” in  John  Chinaman. 


The  First  Draught  serveth  for  Health  185 

suicide  is  a very  common  thing  in  China,  and  would  probably 
be  just  as  common  if  the  opium  were  not  at  hand.  Opium 
is  selected  because  it  is  more  comfortable  than  hanging  or 
arsenic.  In  this  province  no  Indian  opium  was  ever  used, — 
at  least,  with  the  exception  of  private  consignments  for  very 
rich  officials  who  had  acquired  the  habit  on  the  coast.  As  a 
rule,  the  villages,  and  of  course  the  towns,  were  everywhere 
wealthy ; food  was  plentiful  and  cheap  ; life  comfortable, — 
for  China, — and  work  abundant.  Except  in  the  large  towns, 
no  such  sight  as  a cadaverous  opium-besotten  face  was  ever 
seen  by  me,  though  it  is  not  difficult  as  a rule  to  discern  from 
the  tint  of  the  cheek  and  the  colour  of  the  eyeball  who  smokes 
and  who  does  not  smoke.  Opium  may  cause  the  usual  waste 
of  time,  and  to  a certain  extent  of  money,  in  this  province, 
but  it  certainly  brings  wealth  and  activity.  The  poppy  does 
not  displace  rice,  but  only  cheap  vegetable  crops,  or  odds  and 
ends  of  vegetables  grown  during  the  winter.  It  furnishes  the 
material  for  a vast  export,  labour  for  armies  of  coolies  or 
porters,  a basis  for  local  taxation,  and  employment  for 
numbers  of  women  and  children.  So  far  as  I was  able  to 
judge  from  the  unrivalled  opportunities  I had,  opium  could 
not  fairly  be  described  as  a curse  to  the  province  of  Sz  Ch’wan, 
or  those  portions  of  Kwei  Chou  and  Hu  Peh  in  which  I saw 
it  growing.  Nor  did  I observe  any  strong  feeling  against  its 
use ; still  less  any  feeling  against  Europeans  for  having,  as 
some  still  say,  first  introduced  it.  At  the  same  time,  no  one 
was  proud  of  being  a smoker ; every  one  made  some  coy 
attempt  at  apology  or  concealment.  In  short,  even  in  Sz 
Ch’wan,  where  I believe  much  less  harm  is  done  by  opium- 
smoking than  is  done  by  strong  drink  in  Great  Britain,  the 
common  sense  of  the  people  prompts  them  to  be  more 
ashamed  of  their  weakness  than  we  are  of  ours.  Never  once 
in  any  part  of  China  have  I seen  an  opium-smoker  take  the 
angry  and  self-justificatory  attitude  which  some  of  our 
advocates  of  free  drink  will  do.  My  experience  leads  me  to 
say  that,  however  much  opinions  among  the  Chinese  may 
differ  as  to  who  is  responsible  for  the  introduction  of  opium, 
what  is  the  extent  of  the  damage  done,  and  so  on,  there  is 
but  one,  absolutely  one,  opinion  throughout  the  empire  as  to 
the  wisdom  of  the  indulgence ; that  is,  it  is  a foolish  vice, 


China:  Past  and  Present 


1 86 

and  one  to  be  ashamed  of  and  kept  in  the  background,  even 
though  the  person  using  the  drug  be  too  weak  to  resist  its 
charm  and  to  act  up  to  his  own  opinions. 

After  my  stay  in  Sz  Ch’wan,  I spent  the  best  part  of  two 
years  in  the  province  of  Cheh  Kiang,  travelling  hundreds  of 
miles  on  foot,  both  in  that  province  and  in  that  of  Fuh  Kien, 
passing  through  numerous  poppy-fields  in  both,  always  living 
in  native  inns  ; being  surrounded  by  native  boatmen,  coolies, 
soldiers,  and  officials ; mixing  with  all  classes,  and  of  course 
hearing  what  the  missionaries  had  to  say.  All  missionaries, 
Catholic  and  Protestant,  of  course  object  to  opium-smoking. 
It  is  worth  noticing  that  though  the  Protestants  are  almost 
as  universally  opposed  to  the  use  of  spirituous  liquors,  the 
Catholics  are  not  so ; which  certainly  supports  the  view  that, 
though  it  may  not  be  so  harmful  to  China  as  the  abuse  of  drink 
is  to  Europe,  opium-smoking  is,  in  principle,  considered  a 
more  shameful  and  degrading  vice.  It  may  be  described  as  an 
unnatural  vice, — its  rival,  drink,  being  after  all  but  an  appetite 
inseparable  from  human  nature,  and  only  harmful  when 
taken  to  excess.  My  best  official  servant  at  Wenchow,  as 
elsewhere,  was  an  opium-smoker.*  Of  the  officials,  only  one 
was  an  opium-smoker,  and  he  had  the  usual  wan  appearance  ; 
but  he  was  quite  capable,  and  his  indulgence  seemed  in  no 
way  to  affect  his  general  health  or  business  capacity.  I am 
bound  to  record,  however,  that  both  in  Cheh  Kiang  and  Fuh 
Kien  the  evidences  of  misery  caused  by  indulgence  in  ex- 
pensive Indian  opium  seemed  to  me  much  plainer  than 
elsewhere.  My  bearers  were  always  half-starved,  ragged 
ruffians,  but  almost  always  smokers.  Often  I reached  a 
village  where  no  fowls,  eggs,  or  sugar  were  to  be  got ; where 
not  even  rice  was  procurable  ; yet  I invariably  saw  the  in- 
evitable "garish  lamp-sign  with  the  equivalent  for  “Indian 
Opium  ” upon  it.  True,  in  the  case  of  Cheh  Kiang  province, 
the  parts  I visited  had  been  well-nigh  depopulated  during  the 
Great  Rebellion ; but  I took  all  that  into  consideration,  and 
the  definite  impression  was  left  upon  me  that  money  was 
universally  wasted  upon  expensive  opium  by  those  who  could 
least  afford  it : time  was  also  of  course  wasted  : poverty  and 
misery  undoubtedly  resulted  from  it.  There  was  no  counter 
* See  chapter  on.  “ The  big  t'ingch'ai ” (John  Chinaman). 


Second  fov  Pleasure ; Third  for  Shame  187 

wealth  or  activity,  as  in  Sz  Ch’wan,  to  outweigh  the  incubus. 
From  this  cause  (combined  perhaps  with  other  causes)  the 
physique  of  the  people  was  unmistakably  deteriorating,  and, 
in  short,  the  use  of  opium  might  fairly  be  described  as  a 
popular  curse.  With  slight  variations,  the  same  must  be  3aid 
of  the  northern  half  at  least  of  Fuh  Kien.  Though  in  both 
provinces  the  native  drug  is  produced,  yet  it  is  the  Indian 
drug  which  is  chiefly  smoked,  and  which  does  nearly  all  the 
damage ; but,  I repeat,  the  damage  is  more  an  economical 
one  than  a physical  one,  and  it  is  not  fair  to  exaggerate  the 
latter. 

After  leaving  these  parts,  I had  the  opportunity  of  studying 
Japanese  and  Corean  life  in  Corea.  In  that  country,  as  in 
Japan,  the  importation  and  the  use  of  opium  are  strictly 
forbidden  (except  by  Chinese).  I believe  I can  safely  say 
that,  as  in  Japan,  so  in  Corea,  no  Japanese  ever  uses  it.  The 
easy-going  Coreans  may  occasionally  be  seduced  by  the 
Chinese  to  use  it,  but  I never  came  across  a Corean  smoker, 
and  I used  to  mix  a good  deal  with  all  classes  of  Coreans. 
The  Corean  physique  is,  if  “ softer,”  at  least  so  far  as  external 
appearance  goes,  far  superior  to  that  of  the  Chinese.  The 
Japanese  also,  though  shorter  than  the  Chinese,  are,  man  for 
man,  of  sterner  and  sturdier  stuff.  Japan  and  Corea  both 
have  their  weak  points,  but  opium  is  not  yet  one  of  them  ; 
and  though  there  may  be  no  direct  evidence  in  favour  of 
ascribing  the  superior  Corean  physique  to  the  absence  of 
opium-smoking,  there  can  be  little  doubt  that  the  introduction 
of  opium-smoking  would  seriously  injure  that  physique,  and 
make  the  people  much  poorer  than  they  already  are,  because 
they  would  spend  less  upon  their  food. 

The  popular  notion  that  opium-smoking  cannot  be  suddenly 
abandoned  without  danger  is  quite  mistaken.  The  inmates 
of  the  Hongkong  prisons  are  never  allowed  to  smoke  a 
single  pipe.  True,  advanced  cases  are  treated  for  a time  with 
pills  or  anti-opium  medicines  ; but  that  is  all.  So  long  as 
physical  force  or  the  requisite  force  of  will  is  at  hand,  any 
smoker  can  be  cured  of  the  habit  summarily. 

My  next  experience  was  the  neighbourhood  of  Foochow, 
where  at  different  times  I spent  the  best  part  of  three  years. 
The  general  impression  left  upon  me  was  that  opium-smoking 


China:  Past  and  Present 


1 88 

did  more  damage  here  than  in  the  Canton  region.  The 
people  are  more  voluptuously  inclined,  less  capable  of  resisting 
temptation,  not  so  industrious  and  persevering;  dirtier,  and 
poorer.  I can  therefore  well  understand  the  missionaries  of 
Foochow  taking  a much  stronger  view  than  would  be  justified 
in  Sz  Ch'wan. 

After  this  I spent  more  than  two  years  in  the  island  of 
Hainan,  where  I must  say  I noticed  very  little  of  the  evil 
effect  so  marked  at  Foochow  : yet  it  is  certain  that  at  least 
2000  chests  a year  must  be  consumed  in  the  island.  The 
civil  governor  was  a strong  anti-opium  man,  and  used  fre- 
quently to  abuse  me  almost  officially  for  belonging  to  a nation 
which  had  (he  said)  corrupted  China  with  opium.  Notwith- 
standing this,  however,  he  encouraged  the  opium-smuggling 
trade  at  the  expense  of  the  legitimate  trade ; and  when  he 
left,  his  successor  got  into  trouble  for  peculating  the  opium 
revenue.*  This  second  man  was  a great  smoker,  and  bore 
strong  marks  of  it  upon  his  features.  The  other  officials  did 
not  smoke.  My  chief  official  servant  was  a smoker  : his 
official  salary  was  12 s.  a month  : out  of  this  3 d.  a day,  or 
ys.  6d.  a month,  went  in  opium  : he  paid  10 d.  a month  for  a 
rather  good  house,  and  kept  a wife  and  child  on  the  remainder. 
Of  course,  in  order  to  feed  his  family  it  would  have  been 
necessary  for  him  to  “squeeze”  unless  I had  assisted  him; 
so,  as  he  was  really  a useful  and  intelligent  man,  I allowed 
him  8s.  a month  out  of  my  own  pocket.  None  of  the  other 
employes  smoked  opium,  but  their  combined  intelligence  was 
not  equal  to  his  alone.  I took  him  with  me  several  times  to 
the  French  colonies,  and  there  he  was  obliged  for  economy’s 
sake  to  swallow  pills,  as  his  pipe  would  have  been  confiscated 
had  he  imported  ever  so  little  opium,  whilst  the  price  of 
French  opium  was  prohibitive. 

In  Tonquin  it  appeared  to  me  that  the  excessively  high 
price  of  opium  caused  unusual  waste  and  poverty.  Here,  for 
the  first  time,  I came  across  Europeans  who  smoked,  and  it 
is  a well-authenticated  fact,  which  I have  frequently  myself 
seen  discussed  in  the  local  French  journals,  that  considerable 
numbers  of  Frenchmen  have  taken  to  the  habit : from  what 
I could  learn,  it  affects  them  even  more  prejudicially  than  it 
does  the  Chinese. 

* Chapters  are  devoted  to  both  these  men  in  John  Chinaman. 


The  Fourth  for  Madness  189 

In  Java  opium  is  so  expensive  that  the  poorer  Chinese 
have  to  smoke  a sort  of  base  mixture,  often  merely  soaked  in 
opium  refuse.  The  Dutch  are  even  stricter  than  the  French, 
and  the  rapacious  Chinese  opium-farmers  who  buy  the  right 
of  monopoly  cause  a great  deal  of  misery  in  various  ways.  I 
spent  a year  in  Burma,  where  the  interests  of  the  indigenous 
race  are  carefully  safeguarded  by  the  paternal  Indian  Govern- 
ment. Very  little  if  any  harm  is  allowed  to  be  done  to  the 
Burmese,  whether  by  spirits  or  by  opium.  The  Chinese  are, 
as  usual,  permitted  to  please  themselves,  and  are  generally 
the  concessionaries  of  opium  and  spirit  monopolies ; but  I 
noticed  no  misery  traceable  to  opium  in  Burma,  and  found 
that  the  better  classes  of  Chinese  were  even  disposed  to  favour 
a gradual  curtailment,  if  not  an  ultimate  suppression,  of  the 
opium  traffic.  In  Siam  the  Chinese  have  a perfectly  free 
hand  in  regard  to  opium,  but  I did  not  observe  that  they 
abused  it.  In  Australia  and  the  United  States  I did  not 
remark  anything  worthy  of  special  notice  in  connection  with 
opium.  I found  that  Chinamen  did  all  they  wanted  to  do  on 
the  sly,  and  that  the  European  or  white  authorities  were  only 
too  glad  to  leave  them  alone. 

It  is  distinctly  stated  in  the  Chinese  official  records  that 
there  were  over  400,000,000  people  in  China  fifty  years  ago.* 
If  we  therefore  take  100,000,000  adults,  and  assume  that  each 
smokes  the  very  small  allowance  of  a Chinese  pound  weight 
a year,  that  would  make  one  million  chests.  But  50,000 
chests  of  Indian  opium  are  really  much  nearer  the  mark  ; 
so  that  not  one  in  twenty  adults  can  possibly  smoke  even 
this  exceedingly  innocuous  allowance.  I believe  the  best 
authorities  put  the  consumption  of  native  opium  at  about 
four  times  that  of  Indian.  Even  then,  only  one  quarter  of 
the  total  number  of  adults  can  smoke  this  infinitesimal  allow- 
ance. There  can  be  no  question  that  many  sad  cases  of  abuse 
occur.  Medical  and  other  missionaries  naturally  see  more  of 
the  injury  done  than  others,  because  those  injured  go  to  them 
for  relief.  One  medical  missionary  in  Canton  told  me  that 
he  had  operated  some  thousand  times  (I  think)  for  stone  in 
the  bladder ; but  of  course  outsiders  hear  very  little  of  such 

* I have  published  full  proofs  in  the  Statistical  Society's  Journal  for  March, 
1899. 


China:  Past  and  Present 


190 

matters.  In  the  same  way,  so  far  as  opium-smoking  is  con- 
cerned, the  casual  observer  sees  very  little  of  the  horrors 
which  undoubtedly  do  occasionally  take  place.  On  the  other 
hand,  which  of  us  is  not  a frequent  witness  in  the  cities  of 
Great  Britain  to  the  ruin  and  misery  caused  by  excessive 
indulgence  in  strong  drink  ? From  what  I have  personally 
observed,  in  a casual  way,  of  drink  on  the  one  hand  and 
opium  on  the  other,  though  I entertain  no  positive  opinion, 
and  plead  for  no  particular  view,  the  impression  left  upon  me 
is  very  distinct  that  opium  does  much  less  harm  to  the 
Chinese  than  drink  does  to  us,  so  far  as  inciting  to  acts  of 
violence,  neglect  of  family,  etc.,  are  concerned.  The  greatest 
smokers  do  not  appear  to  spend  upon  their  opium  the  pro- 
portionate sum  of  their  earnings  which  our  working  population 
spends  upon  its  liquor.  Our  liquor  costs  40,000,000  of  us 
several  hundred  millions  a year  ; whilst  50,000  chests  at;£loo 
apiece,  and  200,000  chests  at  ,£50  apiece,  would  only  make 
^15,000,000  a year  among  400,000,000  people.  Opium- 
smoking causes  no  violence,  incites  to  no  crime, — unless  per- 
haps it  be  to  stealing  the  means  for  a smoke.  It  is  a sensual 
pleasure  pure  and  simple,  and  certainly  does  no  good  to  the 
constitution,  though,  if  taken  in  moderation,  it  may  do  little 
harm  : in  the  sense  that  it  allays  pain  and  kills  wearisome 
time,  it  may  even  be  said  to  do  occasional  good,  just  as 
morphia  does  with  us.  But  how  is  it  all  Chinese  are  ashamed 
of  it ; or,  if  not,  why  do  they  all  try  to  conceal  it,  or  apologize 
for  it?  No  one  of  us  thinks  of  apologizing  for  drink,  so  long 
as  it  is  not  taken  to  excess,  or  in  disobedience  to  lawful 
injunctions,  or  against  some  generally  accepted  scruple  or 
pledge.  It  appears  to  me  that  the  one  is  the  indulgence  of 
a reasonable  appetite  which  becomes  wasteful  and  injurious 
when  carried  to  excess,  whilst  the  other  is  the  indulgence  of 
an  artificial  or  unnatural  appetite  which  is  always  wasteful 
even  when  not  carried  to  excess,  and  which  becomes  injurious 
when  persisted  in,  inasmuch  as  it  checks  the  population. 
But  the  unnaturalness  of  opium-smoking  is  not  greater  than 
that  of  tobacco-smoking,  and  that  alone  is  hardly  sufficient  to 
condemn  it.  A French  gentleman,  Dr.  Martin,  has  recently 
published  an  elaborate  work  to  prove  that  moderate  opium- 
smoking  does  but  little  if  any  harm  ; and,  subject  to  what  I 


By  Desperate  Appliances  relieved  19 1 

have  said,  I am  disposed  to  agree  with  him.  However,  having 
recounted  my  experiences,  I leave  the  public  to  draw  con- 
clusions for  itself. 

P.S.  {to  original  article). — Since  the  above  was  written,  I 
have  read  a leading  article  in  the  chief  native  Chinese  news- 
paper, the  Shin  Pao  of  Shanghai,  dated  the  29th  December, 
1895.  This  paper  circulates  widely  all  over  the  Empire. 
After  pointing  out  that  the  1861  Treaty  agreement  to  tax 
opium  prevented  China  from  prohibiting  its  import  from 
India,  the  writer  goes  on  to  say  that  for  a score  or  more  of 
years  past  it  has  been  the  policy  of  the  Chinese  Government 
to  stop  the  outward  drain  of  silver  by  encouraging  the  planting 
of  the  poppy  in  China.  He  points  to  Yiin  Nan,  Sz  Ch’wan, 
and  Shan  Si  as  the  provinces  where  its  cultivation  takes  place 
on  a wholesale  scale  ; but  he  adds  that  there  are  three  or  four 
“ quotations  ” of  other  qualities,  produced  in  the  coast  pro- 
vinces of  Kiang  Nan  and  Cheh  Kiang.  Within  the  last  year 
or  two,  moreover,  it  has  been  extensively  grown  at  Pootung, 
quite  close  to  Shanghai.  He  says  that  his  inquiries  at  all  the 
treaty  ports  lead  him  to  the  conclusion  that  comparatively 
few  people,  even  there,  smoke  the  Indian  drug, — indeed,  they 
cannot  afford  it : the  injury  done  by  foreign  opium  is  light 
compared  with  the  enormous  damage  caused  by  the  native 
article.  In  the  country  districts  it  is  getting  commoner  and 
commoner  for  the  peasant  to  kill  tedious  time  on  wet  days 
by  stretching  himself  on  a couch  and  smoking  the  opium 
which  he  or  his  neighbour  grows  so  cheaply.  Even  in  Canton 
province,  where  scarcely  any  opium  has  ever  been  grown,  a 
man  recently  petitioned  the  authorities  for  permission  to 
cultivate  it  wholesale  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  city  of 
Canton  itself.  His  arraignment  for  treason  during  the  late 
rebellion  (consequent  on  the  Japanese  war)  was  the  cause  of 
the  project  falling  through.  It  is  therefore  unfair  to  attempt 
to  lay  all  the  blame  on  foreigners  : the  only  reasonable  course 
is  for  China  to  prohibit  the  cultivation  of  opium  in  her  own 
dominions. — Thus  speaks  the  Chinese  editor. 

As  an  interesting  corollary  upon  the  above,  I may  also 
cite  a memorial  to  the  Emperor — which  is  printed  in  the 
same  newspaper — from  the  Viceroy  of  Kan  Suh.  Owing  to 


China:  Past  and  Present 


192 

the  recent  Mussulman  rebellion,  twenty-seven  departments 
have  been  partially  desolated  : he  asks  the  Emperor’s  consent 
to  waive  the  tax  on  the  poppy  in  those  twenty-seven.  The 
tax  is  stated  to  be  one  mace  or  six-tenths  of  a mace  the  plot 
(equal  to  about  2 s.  6d.  and  is.  gd.  the  English  acre,  at  present 
silver  rates). 

Once  more,  the  same  newspaper  describes  a new  scheme 
of  the  Viceroy  Chang  Chih-tung  of  Nanking*  for  raising 
funds  by  taxing  the  right  to  boil  opium  in  Shanghai  itself. 
I am  inclined  to  think,  however,  this  scheme  will  clash  with 
the  agreement  of  February,  1887,  under  which  China  was  to 
refrain  from  further  taxation  in  consideration  of  England’s 
consenting  to  pay  likin  on  opium  at  the  same  time  as  import 
duty. 

Lastly,  I have  recently  received  a copy  of  the  new  native 
opium-taxing  rules  for  An  Hwei  province. 


CHAPTER  III 

THE  MULTIFARIOUS  DUTIES  OF  A BRITISH  CONSUL 

My  first  experience  of  administrative  independence  was  at 
Kewkiang,  the  consul  at  which  place  had  to  leave  for  home 
suddenly  in  a very  critical  state  of  health.  I was  fresh  from 
a student’s  life  at  Peking,  and  had  scarcely  any  knowledge 
whatever  of  the  routine  duties  at  a port. 

It  so  happened  that  a large  steamer  called  the  Shaftesbury 
had  sunk  an  iron  buoy  belonging  to  one  of  the  two  large  river 
companies  ; and  the  captain,  who  owned  the  steamer  himself, 
was  sued  for  damages.  Fortunately,  I had  a big,  portly 
constable,  with  sonorous  voice,  experienced  in  the  technical 
ways  of  the  law,  and  he  transformed  the  court-house  into 
quite  an  impressive  tribunal  when  the  great  day  came.  The 
audience  consisted  of  one,  all  the  rest  of  the  community  being 
* Now  (1903)  on  service  at  Peking. 


193 


Full  of  Wise  Saws 

either  judge,  assessors,  plaintiffs,  defendants,  ushers,  or  wit- 
nesses. My  experience  of  the  law  was  limited  to  certain 
visits  I had  paid  as  a lad  to  the  Courts  at  Westminster,  the 
Lord  Mayor’s  Court,  etc. ; and  I remembered  exactly  how 
Chief  Baron  Pollock,  Baron  Wilde,  Lord  Chief  Justice  Cock- 
burn,  Messieurs  Morton,  Carden,  Phillips,  and  others  used  to 
tickle  their  noses  with  the  quills  which  they  wore  in  the  ear, 
doze  off  to  sleep,  glare  round  occasionally,  and  peremptorily 
check  the  forwardnesses  of  the  Bar.  I piled  my  books  before 
me  in  exactly  the  same  way,  having  carefully  read  up  each 
successive  step,  and  concealed  behind  my  barrier  of  tomes  a 
number  of  memoranda  with  which  to  pilot  myself  along  as 
the  case  proceeded. 

I made  a magnificent  hit  at  the  outset,  when  the  plaintiff 
(after  being  duly  sworn  by  the  usher  to  tell  the  “ ’ole  truth, 
and  nothing  else  but  the  truth,  so  ’elp  you  God  ”)  began  to 
open  his  written  case,  by  stating  that  “ I could  not  listen  to 
any  statement  of  alleged  facts  except  on  oath  in  the  witness- 
box.”  Baron  Wilde  was  the  model  I selected  for  didactic 
style,  and  I thought  it  best  to  tolerate  no  argument  upon  this 
point  The  evidence  bristled  with  terrible  nautical  expres- 
sions, such  as  “ starboard  tack,”  “ cable’s  length,”  “ pay  out 
ten  fathoms,”  and  others,  of  the  meaning  of  which  I was 
totally  ignorant ; but  I had  taken  the  precaution  to  secure 
the  leading  merchant  and  the  captain  of  a British  gunboat 
as  assessors,  and  left  all  technical  questions  to  them,  confining 
myself  to  occasional  vapid  remarks  such  as  lord  mayors  make 
to  their  clerk  ; and  to  explaining,  during  a pause,  that  the 
action  was  in  personam,  which  meant  that  the  parties  must 
go  to  the  Supreme  Court  if  they  wished  to  proceed  in  rem. 
(The  defendant,  who  was  a bit  of  a wag,  whispered  something 
about  rum  to  somebody  in  court.) 

The  trial  lasted  several  hours,  and  when  it  was  time  to 
give  judgment,  I looked  round  to  my  assessors  with  a toss 
of  the  head,  as  Lord  Cockburn  used  to  do  to  Baron  Bramwell 
and  Justice  Smith,  as  much  as  to  say  that  “ the  case  was 
plain.”  I proposed,  however,  to  write  my  judgment;  and 
when  we  adjourned  to  concoct  this,  took  the  opportunity  to 
find  out  from  the  assessors  which  way  the  wind  blew,  and 
evolved  the  decision  gradually.  Both  assessors  “ approved  ” 

O 


China:  Past  and  Present 


194 

it.  It  went  against  the  skipper,  who  was  condemned  (some- 
what irrelevantly,  I am  afraid)  to  pick  the  buoy  up.  He 
appealed,  confidentially  informing  me  that  he  would  see  both 

me  and  the  Chief  Judge  d first.  The  judgment,  thus 

strongly  supported  by  assessors,  was  sustained  on  appeal ; 
but  the  skipper  triumphantly  sailed  his  steamer  past  the 
obstacle  for  many  a long  month  after  that,  remaining  in  a 
contumacious  state  of  contempt ; until  the  matter  at  last 
blew  over,  and  the  skipper  died. 

Not  very  long  after  that  legal  episode  my  Chinese  boy 
came  rushing  in  one  afternoon  with  the  startling  news  that 
“the  Admiral  was  coming.”  He  explained  to  me  what  I 
ought  to  do ; and  my  uniform,  which  had  lain  in  its  box 
untouched  from  the  moment  I left  England,  was  got  out 
and  brushed  up.  I went  off  in  a Chinese  sampan , the  con- 
stable having  rigged  up  a flag  at  the  stern.  On  my  way  I 
perceived  that  it  was  the  American  Admiral,  and  as  I stepped 
on  board  “ God  save  the  Queen  ” was  played.  I blushed 
deeply  at  being  the  object  of  so  much  honour,  whilst  an 
officer  marched  me,  in  front  of  a file  of  marines  drawn  up 
to  receive  me,  to  the  Admiral’s  apartment.  It  turned  out 
to  be  Admiral  Jenkins,  who  lost  no  time  in  introducing  me 
to  the  mysteries  of  mixed  drinks.  My  experience  of  men- 
of-war  had  been  confined  to  such  gunboats  as  the  Leven, 
whose  captain  had  acted  as  an  assessor : she  was  so  small 
that  she  was  steered  by  one  man  with  a tiller,  like  a canal 
flat.  But  the  American  was  a huge  frigate  of  the  old- 
fashioned  type — I think  the  Hartford — and  I felt  quite  be- 
wildered. 

I fear  the  cocktails  and  mint  juleps  must  have  made  me 
garrulous  ; anyhow,  I noticed  at  last  that  the  Admiral  was 
fidgeting,  and  I rose  to  go.  Just  then  a marine  came  in  to 
report  sunset.  Admiral  Jenkins  remarked  that  he  was  very 
sorry.  I was  rather  surprised  that  a nautical  man  should  be 
out  in  his  time,  and  observed  that  the  sun  always  did  set  at 
5.30  during  the  autumn.  “Yes,”  he  protested,  “but  what  I 
mean  is  that  I cannot  give  you  a salute.  You  must  come 
again  on  my  way  down  from  Hankow.”  Every  one  seemed 
distressed  that  I had  to  go  off  ignominiously  in  a sampan 
without  my  seven  guns ; but  as  no  British  gunboat  ever 


Ass  should  like  Ass  be  treated  195 

salutes  a British  consul  in  China,  I individually  was  in 
complete  ignorance  of,  and  indifferent  to,  my  “rights.” 

However,  off  I went  again  when  the  Hartford  returned, 
and  this  time  in  fine  style  in  the  American  consul’s  boat, 
which  I borrowed  for  the  occasion.  When  the  visit  was 
over,  orders  were  given  for  the  British  ensign  to  be  hoisted, 
and  I made,  swelling  with  pride,  for  the  gangway.  But,  lo 
and  behold ! the  boat  had  gone  back  to  fetch  the  American 
consul,  who  had  hoisted  the  United  States  flag  and  come 
for  his  salute.  It  was  arranged,  however,  that  the  United 
States  flag  should  be  replaced  by  the  British,  and  we  both 
went  back  together,  the  portly  constable,  in  a frock  coat, 
receiving  me  on  the  “bund.”  My  boy  assured  me  that  the 
whole  thing  went  off  splendidly. 

There  was  plenty  to  do  at  Kewkiang.  The  British 
Admiral,  Sir  C.  Shadwell,  and  Mr.  (now  Sir  Edward)  Malet 
both  visited  the  port  officially  ; there  were  numerous  disputes 
to  settle,  both  in  missionary  matters  and  in  trade.  These 
were  the  good  old  days  when  a legal  training  formed  no 
part  of  civil  service  examinations  ; in  fact,  these  had  only 
been  recently  introduced  at  all.  Entrance  to  the  service 
was  originally  secured  by  “ nomination,”  and  consuls  were 
supposed  to  find  out  their  duties  for  themselves. 

My  next  independent  port  was  Chinkiang.  I arrived 
there  at  daybreak,  roused  my  predecessor  out  of  his  bed, 
bought  him  out,  and  got  rid  of  him,  all  within  the  forenoon. 
But  whilst  we  were  arranging  these  private  matters,  piles 
of  very  mysterious  documents  came  pouring  in  which  de- 
manded our  immediate  attention.  These  were  “ bonds  ” to 
be  signed  by  British  merchants,  guaranteeing  that  the  goods 
brought  down  under  transit-pass  were  their  own  property, 
and  undertaking  to  export  them  at  once.  “ Donkey-skins, 
lily-flowers,  melon-seeds,”  — these  were  the  chief  staples. 
“ What  do  we  do  with  donkey-skins  in  England  ? ” I ventured 
to  ask.  “That’s  no  business  of  ours:  the  British  merchant 
swears  they’re  his,  and  that’s  all  we’ve  got  to  do  with  it.” 

After  my  predecessor  had  gone,  I asked  one  of  the  British 
merchants  the  same  question.  He  said  he  had  not  the  re- 
motest idea  what  was  done  with  the  donkey-skins,  but  that 
they  were  certainly  his,  “in  a way,”  the  question  of  joint 


China:  Past  and  Present 


196 

interest  being  a “custom  of  the  trade.”  The  export  of 
donkey-skins  at  that  time  was  enormous, — certainly  several 
hundred  tons  a week.  It  was  winter,  so  of  course  the  skins, 
being  frozen,  kept  well. 

The  taotai  was  a fine,  tall,  gentlemanly  old  man,  who  had 
been  a Peking  Foreign  Office  clerk  : he  knew  nothing  of  any- 
thing, and  only  wanted  peace  and  quietness.  “ What’s  the 
matter  with  the  donkeys  up-country?”  I asked  him.  He, 
like  myself,  thought  donkeys  never  died,  and  had  never  seen 
a dead  donkey  in  his  life.  He  was  quite  unable  to  explain 
the  mystery.  He  said,  however,  that  he  understood  from  the 
merchants  that  the  well-to-do  classes  in  England  took  donkey- 
skins  and  tea  as  a tonic.  He  was  as  pleased  as  Punch  when 
I told  him  I did  not  believe  a single  donkey-skin  ever  went 
to  England,  and,  as  if  a new  world  was  opening  to  his  delighted 
senses,  said  : “ Do  you  know,  I have  a shrewd  idea  that 
melon-seeds  and  lily-flowers  don’t  go  there  either.  The  fact 
is,  this  transit-pass  business  is  becoming  a nuisance,  and  if  it 
is  extended  without  limit,  all  Chinese  merchants  will  bring 
everything  down  in  this  way.  Look  here ! There  are  only 
five  articles  mentioned  in  all  the  bonds  signed  since  I arrived. 
The  rules  have  not  received  my  formal  sanction  yet : suppose 
we  split  the  difference,  and  let  them  bring  down  as  many 
donkey-skins,  etc.,  as  they  like,  whether  they  export  them  or 
not,  so  long  as  only  those  five  articles  are  bought  ? ” I 
agreed. 

Some  eight  years  afterwards,  when  I was  in  Corea,  the 
consul  at  Chinkiang  wrote  to  obtain  from  me  the  solution  of 
a mystery  which  was  cudgelling  the  legal  brains  of  that  port. 
The  question  was  “on  what  principle  had  donkey-skins, 
melon-seeds,  and  lily-flowers  received  favoured  treatment?” 
I observe  from  the  Customs  Reports  that  donkey-skins  have 
during  the  past  ten  years  been  replaced  by  goat-skins,  so  I 
presume  all  the  donkeys  are  dead,  and  that  a murrain  had 
been  going  on  whilst  I was  there.  Certain  it  is  that  Chin- 
kiang is  the  one  port  in  China  where  transit-passes  still 
flourish,  even  in  purely  Chinese  hands.  As  to  donkey-skin 
for  a tonic,  I found  an  explanation  in  the  year  1887,  when 
Prince  Ch’un,  father  of  the  Emperor,  was  treated  for  fever 
with  boiled  donkey-skin  and  the  mud  taken  from  the  bottom 


“ Nil  nisi  bonum  ” 197 

of  a deep  well : a full  account  of  it  appeared  in  the  Shanghai 
newspapers  at  the  time. 

Chinkiang  was  not  a promising  place  in  those  days ; it 
had  even  been  rumoured  that  the  consul  was  to  be  with- 
drawn ; meanwhile  his  rank  was  reduced  to  that  of  “ assistant- 
in-charge.”  Roads  were  only  just  beginning  to  exist,  and 
the  municipal  council  had  succeeded  in  providing  a respectable 
walk  of  three  or  four  miles  for  exercise.  But  there  was  an 
old  coffin  planted  squarely  in  the  middle  of  the  fine  new  road, 
just  where  it  left  the  town.  Rumour  said  it  dated  from  the 
Mongol  dynasty  of  the  thirteenth  century.  No  one  durst 
touch  it,  and  it  was  generally  supposed  that  the  “ owners  ” 
were  sitting  tight  and  waiting  for  their  chance.  The  taotai 
said  I might  pitch  it  into  the  nearest  ditch  for  all  he  cared, 
but  that  it  was  as  much  as  his  place  was  worth  for  him  to 
touch  it.  The  municipal  council  issued  notices  and  offered 
compensation,  and  meanwhile  every  day  in  our  walks  and 
rides  we  had  to  go  round  this  obstructive  eyesore.  Imagine 
a coffin  planted  at  the  entrance  to  Piccadilly ! Each  one 
wanted  some  one  else  to  bell  the  cat. 

The  taotai  evidently  felt  conscience-stricken  about  his 
rash  remark  to  me,  for  one  day  I noticed  a proclamation 
saying  that  I had  forwarded  an  application  from  the  muni- 
cipal council,  but  that  he,  in  his  reverent  affection  for  human 
bones,  had  expostulated  with  me  to  the  effect  that  I must 
first  wait  for  the  agnatic  descendants  to  come  forward.  This 
was  a very  uncomfortable  position,  for,  in  case  of  a riot,  the 
taotai  and  municipal  council  would  both  be  able  to  run  me 
in  for  it.  I determined  therefore  to  “ go  the  taotai  one  better,” 
and  issued  a proclamation  somewhat  after  the  following 
style : — 

“ In  his  affectionate  regard  for  skeletons  and  human  bones 
the  consul  yields  not  to  the  ancient  Duke  of  Chow.  By  a 
proper  adjustment  of  the  male  and  female  principles,  the 
people  are  made  content,  etc.,  etc.” 

In  a word,  it  was  pointed  out  that  the  coffin  ran  the  risk 
of  desecration,  and  that  the  “ most  distant  branches  of  the 
family  ” were  authorized  to  take  it  away  at  once.  When  a 
Chinese  audience  is  introduced  to  the  yin  and  the  yang 
principles,  it  begins  to  interest  itself  intensely,  just  as  a Scotch 


China:  Past  and  Present 


198 

congregation  settles  itself  comfortably  in  the  corners  of  the 
pews  when  the  minister  announces  that  he  is  going  to  ex- 
pound the  twelve  subordinate  points  in  his  doctrine.  Male 
is  sunlight,  female  is  Hades  : clearly,  therefore,  the  coffin 
belonged  to  the  inferior  world.  Taking  the  view  that  men 
who  would  feed  Great  Britain’s  elite  with  donkey-skins  would 
certainly  not  scruple  at  shifting  a Mongol  coffin,  I gave  a 
broad  hint  to  the  municipal  councillors  that  if  the  “ remotest 
branches  of  the  family  ” turned  up  with  pick  and  shovel,  and 
the  coffin  utterly  disappeared  on  the  first  dismal  wet  night, 
no  questions  would  be  asked.  That  very  evening  it  blew 
hard,  and  the  air  was  filled  with  sleet.  I started  up  several 
times  in  a sort  of  feverish  nightmare,  Kublai  Khan,  with 
fiery  eyes,  armed  with  a tail  and  a pitchfork,  standing 
frequently  before  my  heated  imagination,  the  wind  being 
mingled  with  the  cries  of  the  Chinese  mob  attacking  the 
consulate. 

I went  for  an  early  walk  to  cool  my  brain.  The  coffin 
had  disappeared.  The  dealers  in  donkey-skins  had  taken 
four  municipal  policemen  with  them,  dug  a hole  in  the  next 
field,  carefully  transferred  the  coffin,  smoothed  both  places 
over,  and  slunk  away.  Nothing  happened. 

One  day  at  Canton  a Hindu  brought  a claim  against  a 
Chinese  village.  He  had  been  cheated  out  of  the  price  of 
some  Bombay  cloth.  At  first  a correspondence  passed  with 
the  magistrate  ; then  with  the  prefect ; finally  with  the  viceroy. 
All  these  indignantly  repudiated  the  whole  business.  But 
the  Hindu  produced  his  books,  and  was  very  positive ; 
clearly  it  would  not  do  to  allow  “ British  rights  ” to  be 
trampled  upon  in  this  way.  Strong  language  was  used  on 
both  sides.  At  last  it  was  agreed  that  the  viceroy  should 
appoint  an  old  wag  of  a Manchu,  a friend  of  mine ; and 
that  the  consul  should  appoint  me,  the  pair  of  us  to  hold 
a solemn  joint  trial.  The  was  transferred  to  the  Tartar- 
General’s  yamen,  in  which  I lived  (the  old  consulate),  and  the 
most  elaborate  precautions  were  taken  to  arrive  at  the  truth. 
Not  only  the  services  of  the  consular  constable,  but  also  those 
of  the  municipal  constable,  were  called  in  to  keep  each 
witness  far  out  of  the  hearing  of  the  others.  It  is  beneath 
the  dignity  of  a Manchu  to  talk  Cantonese,  so,  although  the 


Eyes  severe , and  Beard  of  Formal  Cut  199 

Manchu  spoke  Cantonese,  I did  all  the  cross-questioning 
myself,  speaking  English  to  the  Hindu,  and  Pekingese  to 
the  Manchu. 

I adopted  the  Socratic  system.  “Was  he  riding  a white 
ass  or  a black  ass  ? ” “A  black  ass,  your  honour.”  Then,  to 
the  next  witness:  “Did  he  walk  or  go  in  a boat?”  “In 

a boat,  your  honour.”  In  short,  every  single  Chinese  witness 
committed  perjury  in  every  detail,  and  it  was  only  by 
dismissing  from  the  mind  all  prejudice,  and  making  allowance 
for  the  tortuosity  of  Chinese  thought,  that  it  was  possible  to 
follow  the  thread  of  the  narrative  and  go  on  with  the  case. 
The  Hindu  was  triumphant ; the  case  was  clear : his  goods 
had  been  divided,  and  the  village  had  conspired  to  defraud 
him  and  swear  his  honour  away.  The  trial  lasted  six  hours  ; 
we  had  our  “ tiffin  ” on  the  bench,  so  as  to  prevent  the  undue 
intercommunication  of  parties  and  witnesses. 

Just  at  the  very  last,  when  the  Manchu  deputy  was 
arranging  with  me  in  Pekingese  how  to  “ cave  in  ” and  save 
the  viceroy’s  face,  my  eye  caught  that  of  a good-looking 
woman  ; it  was  the  Hindu’s  Chinese  wife.  I ordered  her  to 
step  forward,  kneel  down,  and  tell  all  she  knew.  The  Hindu, 
in  making  up  his  story,  had  forgotten  that  his  wife  spoke  no 
Pekingese  and  no  English,  and  that  she  was  only  there  as  a 
spectator,  knowing  very  little  of  what  had  transpired  in  court. 
I forget  what  she  said,  but  it  was  something  like  this  : “ My 

husband  had  a row  with  A-cum  because  A-cum  wanted  to 
keep  the  whole  of  a pig  for  himself.  My  husband  never  sold 
anything  in  that  village ; of  that  I am  sure,  because  I 
remember  his  asking  my  brother  to  write  an  account  for  him 
at  his  dictation,  the  one  produced  in  court,  and  I had  to  go 
and  borrow  A-cum’s  stamp  to  affix  to  the  accounts.  A-cum 
is  my  cousin,  etc.  etc.”  The  Hindu’s  face  assumed  a 
greenish  tint  during  this  speech.  The  court  roared  with 
laughter,  and  broke  up  in  disorder.  However,  we  arranged 
a friendly  report  for  the  viceroy  to  the  effect  that  “ though 
the  witnesses  had  clearly  stated  what  was  not  true,  on 
consideration  of  all  the  circumstances  we  considered  that  the 
Hindu  should  be  nonsuited.” 

During  my  residence  in  Sz  Ch’wan  province  I was  chiefly 
engaged  in  travelling  from  place  to  place,  inspecting  the 


200 


China : Past  and  Present 


trade  capacities  of  the  country.  To  the  credit  of  the 
Chinese,  servants  and  others,  be  it  said  that  during  my 
quarter  of  a century’s  residence  in  that  empire  I was  never 
robbed  of  a cent,  or — what  is  the  same  to  me — I was  never 
aware  of  it.  The  single  gigantic  exception  was  at  an  inn 
near  the  great  opium  centre  of  Fu  Chou,  on  the  Upper 
Yangtsze.  I had  imagined  I was  alone  in  my  cobweb- 
festooned  stall,  and  stripped  myself  to  enjoy  a swab  down. 
Just  as  I was  looking  round  for  my  garments,  I heard  a 
giggling  which  seemed  to  come  from  the  ceiling,  and  poking 
about  with  my  stick,  discovered  far  away  in  the  distance  a 
sort  of  gallery  or  loft  in  which  sat  the  landlord’s  wife, 
daughters,  and  female  relations  generally,  enjoying  the 
unwonted  spectacle. 

The  aspect  of  the  males  in  this  solitary  country  inn  was  so 
villainous  that  I decided  to  get  out  of  the  narrow  bin  assigned 
to  me  for  sleeping  quarters,  and  rig  up  a bed  in  the  great 
hall,  that  is,  in  the  totality  of  the  inn  minus  the  holes  and 
corners  round  the  sides,  which  were  honoured  with  the  name 
of  “rooms.”  I had  an  official  robe  of  great  magnificence, 
which  I could  put  on  at  any  moment  in  order  to  receive 
mandarins,  even  if  there  was  nothing  beneath  it  but  a 
nightgown.  This  robe,  which  had  acquired  for  me  great 
celebrity  in  the  province,  consisted  of  my  old  dressing-gown 
entirely  covered  with  black  astrachan,  the  skin  alone  having 
cost  me  fifty-three  taels  (then  £\2).  In  order  to  circumvent 
“the  gentlemen  of  the  roof” — as  the  Chinese  call  thieves — I 
so  arranged  this  that  it  lay  under  me,  coiled  round  my 
portmanteau  of  valuables,  and  formed  both  a pillow  and  a 
mattress. 

I rarely  carried  any  weapon  beyond  a Malacca  cane,  and 
this  I placed  at  my  side.  Being  very  tired,  I was  fast  asleep 
as  soon  as  my  head  touched  the  pillow.  Then  I dreamt  of 
murder  and  assassination,  and,  waking  up,  made  a sleepy 
lunge  into  space  with  the  cane.  Some  one  was  hit,  and 
shouted  “Ai-yah!”  but  I immediately  fell  asleep  again. 

Once  more  the  blue  devils  came,  and  this  time  I felt  my 
head  and  feet  cold  and  dangling  over  the  table,  whilst  I 
myself  seemed  to  be  floating  in  the  air.  I shouted  “ Boy  ! ” 
and  called  for  a light.  My  robe  had  gone,  and  I found  I 


201 


My  IV ell-won  Thrift 

was  poised  on  one  table  instead  of  lying  on  two.  The  thief 
had  crept  under  the  tables  and  walked  off  with  me.  Day 
was  just  beginning  to  dawn.  The  landlord,  of  course,  denied 
all  knowledge  of  the  robbery.  I ordered  him  to  bring  me 
paper  and  brush,  and  wrote  to  the  magistrate  : — “ Chinese 
law  provides  that  innkeepers  are  responsible  for  things  stolen 
in  their  hotels.  I have  been  robbed  of  my  gown,  which  cost 
me  taels  fifty-three,  and  this  whilst  under  the  escort  of  your 
police.  Unless  I find  this  sum  when  I reach  Chungking,  it 
will  go  hard  with  you.” 

It  took  me  two  more  days  to  get  home,  and  when  I did, 
I found  a letter  from  the  taotai,  saying : “ I have  received  this 
packet  of  taels  fifty-three  for  you  from  the  magistrate  of  Fu 
Chou.”  I was  quite  satisfied,  for  it  was  getting  too  warm 
for  the  robe  ; but  my  boy  said  sadly:  “You  have  been  sold  ! 
The  cost  of  carriage  from  Shanghai  would  be  taels  five  at 
least.  The  magistrate  has  made  a profit  of  five  taels  ! ” 

One  winter’s  day  at  Chemulpo,  in  Corea,  I was  sitting  in 
the  “Royal  Oak,”  whilst  Dr.  Tanaka  was  prescribing  a diet 
of  raw  eggs  for  my  quinsy,  and  kerosene  oil  baths  for  my 
sciatica  and  lumbago.  The  “ Royal  Oak  ” was  an  old  “ pub.,” 
which  had  been  brought  bodily  from  Nagasaki,  stuck  on  the 
top  of  a hill,  and  turned  into  a consulate.  As  the  Russian 
minister  remarked,  when  he  did  me  the  honour  to  tiffin  with 
me : “ There  isn’t  a single  straight  line  in  it,  inside  or  out.” 
Just  as  the  Japanese  boy  was  offering  me  my  first  doses  of 
raw  egg  and  kerosene,  the  Chinese  boy  and  the  Corean  ostler 
ran  in  to  shout  “murder.”  From  my  hill  I could  command 
the  Chinese  and  Japanese  settlements  to  the  left,  and  the 
British  gunboat  to  the  right,  so  that  with  a telescope  I knew, 
despite  the  quinsy  and  the  sciatica,  what  every  man  was 
about  all  day  long.  A glance  up  the  street  revealed  a drill- 
master  and  sixty  or  eighty  Chinese  “ labourers  ” in  military 
array,  armed  a la  Falstaffs  company,  evidently  preparing  for 
some  great  event.  They  certainly  looked  “ a pitiful  set  of 
rascals.”  Five  Chinese  ironclads  and  one  Japanese  frigate 
lay  in  the  offing,  but  the  more  handy  little  British  gunboat 
was  just  under  my  nose.  Dr.  Tanaka  being  a Japanese,  I 
advised  him  to  stay  where  he  was  unless  he  wished  to  be 
skinned  alive.  Then  the  commissioner  of  customs  (an 


202 


China : Past  and  Present 


Englishman)  came  rushing  in  in  a breathless  state : “ We 
have  just  escaped  with  our  lives ; Mr.  X.  (an  American)  has 
been  nearly  killed  ; the  Chinese  are  going  to  take  the  Customs.” 
The  Custom-house  next  door,  at  the  foot  of  my  hill,  had 
already  once  been  burnt  down  by  an  incendiary,  but  I had  no 
authority  to  interfere  in  a Corean-Chinese  row ; nor  had  the 
navy.  Neither  the  Chinese  nor  the  Japanese  had  power  to 
land  troops  without  the  consent  of  the  other.  In  fact,  there 
were  we  all,  like  a lot  of  idiots,  with  our  hands  tied  by 
“rules.”  The  commissioner  implored  assistance.  It  was  a 
question  of  minutes,  even  seconds.  I said  to  him : “ Here 
you  are  ; go  off  with  this  yourself.”  The  note  scribbled  on 
an  open  piece  of  paper,  addressed  to  no  one  in  particular, 
ran  : “ Please  send  ten  men  fully  armed  and  equipped  for 
the  protection  of  the  consulate : official  request  to  follow.” 
The  commissioner  made  record  time  down  the  hill,  seized 
a sampan , and  in  three  minutes  at  the  outside  ten  marines 
with  blankets,  knapsacks,  rifles,  etc.,  complete,  were  winding 
their  way  pensively  and  silently  up  the  consular  hill ; no 
excitement  whatever.  As  they  wound  round  into  and  out  of 
view  they  looked  as  they  passed  and  repassed  more  like  a 
hundred.  The  Chinese  “ army  ” made  tracks  at  once,  and  all 
danger  was  instantaneously  over.  Captain  Teng  (killed  at 
the  battle  of  the  Yalu)  and  the  Chinese  consul  implored  me 
to  send  the  men  back  so  as  to  save  “ Chinese  face ; ” but  I 
(knowing  he  durst  not  land  a man)  said  that  unless  he 
landed  marines  of  his  own  to  preserve  order  in  the  Chinese 
settlement,  I would  do  so  myself.  The  Japanese  consul 
sent  round  to  inquire  if  it  was  true  that  I had  two  thousand 
men  stowed  away  in  the  consular  hill.  However,  Dr.  Tanaka 
was  allowed  to  go  now,  and  was  bursting  with  mirthful  eager- 
ness to  explain  to  his  consul  the  whole  joke. 

Meanwhile,  the  British  captain,  who  had  been  out  shoot- 
ing, arrived  to  take  his  usual  afternoon  cocktail  with  me,  and 
was  rather  amused  to  find  a lieutenant  and  ten  of  his  men  ; 
the  latter  feasting,  armed  to  the  teeth,  on  chickens,  beer,  and 
other  luxuries  in  my  private  office  round  a roaring  fire ; old 
Daiboots,  the  jolly  Japanese  Brobdingnagian  innkeeper, 
having  volunteered  to  personally  provide  a glorious  feast  for 
the  marines. 


The  Apparel  oft  proclaims  the  Man  203 

At  1 1 p.m.  two  ambassadors  arrived  from  Soul,  the  capital, 
to  beg  me,  in  the  king’s  name,  not  to  march  the  British  army 
upon  the  metropolis.  The  king  was  most  anxious  that  the 
men  should  re-embark  that  night,  the  Chinese  resident  having 
already  been  at  him.  There  seemed  to  be  an  impression  that 
one  great  battle  had  already  been  fought,  and  that  I was  at 
the  head  of  my  victorious  troops  marching  to  Soul.  I was 
determined,  however,  to  read  a good  lesson  whilst  I was  about 
it,  so  I said  : “ I don’t  care  two  straws  about  the  rights  of 
suzerain  and  vassal ; the  Chinese  consul  has  made  a fool 
of  himself,  and  the  men  shall  remain  till  to-morrow,  so  that 
I may  see  how  things  look  by  daylight.”  At  break  of  day 
the  lieutenant  and  his  men  marched  down  the  hill  again, 
it  being  important  to  conceal  the  paucity  of  their  numbers  ; 
but  people  gave  the  consular  hill  a wide  berth  for  some  time 
after  that,  and  to  this  day  I believe  it  is  reported  to  be 
hollow. 

On  my  second  visit  to  Pagoda  Anchorage,  Admiral  Lang 
turned  up  with  the  effective  Chinese  navy.  I had  already 
met  him  twelve  years  earlier  at  the  same  place,  when  we 
were  both  juniors.  It  was  part  of  the  very  fleet  I had  visited 
at  Chemulpo  when  I received  a salute  of  eighty-one  guns, 
each  of  the  nine  craft,  in  defiance  of  regulation,  firing  off  nine, 
the  last  nine  being  Gatlings  or  Hotchkisses.  I had  also  met 
Admiral  Ting  there.  Admiral  Ting  and  Admiral  Lang  were 
regarded  as  one  single  and  indivisible  admiral,  Admiral  Ting 
to  play  dominoes  with  the  quartermasters,  and  Admiral  Lang 
to  work  the  squadron. 

The  old  uniform  was  trotted  out,  but  I had  acquired  a 
“girth”  during  these  twenty  years,  and  it  would  not  go  on. 
It  was  out  of  the  question  to  visit  a British  Admiral  in  the 
scratch  rig  I used  for  the  Chinese.  I had  just  arrived  from 
England,  and  had  brought  a chimney-pot  hat  with  me,  so 
I resolved  to  go  in  Hyde  Park  attire.  No  tall  hat  or  frock 
coat  had  ever  been  seen  there  before.  So  away  we  went. 
When  I presented  myself  and  [my  smart  gig  at  the  first  big 
ironclad,  the  Chinese  lieutenant,  who  wore  a nondescript 
uniform  of  black  plush,  and  carried  a telescope  under  his  arm 
(with  which  doubtless  he  had  been  examining  the  tall  hat), 
shouted  over  the  side  : “ That’s  the  Admiral’s  ship.”  So  off 


204 


China:  Past  and  Present 


we  went  again  in  the  direction  indicated.  The  second 
Chinese  lieutenant,  eyeing  me  with  suspicion,  asked  which 
Admiral  I wished  to  see.  I said:  “Either,  or  both.”  He 
rejoined:  “Well,  neither  is  on  board.  May  I ask  who  you 
are  ? ” This  was  rather  rough,  with  the  British  consular  gig 
under  his  nose.  He  then  said:  “What  is  your  rank?  I 
want  to  fire  you  a salute.”  Of  course  (remembering  the 
eighty-one  guns,  I was  in  earnest,  especially  as  Admiral  Lang 
was  away)  I protested.  But  he  insisted,  so  back  I went, 
telling  Jack,  the  head  boatman,  to  stop  rowing  when  we 
should  be  well  off,  and  to  keep  out  of  the  line  of  the  guns, 
lest  they  should  be  loaded.  After  a sheepish  period  of 
inaction,  we  crawled  ignominiously  home,  no  salute  having 
been  fired  at  all. 

The  next  day  (Sunday)  I went  privately  with  Captain 
Pocock  (the  brave  man  who  was  murdered  by  pirates  shortly 
after)  to  see  Admiral  Lang,  and  told  him  the  story  as  a joke. 
My  rig  for  this  Sunday  outing  was  a red  Scotch  bonnet,  an 
old  tweed  suit,  and  a Chinese  sampan.  I never  dreamt 
Admiral  Lang  would  take  it  seriously ; but  he  did,  and 
despite  the  fact  that  it  was  Sunday,  that  there  was  no  British 
flag  up,  that  we  were  in  a Chinese  sampan , and  that  my  garb 
was  most  unconsular,  he  insisted  on  the  foolish  lieutenants’ 
making  up  the  debt  of  seven  guns  owing  from  yesterday ; so 
I got  my  salute  after  all. 

A few  days  after  that  Admiral  Ting,  who  was  a jovial 
brave  man,  despite  his  ignorance,  came  to  see  me  in  state. 
Poor  fellow ! He  died  like  a man  four  years  later.  As  for 
Captain  Teng,  who  perished  bravely  with  his  ship,  there  could 
not  be  a more  honourable  character.  When  in  Chemulpo 
he  used  to  write  me  an  English  letter  daily,  which  I corrected 
for  him.  Most  of  the  lieutenants,  however,  wore  Chinese 
“ side  : ” it  was  not  the  fault  of  the  admirals,  nor  even  of  the 
captains,  that  they  cut  such  a poor  show  with  the  Japanese. 

Not  very  long  after  the  stirring  events  above  narrated,  my 
boy  suddenly  announced : “ I have  received  an  offer  of 
marriage.”  The  boy  in  question,  it  must  be  explained,  was 
a big  portly  man  of  fifty,  whose  official  career  had  commenced 
in  i860,  when  he  assisted  in  dragging  the  British  guns  up  to 
Peking.  He  was  then  promoted  to  the  rank  of  horse-boy. 


/ loved  her  that  she  pitied  me  205 

coolie,  boy,  and  cook ; but,  as  the  Chinese  proverb  runs  : 
“ A man  never  admits  he  is  a cook  ; a woman  never  admits 
she  is  twenty-nine : ” he  usually  gave  out  that  he  was 
“manager  of  the  household.”  At  Kewkiang  in  1872  the 
taotai  had  offered  to  make  him  a colonel.  I said  : “ I thought 
you  were  married.”  He  replied  : “ My  wife  died  last  year  ; she 
was  a lunatic ; my  parents  took  advantage  of  my  being  the 
fool  of  the  family  to  consent  to  the  marriage.”  I said  : 
“Well,  I’m  not  going  to  allow  you  to  throw  your  old  mother 
over ; half  your  wages  will  have  to  go  to  her  as  usual.”  He 
said  : “ Oh,  yes ! my  mother  has  looked  after  my  wife  these 
twenty  years.  She  is  now  getting  old,  and  I intend  to  send 
her  a coffin  soon.  My  wife  won’t  cost  anything.”  “Well, 
what  do  you  want  my  consent  for?  It’s  no  business  of 
mine.”  “ I want  to  know  if  you  will  let  her  live  with  me,  and 
go  wherever  you  go.”  “Is  your  mother  arranging  it  all  at 
Peking?”  “No,  the  woman  is  here;  she  is  the  widow  of 
a naval  mandarin  who  was  killed  during  the  French  bombard- 
ment. She  speaks  Swatow,  and  lives  with  her  relations  in 
a corner  of  the  greengrocer’s  shop,  where  I go  to  buy  your 
potatoes  and  cabbages  every  day.  She  is  supposed  to  be 
mourning  for  her  husband,  and  has  always  refused  to  be  sold 
as  a concubine.  She  has  noticed  that  I am  a good-looking 
man,  with  a fine  position,  and  has  sent  go-betweens.”  “ How 
much  does  she  cost,  and  what  are  her  feet  like  ? ” “ She  says 

she  requires  no  body  money,  and  though  her  feet  are  squeezed, 
they  are  not  past  letting  out.”  (Some  women  hedge  with 
their  feet,  so  that  they  can  be  either  utterly  destroyed,  or 
“ let  out  again,”  according  as  it  is  their  fate  to  become  wives 
or  concubines.) 

In  short,  the  boy  wished  to  “ forswear  sack  and  live 
cleanly.”  His  chief  if  not  only  defect  during  the  previous 
ten  years  had  been  that  he  always  wanted  two  or  three  hours’ 
leave  in  the  afternoon.  At  Wenchow  I found  he  used  to 
spend  his  time  at  the  nunneries  ; in  Corea  at  the  Japanese 
baths ; and  I at  once  saw  the  advantage  of  keeping  him 
chained  to  the  house.  “ What  will  be  the  total  cost  of  the 
whole  business  ? ” “ She  has  only  the  clothes  on  her  back 

at  present.  A first-class  confarreatio  marriage,  including  her 
trousseau,  red-chair,  music  feasts  for  the  gentry,  etc.,  will  cost 


206 


China:  Past  and  Present 


seventeen  dollars.  I have  served  you  now  nearly  twenty 
years,  and  I was  thinking  you  might  give  me  seventeen 
dollars  ” (at  the  then  rate  of  exchange  three  guineas).  I said  : 
“ Well,  I won’t  have  small  feet  stumping  about  my  premises  ; 
if  you  let  her  feet  out,  it  is  a bargain.” 

It  was  duly  arranged  that  the  marriage  should  take  place 
in  a fortnight ; but  almost  that  very  day  I was  ordered  off  to 
a post  a thousand  miles  away,  and  had  to  leave  in  a week. 
“ What  am  I to  do  ? ” asked  the  boy.  “ Do  what  you  like. 
If  you  stay  with  me,  everything  will  have  to  go  on  as  though 
your  wife  did  not  exist.  You  said  she  would  not  cost  any- 
thing and  would  be  no  bother.  It  must  be  distinctly  under- 
stood that  she  is  not  to  cross  my  path  in  any  way.”  The 
poor  boy  looked  rather  disconsolate,  but  he  knew  by  expe- 
rience that  business  was  meant.  The  next  day  he  came  in 
with  a gleeful  countenance  and  said  : “ It’s  all  right ; the 
marriage  comes  off  to-morrow.” 

I don’t  know  how  he  managed  it,  but  the  next  night  when 
I was  sitting  at  dinner  the  door  suddenly  opened,  and  he 
burst  in  with  his  best  clothes  on.  “ Here  she  is.”  A very 
well-dressed  comely  woman  of  about  thirty  was  shoved 
forward,  and  flung  herself  at  my  feet,  knocking  her  head  on 
the  ground  ; her  feet  were  already  “ let  out,”  and  she  could 
walk  quite  easily. 

She  turned  out  a great  success,  but  the  honeymoon  was 
very  short,  for  her  husband  had  to  come  with  me  five  hundred 
miles  north,  before  we  started  on  our  journey  a thousand 
miles  south,  and  the  Swatow  guild  took  charge  of  her, 
shipped  her  off,  and  kept  her  safe  in  the  native  inn  at 
Hongkong  until  our  arrival  a month  later.  After  that  she 
went  with  the  boy  to  Burma,  and  behaved  with  such  dignity 
that  one  of  the  lady  missionaries  in  Bhamo  used  to  go  and 
sit  with  her.  She  was  allowed  a salary  of  two  shillings  a 
month  for  darning  stockings,  and  she  entirely  reformed  the 
boy’s  character,  so  far  as  domesticity  goes. 

One  day  at  Bhamo  the  boy  announced  : “Now  that  I have 
gained  distinction  in  life,  I have  resolved  to  present  a coffin 
to  my  mother.”  “ Where  is  the  money  to  come  from  ? ” 

“ My  savings.”  “ I thought  you  said  you  never  squeezed.” 

“ No,  I don’t ; but  my  wife  manages  so  well  that  I have 


Cave  to  our  Coffin  adds  a Nail  207 

managed  to  scrape  ten  rupees  together.”  “ How  much  does 
a coffin  cost,  and  how  do  I know  but  what  those  rascally- 
brothers  of  yours  will  not  steal  the  money?”  “A  good 
coffin  at  Peking  cost  thirty  dollars.  I have  eleven  dollars 
due  from  you  at  the  end  of  this  month,  you  can  advance  next 
month’s  pay,  and  perhaps  throw  in  the  odd  dollars  to  make 
up.”  This  was  rather  a curious  way  of  “saving”  thirty 
dollars,  especially  as  five  dollars  out  of  each  eleven  already 
belonged  to  his  mother.  However,  the  filial  piety  was  there, 
at  least  in  the  germ,  and  thirty  dollars  were  duly  sent  to  the 
Legation  at  Peking.  His  mother  was  instructed  to  call  in 
person  for  the  money,  and  precautions  were  taken  that  it 
should  really  be  spent  on  a coffin. 

When  I found  a year  or  two  later  that  it  was  unwise  for 
me  to  go  back  to  a damp  country,  I sent  out  a considerable 
sum  of  money  to  enable  the  boy  and  his  wife  to  go  from 
Hainan  to  Peking  and  live  there  in  comfort.*  According  to 
the  latest  news  the  old  lady  is  still  on  the  right  side  of  her 
coffin,  but  the  “ fortune  ” has  already  been  dissipated.  Like 
the  Pacific  Ocean  islanders  with  their  “ box  of  trade,”  when 
a Chinese  boy  (especially  such  a simpleton  as  mine)  gets 
home,  his  needy  relatives  at  once  proceed  to  devaliser  him  of 
all  he  possesses. 


CHAPTER  IV 

THE  FOREIGN  OFFICE,  THE  TSUNG-LI  YAMEN,  AND 
THE  FAR  EAST 

It  can  hardly  be  doubted  that  the  startling  events  which 
have  taken  place  in  China  during  the  past  summer  f must 
have  the  ultimate  effect  of  causing  all  the  Governments 
concerned  to  revise  the  present  inadequate  methods  of  con- 
ducting their  external  relations  with  the  Far  East,  and  it 
surely  falls  within  the  legitimate  duty  of  every  one  who  has 

* He  took  service  with  a Customs  officer,  and  died  soon  afterwards, 
t 1900. 


208 


China:  Past  and  Present 


been  a public  servant  to  contribute  his  mite  to  the  deliberation 
of  ways  and  means. 

To  begin  with  China : more  than  one  competent  writer 
or  Press  correspondent  has  already  expressed  the  opinion 
that  the  Tsung-li  Yamen  must  go,  or  at  any  rate  must  trans- 
form itself  into  a properly  organized  Foreign  Office,  under 
the  supreme  direction  of  a responsible  Foreign  Minister,- 
possessing  adequate  authority  to  insist  upon  his  instructions, 
and  those  of  his  master  the  Emperor,  being  promptly  and 
faithfully  carried  out  by  the  provincial  governments  ; indeed, 
the  ministers  of  the  Allies  at  Peking  would  seem  by  recent 
telegrams  to  have  already  insisted  upon  this  point.*  The  full 
name  of  this  hybrid  department,  which  was  only  created  in 
January,  1861,  after  the  signing  of  the  Treaties  of  Tientsin 
and  Peking,  is  Tsung-li-Ko-kwoh  shi-wu  Yamen,  which,  word 
for  word,  means  “ Generally-managing  all-countries’  busi- 
ness-matters Praetorium,” — for  convenience  sake  habitually 
shortened  in  the  way  which  is  now  made  obvious  to  every 
one.  It  never  has  been  a properly  organized  executive  office, 
like  the  “ Six  Boards  ” or  State  Departments,  each  of  which 
issues  its  peremptory  orders  ( ying-ling  . . . “ It  is  my  duty 
therefore  to  instruct  you  . . .”)  to  the  highest  provincial 
officials  in  all  matters  appertaining  to  its  own  sphere  of 
action  ; nor  has  it  even  the  special,  or  ultra-executive,  in- 
formal powers  of  either  the  Cabinet  Council  or  the  Imperial 
Chancery,  which  curiously  resemble  in  many  respects,  both 
positively  and  negatively,  those  of  our  English  Cabinet  and 
Privy  Council  respectively.  It  is  made  up  of  the  Presidents 
and  Vice-Presidents  of  the  Boards ; of  the  Heads  of  other 
miscellaneous  departments  ; and  also,  latterly,  of  envoys, 
viceroys,  and  governors  in  active  service  or  retired,  being 
either  actually  present,  or  merely  “ corresponding  members  ” ; 
the  whole  headed  by  an  Imperial  prince,  either  of  the  first  or 
second  class,  as  spokesman.  It  is  somewhat  as  though  a 
selection  were  made  of  the  most  experienced  members  of 
the  British  Cabinet,  with  a few  dukes  and  ex-viceroys  or 
ex-ambassadors  superadded  ; the  whole  formed  into  an 
advisory  body,  headed  by  the  Prince  of  Wales,  the  Duke  of 
Connaught,  or  Prince  Christian,  or  even  by  the  Duke  of 

* A new  Foreign  Office  has  now  been  established. 


/ know  a Trick  worth  Two  of  that  209 

Fife  ; but  only  competent  to  issue  executive  orders  with  the 
tacit  approval  or  indirect  support  of  a Secretary  of  State ; — 
in  fact,  something  in  its  constituent  elements  like  our 
present  Committee  of  National  Defence — my  knowledge  of 
which,  however,  is  derived  only  from  the  newspapers.  In 
consequence  of  this  want  of  initial  inherent  energy  in  its 
elementary  composition,  the  Tsung-li  Yamen  has  (when  it 
suits  it)  degenerated  into  a mere  circumlocution  office,  and 
its  thunders  (unless  it  chooses  to  mean  business)  have  always 
been  regarded  by  the  provincial  governments  as  a quantite 
derisoire.  The  art  of  the  provincial  authorities  simply  con- 
sists in  interpreting,  or  reading  between  the  lines — a most 
congenial  one  to  the  casuistical  Chinese  mind. 

The  way  foreign  business  was  personally  conducted  in  my 
time  was  somewhat  as  follows  : — The  envoy  rode  or  was 
carried  to  the  “ alley  ” in  which  the  Yamen  is  situated, 
accompanied  by  his  interpreter  and  a small  escort.  In  the 
provinces  both  consuls  and  native  officials  wear  uniform  in 
paying  their  mutual  visits  ; but  in  Peking  the  practice  is  less 
formal  on  either  side,  and  when  I was  there  no  European 
presumed  to  use  a chair ; even  Prince  Kung  came  in  a 
cart,  and  Sir  Robert  Hart’s  team  of  mules  held  the  record. 
Well,  to  return  to  the  visit : — cakes,  and  tea  or  wine  are  set 
out,  and  as  the  guests  enter,  or  a few  moments  later,  one  or 
more  goguenard  old  gentlemen  come  in  to  greet  them,  as 
often  as  not  in  a hilarious  and  jolly  mood,  suited  to  the 
gross  barbarian  tastes  of  their  guests.  They  light  up 
their  pipes,  and  are  willing  to  talk  of  horse-racing,  foreign 
curios,  clever  actors,  or  any  subject  under  the  sun  ad  libitum , 
until  at  last  the  impatient  foreigner  blunders  out  his  business 
in  somewhat  lame  Chinese.  The  Falstaffian  old  boys’  eyes 
twinkle  merrily  as  this  exhibition  of  cacophony  goes  on, 
rendered  all  the  more  droll  to  them  by  the  earnest  manner 
of  the  barbarians  ; and  meanwhile  a nimble-fingered  secretary 
takes  down  from  behind  a screen,  or  from  the  recesses  of  a 
dark  corner,  what  is  said  on  both  sides.  Of  course,  nothing 
has  ever  been  heard  of  the  matter  in  complaint,  and  the  first 
thing  is  to  ch'a,  or  “ find  out.”  After  a decent  interval  and 
the  exchange  of  one  or  two  querulous  despatches,  the  envoy 
sends  his  secretary  or  interpreter  to  ts'ui,  or  “hurry  up,”  the 


210 


China:  Past  and  Present 


process  of  finding  out.  To  sum  up  a long  story,  unless  the 
matter  is  really  serious,  and  the  foreigners  show  signs  of 
getting  “ nasty,”  nothing  whatever  is  done  at  all  beyond 
“ slinging  ink.”  After  a few  weeks  or  months,  a long 
despatch  arrives,  quoting  the  envoy’s  original  despatch  in 
full,  and  a string  of  reports  from  various  grades  of  officials, 
the  last  one  of  whom,  of  course,  denies  totally — or  in  part  at 
least — the  truth  of  the  alleged  complaint,  much  to  the  virtuous 
disgust  of  the  Viceroy,  who  sums  up  the  case  by  saying  : 
“ Exclusively  of  having  directed  the  treasurer  and  the  judge 
to  ts'ui  the  prefect,  and  force  the  district  magistrate  to  ch'a 
with  more  zeal  (he  must  ascertain  the  truth  !)  ; exclusively 
also  of  having  severely  instructed  X.  to  hurry  up  Y. ; of 
having  moved  the  Governor  to  issue  identical  instructions, 
etc.,  etc. ; exclusively  of  all  this — and,  in  a word,  of  having 
set  up  a hue  and  cry  generally — the  Viceroy  now  begs  to 
communicate  this  temporary  reply  to  the  Yamen  for  the 
envoy’s  information,  in  the  hope  that  the  latter  on  his  part 
will  ts'ui  the  consul  to  cJHa  once  more,  etc.,  etc.”  And  thus 
it  goes  on.  In  the  provinces  I have  had  given  me  counterfeit 
presentments  of  dozens  of  these  “ interviews,”  faithfully  copied 
on  and  sent  from  Peking  to  the  Viceroys  for  their  information. 
They  had  at  least  this  value  to  the  consul,  that  by  quoting 
the  identical  words  used  as  a friendly  hint  by  the  Yamen,  it 
was  sometimes  possible  to  frighten  the  Viceroy  into  the  belief 
that  the  envoy  or  consul  possessed  indirect  information  (which, 
in  fact,  was  true),  or  was  most  fiendishly  prophetic  and 
weirdly  clever  (which  was  not  true). 

But  the  Chinese  Circumlocution  Office  is  by  no  means  the 
only  one  that  requires  betterment.  Of  course,  as  an  ex-officer, 
of  more  than  average  obscurity,  I admit,  as  in  duty  bound, 
that  our  own  Foreign  Office  is  perfect,  that  nothing  is  ever 
unduly  pigeon-holed,  and  that  every  official,  permanent  or 
otherwise,  both  ts'ui' s with  relentless  persistency,  and  ch'a's 
with  zeal  and  perspicacity.  But  that  does  not  touch  the  real 
rent  acu.  The  fact  is,  the  affairs  of  the  British  Foreign  Office 
have  grown  to  such  enormous  dimensions  that  it  is  no  longer 
within  the  power  of  the  most  industrious  Secretary  of  State  to 
cope  with  all  the  business,  or  even  to  glance  in  a perfunctory 
manner  at  all  the  despatches  received  ; not  to  speak  of  replies 


21  I 


Degree , Priority , and  Place 

sent,  and  the  concoction  thereof.  What  is  really  wanted  is 
an  entirely  new  department — the  name  is  of  no  importance — 
having  the  same  powers  in  Asia  that  the  existing  Foreign 
Secretary  possesses  now,  and  would  have  left  to  him  in 
connection  with  Europe  and  America,  after  changes  made. 
Even  the  best  of  projected  reforms  will  always  be  met  with 
objections ; so  that  in  this  matter,  where  no  change  has  yet 
even  been  mooted,  not  to  say  approved  by  influential  indi- 
viduals, it  follows  as  of  course  that  objections  must  be  at 
once  anticipated.  (Since  I wrote  this  paper,  I see  that  it  has 
been  mooted  in  Blackwood' s Magazine .)  It  will  be  instantly 
urged,  in  the  first  place,  that  such  a dual  arrangement  would  be 
unworkable  ; that  the  Foreign  Secretary  for  the  West  would 
never  know  what  his  colleague  for  the  East  was  doing ; that 
ambassadors  and  ministers  would  receive  conflicting  instruc- 
tions ; and  so  on.  But  it  must  not  be  forgotten  that  the 
Colonial  Office  and  the  India  Office  are  both  of  them  mere 
reproductions,  generated  by  cellular  secession  (or  whatever 
the  mysterious  life  process  is  called  by  men  of  science)  from 
the  original  protoplasm  known  as  the  Secretary  of  State.  If 
their  present  duties  were  left  absolutely  untouched,  and  they 
were  respectively  called  the  “ Colonial  Department  ” and 
“ Indian  Department  ” of  the  Foreign  Office,  or  of  the 
Chancery,  no  one  would  be  one  whit  the  worse  or  the  wiser. 
In  fact,  India  already  possesses  its  own  “ Foreign  Secretary,” 
whose  powers  in  dealing  with  the  Amir,  the  Persian  Gulf, 
Aden,  and  the  Indian  frontiers  generally,  are  just  as  impor- 
tant, and  perhaps  even  as  great  as  were  those  of  an  average 
Colonial  Secretary  in  colonial  matters,  until  the  present 
incumbent  galvanized  that  somewhat  casual  department  into 
genuine  business  life.  There  is  no  more  reason  why  an 
Eastern  and  Western  Foreign  Secretary  should  get  “ mixed” 
in  their  affairs  than  there  is  why  the  present  Foreign  Secretary 
and  the  present  Colonial  Secretary,  or  the  Secretary  for  India 
(including  the  Viceroy’s  Foreign  Secretary)  should  find  it 
impossible  to  adjust  the  clashings  of  many  interests  in  South 
Africa  or  the  Persian  Gulf. 

The  general  duties,  for  instance,  of  the  Russian  Ministry 
of  Foreign  Affairs  are  thus  officially  defined  : — 

( a ) Political  relations  with  Foreign  Powers  ; 


212 


China:  Past  and  Present 


( b ) Protection  of  Russian  interests  and  trade  abroad  ; 

(c)  Protection  of  Russian  subjects  in  their  affairs 

abroad  ; 

(d)  Assistance  to  foreigners  having  business  claims  in 

Russia. 

In  order  to  cope  adequately  with  this  mass  of  business, 
there  are  three  “ departments  ” in  the  Ministry  or  Chancery  ; 
business  connected  with  relations  between  Russia  and 
European  or  American  States  is,  of  course,  reserved  for  the 
Chancellor  himself,  who  also  keeps  the  Great  Seal  ; the 
Asiatic  Department  manages  relations  with  the  East ; and 
there  is  a third  department  for  auditing  accounts,  promotions, 
etc.  To  put  it  in  another  way,  Russia  has  long  ago  had  the 
good  sense  to  split  her  Foreign  Office  into  two  divisions  : — 
if,  like  ourselves,  she  had  had  detached  colonies,  there  might 
have  been  three  ; — but  she  has  not  yet  thought  fit  to  create  a 
separate  and  what  used  to  be  a lucrative  sinecure  called 
“ Privy  Seal ; ” and  she  has  raised  the  administrator  of  her 
Chief  Clerk’s  department  to  the  dignity  of  Secretary,  or  at 
least  Under-Secretary  or  Assistant-Secretary,  of  State.  Any 
one  who  (as  I have)  has  visited  French  colonies  and  witnessed 
the  twiddling  of  thumbs  by  innumerable  holders  of  posts  in 
the  administration — ronds  de  cnir  the  French  call  them — will 
at  least  thank  Providence  (let  us  hope  in  not  too  pharisaical 
a spirit)  that  British  subordinate  officials  are  not  in  all  respects 
as  other  men  are ; and  I have  also  seen  enough  of  our  Indian 
administration  to  satisfy  myself  that  one  level-headed  young 
Scotsman  there  often  effectively  does  the  miscellaneous  work 
of  half  a dozen  Frenchmen  in  Tonquin,  with  about  one-tenth 
of  the  fuss.  None  the  less  it  is  astonishing  what  a blighting 
influence  upon  the  budding  official  mind  is  exercised  even  in 
England,  or  in  places  administered  on  English  principles, 
by  rules,  allowances,  forms,  promotions,  “ wiggings,”  and  all 
the  other  wooden-headed  paraphernalia  of  bureaucratic  life. 
Although  the  man  who  can  shake  himself  free  from  their 
shackles  often  succeeds  brilliantly,  he  is  just  as  apt  to  come 
to  grief  by  running  against  some  foolish  snag,  or  to  grow 
discouraged  by  having  the  handcuffs  of  etiquette  clapped  on, 
if  he  chances  to  come  across  a weak  or  unsympathetic 
superior. 


Dressed  in  a little  Brief  Authority  213 

Lord  Salisbury  once  defined  in  public  the  principles  upon 
which  foreign  relations  should  be  managed.  So  far  as  I 
remember  his  words,  they  were  : “ I would  bring  into  the 
management  of  foreign  affairs  the  same  principles  that 
actuate  one  gentleman  in  his  dealings  with  another  gentle- 
man when  engaged  in  the  management  of  private  affairs.” 
As  regards  the  subordinate  duty  of  carrying  out  the  business 
details  of  matters  in  general,  I would  suggest  that  it  might 
be  possible  to  define  business  principles  as  : — 

1.  The  habit  of  doing  everything  immediately  that  can 

be  done  at  once  ; or  of  doing  so  much  of  it  as  can  be 
done  at  once  ; or  of  taking  immediate  steps  to  keep 
the  matter  before  the  eye  persistently  until  some- 
thing can  be  done,  and  then  doing  it  at  once. 

2.  The  habit  of  obliging  everybody  who  desires  anything, 

at  once,  gratuitously,  and  cheerfully,  subject  to  the 
merits  of  each  case,  and  subject  to  any  definite 
rules  or  instructions  there  may  be  to  the  con- 
trary. 

3.  The  habit  of  leaving  even  the  lowest  subordinate  the 

utmost  freedom  to  act  on  his  own  responsibility  in 
the  most  possible  cases ; of  toleration  rather  than 
censoriousness  ; the  readiness  to  overlook  errors 
which  are  not  wilful  and  persistent ; slowness  to 
assume  the  existence  of  insolence,  neglect,  deceit, 
and  idleness ; and  above  all  a readiness  to  own  up  a 
fault  rather  than  escape  from  it  at  the  cost  of  some 
one  else,  or  at  the  cost  of  truth. 

British  officials  as  contrasted  with  British  “business  men ” 
do  not  seem  to  consider  very  seriously  the  value  of  time, 
method,  punctuality,  and  promptness  ; the  importance  of 
keeping  all  information  accessible  and  up  to  date,  and  of 
seeing  orders  carried  out  as  well  as  merely  giving  orders. 
Inadequately  though  I may  have  done  my  own  work,  I 
should  have  done  it  worse  but  for  three  years’  experience 
in  the  cotton-broking,  silk-importing,  and  tea-dealing  trades. 
I do  not  put  it  that  any  other  officer  ever  did  worse  than  I, 
but  I say  that  many  excellent  men  among  them  would  have 
been  better  public  servants  if  they  had  received  technical 
training,  and  that  they  left  things  undone  because  they  did 


214  China:  Past  and  Present 

not  know,  and  their  predecessors  had  not  known,  how  to 
do  them. 

No  rules  will  make  a man  act  wisely  if  he  fails  to  see  for 
himself  that  rules  are  merely  artificial  and  unessential  clues 
to  indicate  all-important  principles,  and  if  he  makes  an  ado 
about  adhering  to  “ form  ” and  rules  on  their  own  account ; 
on  the  other  hand,  no  rules  beyond  the  guidance  of  common- 
sense  are  necessary  if  the  broad  principle  be  once  realized 
and  accepted  that  a good  public  servant,  whatever  his  rank, 
will  do  his  best  to  assist  every  one  who  desires  assistance, 
promptly  and  good-humouredly,  without  stickling  for  trifling 
forms  and  conventionalities.  I am  certainly  not  one  of  those 
to  cry  down  our  military  officers,  least  of  all  any  public  man 
in  high  office,  for  the  results  of  a surprise  for  which  the  whole 
nation  is  equally  responsible  ; but  no  one  will  now  deny  that 
excessive  slackness  in  business  principle,  coupled  with  exces- 
sive devotion  to  empty  “form,”  has  been  gradually  allowed 
seriously  to  undermine  the  efficiency  of  the  Army  ; and  surely 
there  is  no  harm  in  attempting  to  stay  or  to  prevent  any  nascent 
tendency  to  rottenness  and  decay  in  other  branches  of  the 
public  service  ? There  is  certainly  an  improvement  on  the  cor- 
ruption and  nepotism  of  ioo  years  ago,  and  it  is  so  because  the 
public  has  insisted  upon  reform  ; and  the  public  should  keep 
watch,  not  only  to  prevent  any  analogous  lapses  now,  but  also 
to  increase  efficiency  step  by  step  with  the  country’s  expansion. 

Banks  and  missionary  societies,  aware  of  the  effects  of 
Oriental  surroundings  and  climate,  from  time  to  time  send 
out  independent  inspectors  to  China  to  report  upon  each 
branch,  to  inquire  into  the  physical  and  mental  condition 
of  individuals,  the  relations  subsisting  between  head  and 
members,  and  so  on.  Why  should  the  same  not  be  done 
with  British  Ministers  in  such  places  as  Siam,  China,  and 
Corea,  and  with  the  huge  family  of  consular  officers  on  their 
establishments  ? The  public  press  at  Shanghai  and  Hong- 
kong has  no  influence  over  any  official  in  China,  and  even 
the  Chambers  of  Commerce  are  powerless  to  set  many 
crooked  things  aright. 

Japan,  Corea,  China,  and  Siam ; these  are  the  four 
principal  countries  whose  affairs  would  fall  under  the  cog- 
nizance of  the  proposed  Foreign  Secretary  for  Asia.  In 


Videant  Const  lies 


215 


addition,  the  important  French  possessions  in  Indo-China  ; * 
the  Dutch,  Spanish,  and  Portuguese  islands  in  the  Far 
East;  Manila  and  the  Russian  Pacific  coast  (this  last  also 
neglected  hitherto)  would  appertain  to  his  “ sphere  of  in- 
fluence.” If  we  exclude  mere  consular  agents  and  shipping 
vice-consuls  drawing  nominal  salaries  of  from  £5  to  £150 
a year,  it  will  be  found  that  there  are  more  British  consuls- 
general  and  consuls  in  China  than  there  are  in  France,  and 
more  in  Japan  than  there  are  in  Germany.  Moreover,  the 
duties  of  a consul  in  the  Far,  East  are  much  more  exten- 
sive than  those  of  his  colleagues  in  France  or  Germany, 
inasmuch  as  extra-territoriality  gives  him  authority  as  judge 
of  a “ provincial  court,”  besides  unmistakably  (if  tacitly)  con- 
ferring upon  him  diplomatic  powers  with  regard  to  the  vice- 
roy, governor,  general  intendant,  or  prefect  of  the  locality. 
He  holds  a marriage  warrant ; registers  births,  marriages, 
and  deaths ; possesses  notarial  powers ; and  is,  in  short,  a 
maid-of-all-work.  Hitherto  it  has  been  the  practice  at  the 
Foreign  Office  to  group  the  American  and  Chinese  business 
in  one  sub-department ; but  there  is  very  little  analogy 
between  the  two,  and  entirely  different  moods  of  thought, 
springs  of  action,  and  commercial  interests  govern  the  two 
halves  which  go  to  make  up  that  sub-division.  Not  only  is 
the  Far  East  of  sufficient  importance  now  to  have  a Secretary 
of  State  for  itself,  but  the  present  absence  of  adequate 
machinery  obscures  the  horizon,  clogs  development,  and 
prevents  the  expansion  which  is  actually  taking  place  from 
obtaining  elbow  room  and  breathing  space.  Just  as  thirty 
years  ago  our  self-governing  colonies  were  snubbed,  and  have 
only  just  begun  to  rise  in  our  minds  like  a phoenix  from  the 
ashes  of  narrow  parochialism,  so  it  is  only  now  beginning 
to  dawn  upon  the  public  mind,  and  a fortiori,  the  official 
mind,  that  our  republican  or  cosmopolitan  colonies  in  the 
Far  East  are  a developing  power  to  be  seriously  reckoned 
with  in  the  future.  The  whole  Chinese  question  was  dis- 
cussed, on  an  occasion  when  I visited  the  Chinese  abroad  in 
all  their  haunts,  in  an  official  report  sent  from  New  Zealand 
to  the  Foreign  Office  towards  the  end  of  1888.  The  follow- 
ing passages  appear  in  that  report : — “ Throughout  all  the 

* I see  (June,  1903)  by  the  last  mail’s  papers  that  my  excellent  friend  Tremlett 
dead,  after  thirty-four  years’  residence  at  Saigon. 


2l6 


China : Past  and  Present 


above-mentioned  vicissitudes  the  most  successful  reigning 
•houses  (in  China)  have  invariably  vied  with  one  another  in 
upholding  the  ‘ Chinese  idea,’  and  the  peculiarity  of  the 
Chinese  people  is  that  they  are  willing  to  submit  to  any  rule 
which  is  in  conformity  with  this  idea  ...  It  is  a new  phase 
of  her  (England’s)  external  development,  that  she  is  becoming, 
and  has  the  opportunity  of  improving  her  position  as  the 
second  great  Chinese  Power,  . . . and  if  ever  friendly  under- 
standing with  China  should  unfortunately  be  broken  off,  and 
it  should  become  necessary  to  . . . occupy  a part,  or  even 
take  charge  of  the  whole,  of  the  Manchu  interest  in  that 
Empire,  we  should  move  naturally  in  . . . (with  no  more 
than  ioo.ooo  men)  . . . and  the  Chinese  mind  would  be  half 
prepared  for  the  event.” 

But  not  only  is  a more  powerful,  more  specialized,  and 
more  independent  engine  required  to  generate  the  requisite 
amount  of  energy  and  initial  impulse  at  home  ; it  is  desirable 
that  there  should  also  be  modification  in  the  Legation  itself, 
especially  if  it  is  in  future  to  shut  itself  up  as  formerly  in  the 
seclusion  of  Peking.  Even  if  the  Minister  for  the  time  being 
always  had  the  prompt  business-like  training  of  a bank 
manager,  the  short  shrift  with  humbug  of  a Lord  Palmerston, 
and  the  rapid  .decision  of  a Napoleon,  he  could  not  possibly 
deal  effectively  with  the  various  “cases”  that  come  pouring 
in  upon  him  every  day  from  the  “ports.”  There  are  now 
about  thirty  consulates,*  and  each  firmly  established  consulate 
sends  between  twenty  and  two  hundred  official  despatches  to 
Peking  during  the  year,  half  being  “general,”  and  half  con- 
cerning “ accounts.”  At  least  half  the  general  ones  are 
concerned  with  “rows”  or  disputes  of  some  kind,  many 
containing  voluminous  Chinese  enclosures,  accompanied  by 
English  translations  (more  or  less  accurate).  Sir  Thomas 
Wade  was,  perhaps  (when  at  his  best),  the  most  “dynamic  ” 
Minister  we  ever  had,  not  even  excluding  Sir  Harry  Parkes, 
though  he  was — both  of  them  were — far  from  being  the  most 
methodic.  I have  seen  him  in  his  bedroom,  or  his  dressing- 
room,  opening  merely  one  mail’s  despatches  from  home  and 
from  “the  ports,”  when  received  by  him  as  he  spent  a day  or 
two  in  passing  through  to  Peking ; it  was  as  much  as  he 

* Nearer  forty  ports  in  1903. 


On  the  Light  Fantastic  Toe  217 

could  do  to  open  them,  glance  at  the  few  essential  words  in 
each,  give  a few  hurried  instructions  to  the  “ accounts  ” man 
and  the  “general”  man  in  attendance,  and  bundle  them 
aside  with  a groan  of  anguish. 

The  fact  is,  the  Minister  requires  several  adjuncts  or 
associate  ministers  possessing  full  powers  to  take  routine 
business  off  his  hands,  and  to  deal  effectively  and  promptly 
with  ( a ) all  commercial  matters ; ( b ) all  missionary  matters. 
Also  a naval  and  military  attache \ either  or  both,  to  collect 
technical  information  and  keep  the  Admiralty  and  the 
Admiral’s  business  in  proper  condition,  so  that  the  Minister 
may  take  diplomatic  decisions  at  once  upon  information 
which  is  up-to-date,  knowing  exactly  where  “power”  lies, 
and  how  soon  it  can  be  brought  up  to  a given  spot.* 

Most  consuls  endeavour  to  settle  their  own  cases  ; unless 
there  are  definite  instructions  the  other  way,  without  ever 
troubling  Peking  at  all.  If  a return  were  called  for,  showing 
the  number  of  despatches  written  from  and  to  Peking  and  the 
consulates  during  the  past  thirty  years,  I make  bold  to  say 
that  90  per  cent,  of  the  writing  would  be  found  to  have  been 
totally  waste  labour,  and  not  ten  per  cent,  of  consular 
“ cases  ” settled  would  prove  to  have  been  so  settled  through 
Peking  influence ; nay,  more,  it  would  be  found  that  in  not  a 
few  cases  the  powers  of  the  Legation  had  been  “ temporarily 
borrowed  ” by  the  consul,  and  that  the  consul  had  gently 
moved  the  Legation  along,  if  not  the  Foreign  Office  too. 

This  state  of  affairs  is  by  no  means  always — if  ever — the 
fault  of  the  Ministers.  What  can  a man  do  with  an  india- 
rubber-ball-like  body  such  as  is  the  Tsung-li  Yamen  ? It 
yields  smilingly  to  the  slightest  pressure,  and  blows  itself  out 
again  in  water-tight  rotundity  the  instant  pressure  is  removed. 
The  writing  of  innumerable  despatches  costs  nothing ; you 
can  get  a book  the  size  of  Whitaker’s  Almanack  beautifully 
copied  for  a few  dollars  in  China.  It  is  a pleasant  distraction 
for  statesmen,  viceroys,  prefects,  and  clerks  to  exercise  them- 
selves in  slyly  heating  the  floor  for  irascible  ministers  and 
consuls  to  dance  on.  The  only  possible  way  to  gain  a case 
in  most  instances  is  for  a consul  to  settle  down  to  it  as  to  a 
piece  of  sport,  and  get  the  Foreign  Office,  the  Legation,  the 

* Most  of  this  has  since  been  done. 


2l8 


China:  Past  and  Present 


Chambers  of  Commerce,  the  Viceroy,  Sir  Robert  Hart,  the 
Governors  of  Hongkong  and  Singapore,  the  Chinese  Minister 
in  London,  etc.,  etc.,  separately  or  collectively,  as  the  case 
may  require,  to  react  upon  each  other  (and  thus  indirectly 
upon  the  local  authorities)  ; and  worry  them  all  round  so 
that  out  of  sheer  weariness  the  local  authorities  give  way, 
and  yield  the  money  or  the  satisfaction  required.  As  a 
matter  of  fact,  the  consul  derives  none  of  his  power  from  the 
Minister  ; and  all  of  it  from  his  Commission  and  his  Warrants  ; 
the  only  thing  the  Minister  can  confer  upon  him  is  the 
power,  if  he  does  not  hold  a commission  in  his  own  right,  to 
act  temporarily  for  the  man  who  really  does  hold  one.  Just 
as  the  Chinese  provinces  go  the  even  tenour  of  their  way, 
though  the  Peking  Government  may  cease  to  exist,  so  the 
existence  or  non-existence  of  the  Legation  has  no  effect 
whatever  upon  the  consul’s  powers  and  influence : rather  the 
reverse  in  each  instance.  In  the  one  case  the  local  govern- 
ment saves  its  money  from  Peking  clutches;  in  the  other  the 
local  consul  saves  pen  and  ink,  and  the  trouble  of  filing 
unimportant  documents. 

The  duties  of  consuls  in  China  are,  as  I have  said,  much 
more  complicated  and  extensive  than  those  of  consuls  any- 
where else ; i.e.  they  are  liable  to  be  so,  for  in  some  instances 
the  duties  are  almost  a sinecure;  it  is  only  in  Turkey,  Siam, 
Corea,  and  such  places  that  the  consul  possesses  anything 
like  the  same  extent  of  power.  His  correspondence  register 
shows  that  he  treats  with  quite  a number  of  independent 
chiefs.  In  matters  of  accounts  he  deals  direct  with  the 
Foreign  Office  alone,  the  “ accounts  ” of  the  Legation 
referring  to  mere  local  allowances,  promotions,  shipments  of 
baggage,  and  so  on.  In  important  general  cases  the  Foreign 
Office  receives  a copy  of  the  despatch  sent  to  the  Legation, 
or  vice  versd.  In  legal  matters  his  sole  superior  is  the  Chief 
Justice  at  Shanghai,  to  whom  appeal  lies  from  his  “provincial” 
decisions ; he  also  has  the  benefit  of  the  Crown  Advocate’s 
advice  (if  he  is  disposed  to  ask  for  it).  In  shipping  matters 
the  Board  of  Trade  is  his  sole  master,  and  in  some  consulates 
this  work  is  no  sinecure.  These  are  the  only  authorities 
possessing  the  right  to  “ instruct”  him.  But  in  emigration 
matters  the  Governor  of  Hongkong  has  much  to  say  of  an 


Withdrawn  from  Mortal  Eye  219 

authoritative  kind ; the  Viceroy  of  India  can  “ move  ” the 
consul  pretty  strongly  if  that  potent  personage  desires  in- 
formation  on  opium  matters  \ so  can  the  governors  of  Singa- 
pore and  Hongkong  in  matters  of  extradition,  piracy,  etc. ; 
and  even  the  Shanghai  Deputy  of  the  First  Commissioner  of 
Works  can  give  him  “ pin-pricks  ” and  reminders  if  he  waxes 
too  high  and  mighty  about  his  household  arrangements. 

The  consul’s  religious  duties  vary  according  to  locality  ; 
he  may  have  to  conduct  burial  services,  or  even  to  preach  a 
sermon.  Touching  his  relations  with  the  Chinese,  the 
consul’s  official  visits  strongly  resemble  those  exchanged  by 
his  superiors  with  the  Tsung-li  Yamen,  except  that  there  is 
more  ceremony  and  formality,  and  the  consul  invariably  puts 
on  uniform  and  goes  in  a “chair.”  The  viceroy,  governor, 
Hoppo , taotai,  or  prefect,  as  the  case  may  be,  is  just  as  ready 
to  discuss  the  weather  as  the  “ Government  ” is ; but  the 
consul  has  this  important  advantage  over  the  Minister,  that 
the  local  officials  do  occasionally  want  something  from  the 
consul,  whilst  the  Tsung-li  Yamen  never  under  any  circum- 
stances wants  anything  from  the  Minister  beyond  the 
incontinent  sight  of  his  back.  The  viceroy  and  his  kind 
really  possess  infinitely  more  power  and  means  to  use  that 
power  than  does  the  Tsung-li  Yamen.  In  the  same  way,  the 
consul  really  possesses  more  practical  authority  and  better 
means  of  using  it,  than  does  the  Minister  ; for  amongst  other 
things  he  possesses  a gaol  and  a constable,  and  can  easily 
with  tact  produce  a gunboat  at  a pinch  ; whereas  the  Minister 
himself  is  under  the  municipal  authority  of  the  consul  at 
Tientsin,  and  has  to  consult  the  Admiral’s  convenience  for 
gunboats.  If  the  consul  and  viceroy  are  humorously 
disposed,  they  may  try  to  frighten  each  other  by  alluding  to 
the  terrible  Mr.  Jorkins,  which  each  of  them  keeps  stowed 
away  in  Peking ; but  a much  shorter  and  a more  sensible 
way  is  to  make  friends  with  the  local  officials,  and  patch  up 
all  squabbles  in  a give-and-take  way.  This  was  what  old 
Sir  Brooke  Robertson  always  successfully  did  at  Canton. 

Now,  such  being  the  constitution  of  the  elements  of  our 
“ rule  in  the  Far  East,”  let  us  come  to  the  point  at  once,  and 
lay  down — or  rather  submit — what  is  required  : — 

1.  The  condition  of  mind  requisite  for  the  successful 


220 


China:  Past  and  Present 


conduct  of  European  diplomacy  is  unsuited  to  the  East, 
just  as  it  is  unsuited  in  another  sense  to  self-governing 
colonies.  A suitable  man  must  be  found. 

2.  Having  found  a man  equipped  with  the  requisite 
mind  for  a Foreign  Secretary,  he  ought  to  have  ample 
exclusive  authority  over  all  the  Ministers : — perhaps  an 
exception  might  be  made  with  the  Minister  to  Japan,  as 
she  is  now  no  longer  “Asiatic,”  but  as  good  as  any  of  us, 
and  deserves  to  be.* 

3.  All  questions  of  accounts  and  auditing  should  be 
settled  by  an  independent  officer  of  rank,  in  London,  direct 
with  the  Ministers  and  with  the  Consuls. 

4.  Both  young  diplomats  (in  view  of  their  becoming 
ministers)  and  students  (in  view  of  their  becoming  consuls) 
should  receive  some  sort  of  schooling  in  business  habits,  i.e. 
general  habits  of  promptitude  and  common  sense.  No  bank 
or  great  business  house  could  hold  its  own  if  the  managers 
were  no  better  equipped  with  methodic  brains  than  our 
average  ministers,  or  if  the  clerks  were  no  more  competent 
business  men  than  our  average  consuls. 

5.  The  subjects  treated  of  in  despatches  between  the 
Secretary  or  Secretaries  of  State  (there  is  no  reason  why 
both  Foreign  Secretaries  should  not  be  his  superiors)  and 
the  Minister  are  quite  sufficient  to  fill  up  the  time  of  one 
man  if  he  attends  to  them  properly.  It  is  much  better  to 
encourage  consuls  to  act  on  their  own  initiative  and  to  write 
as  few  despatches  as  possible  ; but  if  they  must  ask  instruc- 
tions, these  instructions  in  cases  of  missionary  “rows”  and 
commercial  disputes  should  emanate  from  the  special  attache 
or  attaches  affected  to  that  class  of  case,  who  would  naturally 
require  the  rank  of  Secretary  of  Legation  or  Minister  Resident, 
in  order  to  give  them  requisite  authority.f 

6.  In  the  winter  time,  when  the  north  is  ice-bound,  it  is 
quite  as  near  from,  say,  Pakhoi  to  London  as  it  is  from 
Pakhoi  to  Peking.  It  is  a question  whether  it  would  not 
be  just  as  well  for  consuls  to  deal  directly  with  the  Foreign 
Office  alone  in  most  cases,  as  does  the  consul  in  Manila  ; 
and  it  is  also  a question  whether  both  acting  and  substantive 
appointments  and  promotions  should  not  come  from  the 

* She  has  since  become  our  ally.  f We  now  have  attaches. 


The  Birds  that  soar  on  Highest  Wing  221 

Foreign  Secretary,  as  is  the  case  with  the  French  consuls, 
instead  of  from  the  Minister  at  Peking,  or  at  his  suggestion. 
By  all  means  let  him  advise,  but  do  not  let  him  job.  China 
is  too  far  off  to  be  kept  well  under  the  restraining  eye  of  the 
home  departments,  and  if  there  happens  to  be  a misunder- 
standing between  officers  of  different  rank  unacquainted  with 
each  other,  there  is  considerable  risk  of  occasional  injustice 
being  done  under  the  present  system. 

In  making  these  few  suggestions,  I only  express  the 
opinion,  from  what  I have  myself  seen  and  experienced — 
that  a good  shaking  up  is  as  much  a necessity  with  at  least 
one  other  of  our  civil  services  as  it  is  with  the  Army.  In 
questions  of  this  sort  there  is  a tendency  on  the  part  of 
persons  for  the  time  being  responsible  to  pooh-pooh  the 
whole  matter,  and  to  resent  any  change  or  interference ; but 
whilst  there  is  no  necessity  for  excessive  zeal,  and  perhaps 
no  great  urgency  for  immediate  change,  it  is  as  well  to 
remember  that  we  are  all  in  the  same  boat.  Public  servants 
— Secretaries  of  State  included — are  our  servants  ; but  when 
we  endow  them  with  official  authority,  they  become  for 
certain  purposes  temporarily  our  masters.  No  one  wants  to 
breed  up  a race  of  meddlesome  zealots,  of  indefatigable 
studious  prigs,  or  of  heart-searching  bookworms  ; but  the 
public  has  a right  to  expect  that  it  gets  fair  value,  and 
prompt  attention  for  its  money.  It  has  been  seen  how  the 
business  abilities  of  such  men  as  Mr.  W.  H.  Smith,  Lord 
Cross,  Mr.  Asquith,  Mr.  Goschen,  and  Mr.  Chamberlain 
have  infused  life  into  our  Cabinets  ; no  doubt  their  example 
has  had  many  salutary  and  permanent  effects  upon  the  sub- 
ordinates of  their  respective  departments.  Our  Empire  and 
our  population  are  growing  every  day,  and  there  is  too  much 
inclination  to  go  on  using  the  old-fashioned  low-power 
machines  or  “donkey-engines”  of  old  days,  to  work  ever- 
increasing  cargoes  and  speed,  instead  of  adopting  the  latest 
(so  to  speak)  hydraulic  and  electric  appliances  at  once.  The 
material  is  good  enough  no  doubt ; so  is  our  Army  material. 
We  cannot  be  any  the  worse  for  more  business  brains  and 
organizing  power  in  the  management  of  our  multitudinous 
external  affairs.*  The  country  justly  recognizes  its  great 
* See  Mr.  Balfour’s  reply  to  Lord  Charles  Beresford  on  this  point. 


222 


China : Past  and  Present 


debt  to  Lord  Salisbury,  whose  success  both  at  home  and 
abroad  is  as  much  due  to  the  excellent  main  principles 
proclaimed  and  followed  by  him  as  it  is  to  the  fact  of  his 
being  a great  noble.  But  it  is  totally  impossible  for  Lord 
Salisbury  to  look  into  everything,  or  even  to  inspire  every- 
thing with  his  example,  and  I am  glad  to  see,  since  I began 
this,  that  he  has  already  transferred  part  of  his  labour  on  to 
another  man’s  shoulders.*  The  utmost  he,  or  any  other 
single  mind,  can  do  is  to  stave  off  minor  troubles  and  tackle 
the  most  urgent.  But  this  is  not  as  it  should  be.  A good 
bank  balances  its  books  every  night,  and  a well-organized 
Foreign  Office  ought  to  have  all  its  work  done  every  day ; 
or  at  least  it  ought  to  have  it  and  keep  it  in  train  towards 
being  done  as  soon  as  possible.  What  gives  the  latter-day 
Germans  so  many  advantages  over  us  is  that  they  have  first 
learnt  our  business  habits  from  us,  and  have  then  improved 
on  what  we  taught  them  ; they  are  rapidly  becoming  our 
masters,  both  in  diplomacy  and  in  commerce,  chiefly  because 
they  have  trained  themselves  to  business  habits,  and  therefore 
know  how  to  “ make  a good  job  ” out  of  what  they  do.f 


* With  excellent  results. 


t Lord  Rosebery’s  “ efficiency. 


They  were  most  Sainted  Kings  223 


BOOK  VI 

MANDARIN  OR  OFFICIAL 

CHAPTER  I 

THE  WAY  CHINA  IS  GOVERNED 

\Noie  to  original  issue  of  November , 1898. — This  article  was  in  type 
before  the  recent  coup  d'etat  took  place,  but  a historical  account  of  the 
last  two  Imperial  successions  is  added  at  the  end.] 

There  is  a great  deal  of  cheery  human  nature  about  the 
Emperors  of  China,  and  the  Manchu  Emperors  especially 
have  been  very  good  fellows,  taken  all  round.  The  first  was 
a mere  youth  when  his  uncle,  Torkun,  took  Peking,  and  he 
left  no  particular  impress  of  character  upon  the  times.  On 
one  point,  however,  he  put  his  foot  down  firmly  ; his  Empress 
offended  him,  and,  despite  the  entreaties  of  his  Confucianist 
mentors,  he  quickly  got  rid  of  her.  The  second  Emperor 
reigned  over  sixty  years,  and  lived  a blameless,  busy  life, 
embittered  only  by  the  undutiful  conduct  of  two  of  his  sons, 
one  at  least  of  whom  was  either  a Christian  himself  or  had 
intrigued  with  the  Christians.  The  third  Emperor  was  a 
thoroughly  conscientious  prince,  but  easily  hoodwinked  by 
sanctimonious  quacks  and  charlatans.  The  fourth  was  one 
of  the  most  brilliant  monarchs  that  ever  sat  upon  any  throne  ; 
he  started  off  by  bundling  out  all  the  alchemists,  priests,  and 
philosophers  whom  his  father  used  to  patronize ; reigned  for 
sixty  years  almost  without  a single  day’s  illness  ; took  his 
pleasure ; wrote  poems ; made  things  lively  amongst  his 
viceroys  and  generals,  and  generally  raised  the  prestige  of 
China  to  its  very  highest  point.  With  the  fifth  Emperor 
degeneration  set  in.  The  sixth  was  a well-meaning  but 


224 


China:  Past  and  Present 


obstinate  man,  under  whom  Europeans  first  got  in  the  thin 
end  of  the  wedge.  The  seventh  was  a contemptible 
debauchee,  whose  summer  palace  “the  Allies”  burnt  about 
his  head,  whilst  he  himself  slunk  off  to  Tartary.  The  last 
two  Emperors  have  been  mere  youths,  and  even  if  they  had 
or  have  any  character  to  develop,  they  have  been  obliged  to 
take  quite  a back  seat  during  the  life  of  the  Dowager- 
Empress.  Moreover,  the  present  Emperor’s  position  on  the 
throne  is  decidedly  shaky  from  a “ proper  ” point  of  view ; he 
is  the  cousin  of  the  last  one,  and  the  first  of  the  Manchu 
monarchs  who  has  not  been  a son  of  his  predecessor.  By 
some  adoption  jugglery  (which  the  Board  of  Rites  only  can 
explain),  not  only  is  he  made  the  son  of  his  cousin’s  father ; 
but  his  own  son,  if  he  ever  has  any,  is  to  count  as  his  predeces- 
sor’s son.  Hence  one  at  least  of  the  last  two  Emperors  must 
be  left  “ orbate,”  and  the  ghost  will  literally  “ play  the  devil  ” 
with  his  corpse.  This  razon  de  la  sinrazon  so  puzzled  the 
Quixotic  mind  of  a crack-brained  censor  in  1878,  that  he 
actually  foretold  therefrom  the  collapse  of  the  dynasty,  and 
then  committed  suicide.  It  is  the  vigorous  old  Dowager  who 
is  partly  responsible  for  all  this  confusion  ; for  her  sister 
married  the  real  father  of  the  present  Emperor,  and  naturally 
she  wishes  to  be  the  “ mother  ” of  as  many  Emperors  as 
possible,  and  to  keep  all  the  good  things  in  the  tribe  of  Nala. 
Moreover,  special  care  has  always  been  taken  by  the  Dowager 
that  the  present  Emperor  should  have  no  such  opportunity  as 
his  predecessor  took,  to  marry  “ morganatically  ” before  his 
formal  matrimony  to  a girl  of  the  Nala  tribe.  The  result, 
so  far,  has  been  that  the  widow  of  the  last  Emperor  died 
conveniently  soon  after  her  husband’s  decease,  and  the  present 
Emperor  has  not  * yet  had  any  children  at  all — at  any  rate, 
no  sons.  Although  the  Dowager-Empress  is  nominally  in 
the  background,  and  is  supposed  to  live  in  otiose  retirement 
at  “The  Park,”  the  Emperor  has  to  show  her  very  great 
deference,  and  every  now  and  then  a decree  appears  in  her 
name,  which  proves  that  she  is  still  powerful ; for  instance, 
when  the  veteran  anti-foreign  statesman,  Li  Plung-tsao,  died 
the  other  day,  she  had  her  own  say  on  the  subject  of  his 
merits,  in  addition  to  what  the  Emperor  said.  She  herself 
* It  is  now  said,  “cannot.” 


Nature  made  thee  to  temper  Man  225 

has  a pedigree  which  is  far  from  being  of  the  bluest.  When 
the  seventh  Emperor  came  to  the  throne,  his  confarreatio  wife 
was  already  dead,  and,  in  accordance  with  “doctrine,”  she 
received  the  posthumous  rank  of  Empress  (in  heaven);  but 
the  following  year  a wife  of  subordinate  rank,  belonging  to 
the  Niukuru  tribe,  was  made  Empress  (in  the  flesh) ; and 
after  waiting  for  it  to  be  seen  which  of  the  coemptio  wives  won 
the  race  for  a son,  the  present  Dowager,  a lady  of  the  palace 
who  had  given  birth  to  the  future  eighth  Emperor,  was  in 
1856  promoted  from  the  category  of  “handmaids”  {pin),  and 
patented  with  the  higher  rank  of  “queen-consort.”  In  1858 
an  ingenious  arrangement  was  invented  which  appears  to  have 
no  precedent  whatever  in  “doctrine.”  The  queen-consort 
was  raised  to  the  rank  of  “ Empress  of  the  West,”  in  contra- 
distinction to  her  senior  colleague  of  the  East,  who  ranked 
with,  but  before,  her.  For  many  years  after  the  eighth 
Emperor’s  accession  in  1862,  these  two  Dowagers  acted 
together  as  Regents,  but  it  was  always  understood  that  the 
Western  Empress  really  pulled  the  strings.  The  ninth 
Emperor  succeeded  in  1874.  In  1881  the  Eastern  Empress 
died,  and  the  Western  shone  by  her  own  unreflected  light. 
On  the  coming  of  age  (in  his  sixteenth  year)  of  the  present  or 
ninth  Emperor,  the  Dowager  made  a great  show  of  abandoning 
power,  but  it  was  generally  understood  that  this  was  a mere 
prelude  to  her  continuing  it ; over  and  over  again  it  was 
pointed  out  to  her  where  lay  her  duty  and  the  interests  of  the 
Empire,  and  very  possibly  she  would  have,  coyly,  “whilst 
vowing  she  would  not  consent,  consented,”  had  not  the  busy- 
bodies  stopped  pressing  her  just  at  the  last  and  right 
psychological  moment.  Notwithstanding  this,  the  Dowager’s 
influence  remains  very  great;  for,  besides  having  a “party” 
of  her  own,  she  has  the  right  by  law  to  interfere  in  all  matters 
connected  with  the  Emperor’s  wives,  which  practically  makes 
the  forthcoming  of  sons  dependent  upon  her  goodwill. 
Besides,  she  takes  precedence  of  the  Emperor  on  all  solemn 
occasions,  and  he  is  obliged  to  make  periodical  visits  to 
inquire  about  her  “warmth  and  cold.”  In  a word,  admitting 
that  the  Emperor  is  an  able  man  and  well  disposed,  nothing 
can  be  done  so  long  as  he  and  his  “mother”  fail  to  pull 
together.  The  fourth  Emperor  — a long-headed  man  — 

Q 


226 


China:  Past  and  Present 


understanding  all  this,  used  to  carry  his  mother  about  with  him 
all  over  Tartary  and  China,  even  on  his  hunting  expeditions  ; 
he  did  this  systematically  up  to  her  death  at  the  age  of 
eighty-six.  But  the  present  Manchus  are  not  of  the  fibre 
and  nerve  of  the  early  stock,  and,  instead  of  shooting  tigers  in 
Manchuria  for  a pastime,  they  are  apt  to  dally  with  the 
opium  pipe  or  with  their  women  in  the  harems  of  Peking. 
No  one  but  his  “mother”  and  his  women  really  knows  much 
of  the  present  ruler  of  China,  except  that  he  is  stated  to  be 
sensitive,  highly  educated,  hot-tempered,  apparently  anxious 
to  learn,  and  evidently  chafing  under  the  watchful  supervision 
of  his  mother’s  party.  So  far,  his  decrees  give  no  evidence 
whatever  of  a commanding  will ; but  within  the  last  few  days 
he  would  seem,  from  the  telegrams  received,  to  have  asserted 
himself.  * 

The  Manchus,  as  a body,  really  do  not  care  very  much 
about  Confucius,  though  it  is  part  of  their  policy  to  make  a 
great  show  of  deference;  just  as  the  great  Napoleon  found 
it  desirable  to  conciliate  the  Popes.  Of  course,  I am  speak- 
ing of  the  genuine  typical  Manchus,  who  are  fast  dying  out 
and  becoming  imitations  of  Chinamen,  but  without  a China- 
man’s suppleness  and  brains.  The  true  Manchu  has  an 
honest  contempt  for  “writing  fellows;”  he  has  long  since 
forgotten  his  own  language,  and  now  speaks  a rough,  ener- 
getic, bastard  Chinese,  called  Pekingese,  with  a good,  honest, 
country  burr.  It  bears  much  the  same  relation  to  “ literary 
Chinese”  that  Hindustani  does  to  Sanskrit;  or,  better  still, 
that  the  Viennese  dialect  does  to  high  German.  The  Em- 
peror of  China  on  formal  occasions,  descanting  on  funerals, 
Confucius,  filial  piety,  and  so  on,  is  like  Dr.  E.  J.  Dillon’s 
caricature  of  a French  President  descanting  on  “ right,  civili- 
zation, and  justice.”  The  real  human  Manchu  Emperor 
making  broad  jokes  in  the  rough  Peking  brogue,  cracking 
melon-seeds  and  puffing  at  his  water-pipe  withal,  may  be  com- 
pared with  his  Majesty  the  Emperor  Franz-Joseph  at  informal 
times,  with  a feather  in  his  hunting-hat,  and  a tankard  of 
Pilsener  beer  before  him  ; smoking  a strong  Italian  Avana 
da  quindici  with  a straw  run  through  it,  and  exchanging 
repartees  with  his  private  intimates  in  piquant  Viennese. 

* It  turned  out,  with  disastrous  results. 


Orts  of  Men  227 

The  Manchus  like  sport,  good  living,  and  fresh  air  ; they 
neither  care  nor  profess  to  care  very  much  about  the  Chinese 
Empire,  except  in  so  far  as  it  is  a big  elastic  sponge  out  of 
which  can  be  squeezed,  at  suitable  intervals,  a rich  nutri- 
ment. The  one  exception  is,  or  was,  the  Emperor,  who 
during  the  first  four  reigns  took  a keen  pleasure,  as  well  as  a 
pride,  in  running  the  vast  machine  as  economically  and  as 
uprightly  as  possible : and  even  now  there  is  a considerable 
quantity  of  good,  manly  leaven  in  Manchu  mankind,  just  as 
there  is  in  any  other  mankind  ; and  it  is  this  minority  of 
good  men  which  keeps  things  going ; not  to  speak  of  the 
leaven  of  good  in  the  Chinese  or  Confucian  element,  which 
combines  well  with  the  excellence  still  left  on  the  Manchu 
side;  even  as  in  the  United  States  the  understratum  of  solid 
worth  in  party  life  keeps  things  sufficiently  afloat  in  the 
Serbonian  bogs  of  Populism  and  Tammany  Hall.* 

During  the  summer  of  1897  the  Dowager-Empress  gave 
one  or  two  garden-parties.  Her  brother-in-law,  the  late 
Prince  Kungf  (the  Emperor’s  uncle),  stood  by  her  side  as  her 
henchman,  and  several  farces  were  acted  before  the  company. 
Besides  the  ordinary  paper  lanterns,  the  electric  light  was 
introduced  for  the  first  time  ; the  chief  of  the  tatan  (certain 
“ male  ” officials  in  attendance  on  harem  duty  in  Eastern 
countries)  introduced  the  leading  statesmen  in  turn  to  the 
Empress,  who  was  graciously  pleased  to  “ accord  rice.” 
After  this  banquet  they  were  conducted  “in  fish  line”  (Indian 
file)  round  to  the  theatre,  the  Empress  herself  being  carried 
in  an  eight-bearer  open  chair,  wearing  her  “easy  costume.” 
Only  forty-six  persons  were  allowed  to  sit,  and  only  two 
of  these  on  stools.  As  to  the  other  forty-four,  it  is  pre- 
sumed they  sat  on  what  the  Shah  of  Persia  once  told  a 
British  Minister  to  sit,  when  his  Excellency,  looking  round, 
inquired  : “On  what  am  I to  sit,  your  Majesty?” 

The  Dowager-Empress  makes  things  very  uncomfortable 
for  the  tatan  if  they  do  not  behave  themselves,  and  in  fact 
for  the  dukes  and  princes  too.  Just  before  the  above-described 
garden-party,  the  Archduke  Tsaishu  received  eighty  blows 
of  the  heavy  bamboo.  A tatan , perhaps  in  connection  with 
the  same  scandal,  was  deliberately  flogged  to  death  at  her 

* Now,  apparently,  things  of  the  past.  f His  grandson  succeeded  him. 


228 


China:  Past  and  Present 


express  command,  nominally  for  receiving  private  guests 
within  palace  precincts. 

The  Emperor  himself  has  a very  hard  time  of  it.  He 
has  to  be  in  his  council-chamber  at  3 a.m.  every  morning 
to  receive  reports  and  despatches.  Those  he  agrees  to  are 
marked  with  a peculiar  scratch  made  with  an  ivory  paper- 
knife,  or  he  writes  a rescript  with  red  ink.  These  early 
hours  are  very  trying  to  the  more  aged  of  the  statesmen,  who 
have  always  to  be  at  the  Front  Gate  of  Peking  shortly  after 
midnight.  Each  public  office  has  its  fixed  days  in  rotation 
for  audience  and  introductions.  Only  viceroys,  governors, 
generals,  and  a few  other  provincial  officials  of  high  rank 
receive  their  appointments  direct  from  the  Emperor  ; and  of 
course  there  is  considerable  competition  for  these,  and  many 
unkind  things  are  said  of  the  way  in  which  they  are  obtained. 
First  of  all  the  Board  has  to  be  squared  ; then  the  tatan  de- 
partment ; the  princes  ; and  those  who  have  the  entree.  But 
all  this  is  mere  hearsay ; and  in  any  case,  if  bribery  or  cor- 
ruption affects  important  appointments — as  it  undoubtedly 
does  occasionally,  at  least — the  Chinese  (and  Manchus)  are 
much  too  sharp  to  let  the  man  in  the  street  know  exactly 
how  the  thing  is  managed.  I prefer  to  judge  by  what  the 
decrees  of  former  strong  Emperors  specifically  tell  me.  Even 
then  there  were  cabals  at  court ; statesmen,  sometimes  honest 
ones,  were  occasionally  caught  asking  favours  of  the  tatan, 
and  tatan  were  detected  introducing  their  friends  for  pro- 
vincial posts  under  the  wing  of  statesmen.  The  fourth 
Emperor,  during  epidemics  of  corruption,  took  the  heads  off 
at  least  25  per  cent,  of  his  most  prominent  provincial  officials, 
either  for  bribery,  peculation,  false  charges,  treason,  or  other 
heinous  offence.  Under  the  present  comparatively  degenerate 
rulers  it  is  reasonable  to  suppose,  from  the  rarity  of  punish- 
ment in  high  circles,  that  corruption  is  more  universal,  and 
is  seldomer  denounced.  Yet,  in  spite  of  that,  the  viceroys 
and  governors  of  most  provinces  are  good  men,  and,  more- 
over, men  whom  “ all  the  world  ” expects  to  see  promoted. 
Some  provinces  have  governors  and  no  viceroys,  others 
viceroys  and  no  governors ; others,  again,  viceroys  and 
governors,  variously  distributed.  A certain  number  of  these 
posts  are  manifestly  given  to  Manchus  of  whom  no  one  out 


229 


Potency  in  Potting 

of  Peking  ever  heard,  simply  because  they  are  Manchus,  and 
usually  relatives  or  favourites  of  the  Empress  or  some  powerful 
prince  ; but,  owing  to  the  way  in  which  Manchus  juggle  with 
their  borrowed  Chinese  names,  it  is  never  possible  for  an 
outsider  to  say  whose  son  a given  Manchu  is.  No  Manchu 
prince  ever  visits  the  provinces  now  ; the  visit  to  Tientsin 
and  Chefoo  of  the  Emperor’s  father  in  1886  was  quite  an 
exception,  as  is  also  the  coming  visit  to  Tientsin  of  the  Em- 
peror and  his  mother.*  But  very  few  high  posts  are  given 
to  Manchus,  compared  with  what  used  to  be  the  case  under 
the  strong  Emperors  of  last  century,  who  manipulated  all 
the  provincial  strings  for  themselves.  Whether  it  be  that 
Manchu  brain  capacity  is  now  rarer,  or  that  degenerate 
Manchus  cannot  be  trusted  away  from  Peking  by  a weak 
Emperor,  or  that  Confucianism  is  reasserting  the  right  of 
Chinese  to  a full  share  of  the  high  offices,  the  fact  remains 
that  such  important  posts  as  Canton,  Nanking,  Tientsin, 
Kashgaria,  Hankow,  etc.,  are  almost  always  in  the  hands  of 
strong  representative  Chinamen,  corrupt  or  otherwise.  There 
is  | one  Manchu  Viceroy  at  present  in  Yiin  Nan,  but  he  (apart 
from  any  family  influence)  seems  to  be  an  able  man  who  has 
worked  his  way  up.  The  one  Manchu  Governor  $ (Kiang  Si 
province)  is,  I believe,  a connection  of  the  Empress-Dowager, 
as  was  also  his  brother  and  predecessor,  who  was  at  last 
dismissed  for  corruption.  I knew  the  latter  when  he  was 
treasurer  at  Hangchow.  Within  the  past  few  weeks  the 
exceedingly  able  Manchu  General  Junglu§  has  been  appointed 
to  Tientsin  in  place  of  the  somewhat  indecisive  Wang 
Wen-shao. 

In  addition  to  the  viceroys  and  governors,  there  are  at 
Canton,  Foochow,  Hangchow,  and  at  other  places  less  known 
to  Europeans,  high  officials  called  Tartar-Generals,  who  rank 
above  even  the  Viceroy,  and  are  in  command  of  degenerate 
Manchu  garrisons,  or  Chinese  “ banner  ” garrisons  assimilated 
to  Manchus.  These  high  officers,  together  with  their  assistant- 
generals,  are  of  course  Manchus — occasionally  Chinese  “ban- 
nermen  ” — and  form  a sort  of  check  on  the  Viceroy.  When 
I was  at  Canton  in  1874,  the  Chinese  Governor  joined  the 
Manchu  General  in  impeaching  the  Manchu  Viceroy,  who 
* It  never  took  place.  f I.e.  was.  t Now  at  Canton.  § Now  dead. 


230 


China:  Past  and  Present 


had  taken  a false  step  directly  he  arrived.  The  highest  pro- 
vincial post  is  undoubtedly  the  viceroyalty  of  Nanking,  which 
has  under  it  three  governorships  ; not  only  the  ablest, 
but  also  the  most  honest  Chinamen  are  almost  invariably 
appointed  to  this  post.  For  instance,  within  my  own  time, 
first  there  was  the  Mussulman  Viceroy,  Ma  Sin-i,  who  was 
assassinated  ; then  the  Marquis  Tseng’s  father,  the  highest 
type  of  Chinese  statesmanship  in  modern  times ; then  Shen 
Pao-cheng,  a relative  of  the  notorious  Commissioner  Yeh, 
and  the  proud  destroyer  of  the  first  Wusung  railway  ; then 
Tso  Tsung-t’ang,  the  conqueror  of  Kashgaria  ; then  the  Mar- 
quis Tseng’s  uncle  ; and,  finally,  the  energetic  Chang  Chi'-tung, 
and  the  present  cautious  Liu  K’un-yih.*  But  though  this  is 
the  highest  post  of  honour,  it  is  by  no  means  the  most 
lucrative  post ; nor,  in  fact,  are  any  of  the  great  viceroyalties 
(except,  perhaps,  that  of  Sz  Ch’wan,  with  its  population  of 
60,000,000  or  70,000,000)  given  with  a deliberate  view  to 
favour  and  peculation,  although  a corrupt  officer  may  rapidly 
accumulate  a fortune  in  any  one  of  them.  The  highest  post 
which  is  admittedly  corrupt  is  that  of  “ Hoppo,”  or  Customs 
collector,  at  Canton.  Like  his  colleague  of  New  York,  this 
officer  is  notoriously  expected  to  make  his  fortune.  He  is 
invariably  a Manchu  of  the  “ bondsman  ” class,  and  makes 
no  profession  of  consulting  the  people’s  welfare.  Another 
“ pocket  berth”  is  that  of  the  Tartar-generalship  of  Foochow, 
curiously  enough  entrusted  with  the  collection  of  native 
Customs.  I do  not  propose  to  weary  the  reader  with  an 
enumeration  of  strange  names  ; suffice  it  to  say  that  there 
are  about  ten  viceroyalties,  twenty  governorships,  six  Tartar- 
generalships,  twenty  chief  treasurers,  twenty  chief  judges, 
twenty  Chinese  generals,  a dozen  Tartar  assistant-generals, 
three  Imperial  purveyors,  and  a number  of  Manchu  Customs 
collectors.  These  offices,  together  with  the  high  department 
billets  at  Peking,  form  the  chief  prizes  of  officialdom.  Not  a 
single  one  draws  any  salary  from  Peking  : all  are  paid  from  the 
provincial  treasuries,  or  by  their  own  efforts  ; and  the  Peking 
Government  takes  no  cognizance  of  their  finance  except  in  a 
general  way,  so  long  as  it  can  “ appropriate  ” sums  to  the 
public  service  from  the  admitted  totals. 

* Died  1903. 


Honottr  hath  no  Skill  in  Surgery  231 

China  is  a curious  mixture  of  excessive  centralization  and 
excessive  decentralization.  Things  are  so  arranged  that  all 
the  capillaries  send  their  venal  contributions  through  ever- 
enlarging  channels  to  the  heart  at  Peking,  where  a depurative 
process  takes  place,  and  whence  arterial  demands  for  more  are 
disseminated  over  the  provinces.  Fatty  degeneration  of  the 
heart  and  obstinate  aneurisms  or  cloggings  all  along  the  line 
of  circulation  have,  however,  of  recent  years  sadly  interfered 
with  the  smooth  working  of  this  admirable  theoretical  system. 

To  begin  at  the  very  bottom  of  the  tree.  There  are  about 
30,000,000  registered  cultivators  in  the  Empire,  and  (at 
present  low  silver  rates)  the  nominal  taxes  do  not  much 
exceed  30,000,000  half-crowns,  or,  say,  four  millions  sterling 
in  all.  It  must  not  be  imagined  that  30,000,000  registered 
cultivators  represent  only  30,000,000  owners.  It  will  suffice 
for  present  purposes  to  explain  that,  when  the  land-tax  was 
made  immutable  180  years  ago,  all  transfers  of  property 
were  in  future  to  be  so  arranged  in  a “fish-scale  register’’ 
that  every  increment  or  change  should  fit  into  one  of  the 
then  existing  “ scales.”  Now,  as  silver  is  too  valuable  a 
commodity,  even  at  its  present  price,  to  be  handled  by  a 
community  which  dines  for  a halfpenny  and  counts  in  tenths 
of  a farthing,  it  has  always  been  the  custom  to  rate  the  silver 
in  brass  coins  ; and  the  result  has  gradually  come  to  be  that 
in  the  mildest  cases  twice  the  real  sum  due  is  officially  paid, 
whilst  in  harder  instances  four,  five,  and  even  ten  times  the 
nominal  land-tax  is  extorted.  Then  there  is  the  10  per  cent, 
or  1 5 per  cent,  extra  for  waste,  a fee  for  the  collector’s  receipt, 
and  many  another  “ local  ” charge,  charity,  compensation,  or 
other  “ squeeze  ” superadded.  Roughly  speaking,  it  may  be 
said  that  the  district  magistrate  (a  functionary  corresponding 
to  the  French  prefect  of  department,  who  keeps  the  registers) 
collects  three  times  the  tax  due,  and  is  besides,  as  a matter 
of  policy,  always  slightly  in  arrear  officially.  Thus  he  has  at 
least  twice  the  amount  of  the  real  land-tax  to  keep  for 
himself.  Of  course  the  value  of  each  such  prefect’s  berth  is 
well  known  to  the  official  body,  and  the  average  amount 
which  he  may  keep  for  himself  varies  from  £500  to  £5°°°  a 
year,  according  to  its  situation  and  pedigree.  The  rest  of 
the  money  extorted  goes  partly  into  the  pockets  of  the 


232 


C/ii/ia:  Past  and  Present 


prefect’s  police  force,  partly  in  birthday  presents  and  bribes 
to  his  superiors,  and  partly  in  the  legitimate  expenditure 
upon  official  state.  Salaries  are  paid  out  of  the  recognized 
official  portion.  Each  of  the  twenty  provinces  contains  from 
fifty  to  a hundred  of  these  prefects,  and  each  prefecture- 
general  has  from  five  to  ten  prefectures  (or,  as  Europeans 
usually  call  them,  districts)  under  it ; thus  every  province  has 
about  ten  prefectures-general  with  city  residences  of  the  first 
class.  All  orders  from  and  to  the  prefects  have  to  be  con- 
veyed through  the  prefect-general,  who  is  a mere  channel  of 
communication,  and  has  no  original  jurisdiction ; at  the  same 
time  a prefect-general  may  occasionally  have  some  other 
lucrative  office  as  a plurality.  In  addition  to  this,  each  pro- 
vince has  two  or  three  circuit-intendants,  each  with  several 
prefects-general  under  him.  This  intendant,  unlike  the  pre- 
fects-general  and  prefects,  each  of  whom  has  a walled  capital 
of  his  own,  is  a comparatively  modern  excrescence,  and  may 
have  his  residence  in  any  city  or  port,  according  to  what 
special  extra  duty  he  has  to  perform.  Next  above  the 
intendants  come  the  provincial  judge  and  the  provincial 
treasurer.  All  matters  appertaining  to  law  come  from  the 
prefects  (through  the  prefects-general  and  intendants)  for  a 
rehearing  up  to  the  former,  and  all  financial  matters  up  to 
the  latter.  Promotion  business  is  handled  by  the  two  jointly, 
and  practically  it  may  be  said  that  these  two  are  the  under- 
managers or  business-managers  of  each  province.  At  one 
time,  indeed,  the  treasurer  was  the  highest  official  ; but  about 
four  centuries  ago  it  was  the  custom  to  send  eunuchs  “ on 
tour,”  and  these  “ tourist  pacificators  ” — as  they  are  still  called 
— gradually  developed  into  permanent  governors.  Later  on, 
in  order  to  check  the  power  of  the  new  governors,  viceroys  (or, 
more  correctly,  governors-general)  were  appointed  to  act  with, 
but  over,  the  governors. 

Now,  as  stated,  some  provinces  have  a governor  and  no 
viceroy  ; others  a viceroy  but  no  governor  ; others,  again, 
both.  Gradually  a custom  has  grown  up  under  which,  where 
both  exist,  part  of  the  work  is  initiated  by  the  viceroy  and 
part  by  the  governor,  and  each  may  address  the  throne  singly 
in  his  own  sphere.  Thus  at  Canton  the  viceroy  specially 
deals  with  foreign  affairs,  with  naval  and  military  matters  ; 


In  Life , can  Love  be  bought  with  Gold?  233 

at  Nanking  with  the  Salt  Gabelle,  arsenal,  army,  and  navy. 
In  all  provinces  the  governor’s  speciality  is  to  deal  with  local 
administration.  Most  matters  require  joint  action  on  the 
part  of  viceroy  and  governor,  and  in  these  the  two  are  usually 
supposed  to  act  (except  in  special  spheres)  “ on  the  pro- 
position ” of  the  treasurer  and  judge. 

Now  we  have  a clear  course  before  us,  and  can  form  some 
sort  of  an  idea  how  the  race  for  wealth  is  conducted.  We 
have  already  explained  how  the  viceroy  and  governor  are 
appointed  by  the  Emperor,  more  or  less  under  the  influence 
of  the  State  Departments  at  Peking,  according  to  the  character 
of  each  monarch.  Even  if  the  provincial  ruler’s  character  is 
not  perfectly  well  known,  a good  deal  is  found  out  during  his 
progress  from  Peking  to  the  provinces : his  “ appetite  ” is 
gauged  ; his  temper  tested.  According  to  rule,  he  is  obliged 
to  furnish  his  own  palace  ; but  in  practice  the  district  magis- 
trate does  this  vicariously  at  his  own  expense.  Here  comes 
the  first  local  opportunity  of  conciliating  the  great  man  and 
his  crowd  of  followers.  The  first  important  question,  then, 
is,  who  is  going  to  be  master,  the  viceroy  or  the  governor? 
The  celebrated  Ts’en  Yiih-ying  (the  supposed  destroyer  of 
Margary)  was,  even  when  treasurer,  always  master  of  both 
viceroy  and  governor ; when  governor,  he  invariably  overbore 
the  viceroy.  Of  masterful  viceroys  we  have  at  present  Chang 
Chi'-tung  at  Hankow,  before  whom  every  one  must  give  way. 
More  passively  master  is  (i.e.  was)  the  wary  Liu  K’un-yih  at 
Nanking.  But  not  only  must  viceroys  and  governors  either 
work  loyally  together  or  fight  out  the  supremacy  question  ; the 
governor  or  viceroy  is  often  himself  a mere  tool  in  the  hands 
of  his  family  or  of  designing  secretaries.  The  position  of  the 
treasurer  and  judge  is  too  strong  (receiving  as  they  do  their 
opportunities  from  the  Emperor)  for  them  to  care  much  for 
either  viceroy  or  governor,  so  long  as  they  themselves  act 
according  to  law  ; and  as  they  both  have  the  right  to  address 
the  Emperor  direct  if  the  viceroy  or  the  governor  acts  im- 
properly, they  may  be  practically  said  to  be  on  equal  terms 
with  their  superiors.  Hence,  as  these  latter  are  supposed  to 
act  “on  the  proposition  ” of  their  next  subordinates,  it  requires 
du  nez  fin  to  discover  in  any  given  case  whether  the  viceroy 
and  governor  (or  each  singly)  are  to  be  masters  of  the  treasurer 


234 


China:  Past  and  Present 


and  judge,  or  vice  versa.  The  intendant  is  “in  the  running” 
to  be  a judge  ; and  yet,  in  a way,  he  is  only  a sort  of  superior 
prefect-general,  but  without  the  territorial  authority ; hence, 
as  he  has  no  power  to  recommend  the  removal  of  a prefect, 
the  prefect  does  not  fear  him  much,  and  the  prefect-general 
not  at  all.  Both  of  them,  however,  have  to  report  all  matters 
of  importance  to  viceroy-governor,  treasurer-judge,  and  in- 
tendant ; but  the  intendant  reports  only  to  viceroy-governor, 
and  consults  on  equal  terms  with  treasurer-judge.  He  is  what 
the  Chinese  call  a “guest”  official — a sort  of  outsider  with 
supervisory  powers  only ; just  as  a major  in  the  Army  has  a 
kind  of  floating  position  without  any  specific  body  under  his 
own  permanent  command. 

Practically,  therefore,  it  comes  to  this,  other  things  being 
equal,  and  there  being  no  overbearing  talent  on  either  side : 
Prefects  (having,  of  course,  in  the  first  instance,  squared 
Peking,  when  necessary)  must  pay  immediate  court  to  the 
treasurer  and  judge,  if  they  wish  these  officers  to  keep  their 
bare  “ rights  ” before  the  governor ; and  they  must  take  care 
not  to  offend  the  governor  if  they  wish  him  to  recognize  their 
bare  rights.  For  favour  beyond  bare  service  rights  there 
must  be  influence,  great  services,  or  cash.  Ancient  traditions 
have  made  Chinese  high  officials  very  loyal  to  each  other, 
and  consequently  a prefect  who  offends  a viceroy  or  governor, 
in  most  instances  practically  offends  both.  The  prefect  (or 
district  magistrate)  is,  however,  the  ultima  ratio  of  Govern- 
ment at  its  bottom  end.  His  city  is  the  same  as  our 
“county  town.”  His  court  is  that  of  the  first  instance  for  all 
matters  whatsoever.  His  very  name,  hien-kwan,  or  “district- 
ruler,”  is  used  metonymically,  exactly  as  in  India  we  use  the 
term  sirkar , or  “the  Government.”  He  represents  the 
Emperor,  and  is  every  way  an  Imperial  officer.  The  prefect- 
general’s  capital  is  often  also  his  capital ; for  there  is  no  such 
thing  as  a prefect-general’s  city, — apart  from  the  prefect’s 
city  or  the  prefects’  cities  which  form  the  units  of  the  larger 
jurisdiction,  one  or  more  of  which  must  be  at  head-quarters. 
All  cities,  even  Peking,  are  in  the  last  degree  hien , and 
occasionally  the  same  walls  (as  capital  of  a prefecture- 
general)  contain  two  or  even  three  hien  capitals.  Thus,  at 
the  provincial  capital  of  Canton,  the  viceroy  of  two  provinces, 


The  Arid  Quest  of  IVealth  235 

the  governor,  treasurer,  and  judge  of  one  province,  salt  in- 
tendant  for  two  provinces,  prefect-general,  and  two  prefects, 
all  have  their  “palaces,”  or  praetoria,  within  a few  yards  of 
each  other,  not  to  mention  the  Tartar  and  Chinese  military 
authorities,  the  Tartar  Customs,  and  so  on  ; and  the  city  of 
Canton  is  made  up  of  the  two  prefectures  or  magistracies 
of  Namhoi  and  P'unyii,  each  with  its  jurisdiction. 

The  ill-gotten  gains  from  the  land-tax,  which  may  be  put 
down  at  £8,000,000  a year,  in  addition  to  the  £4,000,000 
officially  collected  (half  of  which  last  is  often  short),  divided 
between,  say,  1500  prefects,  or  officials  assimilated  to  such, 
would  leave  from  £4000  to  £6000  for  each  prefect,  wherewith 
to  lubricate  the  machine  above  him.  If  all  his  superiors  are 
honest  (a  very  remote  contingency),  he  soon  makes  a fortune 
for  himself.  If  he  blunders,  some  of  his  gains  must  go 
towards  mollifying  Peking,  or  to  the  local  capital;  or,  in 
short,  to  whoever  can  get  him  off  best.  If  his  superiors  are 
corrupt,  he  must  find  out  which  are  corrupt,  and  get  at  them 
in  the  recognized  way  : either  by  inserting  bank-notes  in  a 
book,  or  by  squaring  the  gatekeepers,  secretaries,  sons,  or 
whoever  it  is  who  keeps  the  books.  The  prefect-general 
cannot  injure  him  so  long  as  he  acts  prudently ; nor  can 
the  intendant : his  policy  with  these  two  is  negative  and 
defensive. 

It  must  be  explained  that  he  himself  has  to  keep  a large 
staff  of  secretaries,  police,  clerks,  etc.,  and  he  has  under  him 
a number  of  sub-prefects  and  assistant  sub-prefects  in  smaller 
towns  or  in  large  markets  and  unwalled  cities  ; each  of  these 
sub-magistrates  has  a “palace”  (a  sort  of  superior  stable)  and 
a small  staff,  but  very  little  power  or  “ squeezing”  opportunity. 
They  do  not  fear  him,  nor  need  they  bribe  him,  as  he  has 
nothing  to  do  with  their  promotion.  Below  the  four  or  five 
sub-officers  and  assistant  officers  come  the  village  headmen, 
who  may  be  described  as  the  finest  of  the  capillaries,  giving 
out  but  minute  doses  of  arterial  government,  and  absorbing 
only  small  drops  of  venous  or  venal  matter.  To  avoid 
responsibility  the  people  usually  elect  a penniless  wretch  as 
“ headman  ” — a sort  of  whipping-boy.  The  first  great  con- 
duit is  the  Men,  or  prefect,  who  is  the  true  backbone  and 
vitalizing  essence  of  the  whole  system  ; and  though  his 


China:  Past  and  Present 


236 

superiors  all  live  on  him,  they  are  all  afraid  of  him  if  he  is 
an  able  man  ; for  a bold,  unscrupulous  hien  can  get  up  a 
popular  riot,  force  the  town  to  “ close  shops,”  and  call  down 
Imperial  vengeance  on  even  viceroys  if  they  fail  to  maintain 
order,  or  if  they  show  too  scandalously  the  cloven  foot  of 
greed.  This  specimen  opening  sentence  of  a proclamation, 
or  despatch,  will  give  an  idea  of  how  Government  works 
practically  in  China: — “ The  prefect  has  received  the  following 
from  the  prefect-general,  through  the  intendant,  addressed 
jointly  by  the  treasurer  and  judge,  who  have  been  honoured 
with  the  directions  of  their  Excellencies  the  Viceroy  and 
Governor,  recipients  of  a despatch  from  the  Foreign  Board, 
setting  forth  a Council  Order,  embodying  the  Emperor’s 
decree,  etc.” 

The  Emperor  perhaps  mentions  a missionary  riot,  brought 
to  the  notice  of  the  Foreign  Board  by  a European  Minister 
acting  on  the  representation  of  a consul,  who  complains  of  the 
prefect’s  conduct.  Each  of  these  authorities  in  turn  directs 
the  lower  one  what  to  do,  and  nothing  ever  is  done  until  it 
reaches  the  hien.  He  then  makes  up  his  story  and  sends 
“ identical  notes  ” to  the  prefect-general  and  all  the  others 
above  him.  The  prefect-general  endorses  the  “ petition  ” in 
stereotyped  or  vigorous  terms,  according  to  his  character, 
and  winds  up  by  saying,  “You  will  at  the  same  time  await 
the  instructions  of  the  treasurer-judge-intendant.”  In  due 
course  he  gets  these  too  (each  officer  acting  after  or  without 
consultation  with  superiors  or  equals),  winding  up,  in  turn, 
“but  you  will  at  the  same  time  await  the  commands  of  their 
Excellencies.”  Here  is  where  the  “ master-hand  ” shows  : 
whichever  excellency  is  a man  of  action  comes  out  squarely 
with  definite  instructions  ; but,  as  an  act  of  courtesy,  adds : 
“Yet  you  will  also  await  the  commands  of  his  Excellency  the 
Viceroy  (or  Governor).”  If  the  one  who  volunteers  to  direct  is 
a good,  capable  man,  which  he  often  is,  the  business  is  settled 
at  once,  and  in  due  course  the  whole  dossier  goes  up  to 
Peking,  and  thence  comes  down  to  the  consul  direct  from  his 
own  superiors  and  “ across  ” from  the  intendant,  who  quotes 
everything  in  full.  It  is  quite  unnecessary  to  read  nine- 
tenths  of  a Chinese  “ despatch  in  reply.”  One  sentence 
nestling  in  the  middle,  between  the  “sends”  and  the 


This  was  a Man 


237 


“ receives,”  contains  the  whole  kernel,  which  is,  “ The  chapel 
will  be  rebuilt,”  or,  oftener,  “ The  whole  story  is  a Christian 
renegade’s  lie.” 

The  Chinese  archives  are  kept  with  wonderful  scrupu- 
losity. Though  in  most  cases  nothing  is  done,  everything  is 
in  perfect  order,  and  can  be  referred  to  at  any  moment  for 
defensive  purposes.  The  moment  an  honest  man,  be  he  low 
or  be  he  high,  attempts  to  disturb  the  even  flow  of  “business  ” 
— i.e.  the  feathering  of  nests  all  round — he  gets  involved  in 
a sea  of  correspondence  and  reports.  Everybody  instructs 
every  one  else  to  “ inquire,”  and  at  the  same  time  to  “ await 
the  orders  of”  another  man.  Meanwhile  (unofficially)  the 
knowing  ones  arrange  what  shall  be  done,  and  the  “ cock  of 
the  walk  ” must  be  found  : everything  depends  upon  the  crow 
of  this  important  biped.  After  all,  it  is  no  worse  than  the 
lobbying  and  bossing  of  Tammany. 

Once  I had  a “big  case”  on  at  the  obscure  prefecture- 
generalship  of  Wenchow.  The  prefect  (district  magistrate) 
was  an  able,  courageous  man,  who  really  “ran”  the  whole 
town.  I knew  this  before  ; but  it  became  painfully  evident 
when  I got  the  prefect,  prefect-general,  intendant,  admiral, 
general,  etc.,  all  into  my  room,  and  found  that  they  were  a 
set  of  timid  individuals  whom  the  prefect  deferentially 
manipulated  as  he  chose.  I was  duly  informed  that  “ their 
Excellencies  the  Viceroy  and  Governor  would  have  to  con- 
sult with  the  treasurer  and  the  judge,  etc.,  etc.”  Forseeing 
months  of  weary  correspondence  and  personal  irritation,  I 
took  the  prefect  aside,  and  said  : “ Look  here  ! Never  mind 
the  Viceroy  and  the  Governor  ! Let  us  arrange  the  whole 
business  ourselves.  You  make  things  right  with  the  Viceroy, 
the  Governor,  the  admiral,  general,  treasurer-judge,  intendant- 
prefect-general,  6tc.,  and  I will  undertake  to  do  the  same 
with  all  the  European  Powers  concerned.”  Every  one  who 
had  an  interest  in  the  question  at  issue  was  delighted  ; the 
intendant,  admiral,  etc.,  fixed  their  seals  readily  to  our  joint 
protocol ; we  arranged  the  whole  business  in  a few  hours  ; 
and  after  six  or  seven  months  quite  a number  of  supreme 
Governments  in  due  course  “ approved  ” the  proceedings 
when  we  had  almost  forgotten  the  fact  of  their  existence  on 
record.  This  is  the  kind  of  hien  who  soon  rises  to  be  a viceroy. 


China : Past  and  Present 


238 

In  the  above  sketch  I have  said  nothing  of  the  salt  revenue, 
which  only  concerns  a limited  number  of  officials  ; nor  of  the 
native  Customs,  grain  tax,  likin,  sale  of  titles,  gambling 
monopolies,  army  “squeezes,”  and  many  other  sources  of 
revenue  which  go  to  swell  the  number  of  official  prizes  and 
qualify  the  above-described  duties  of  this  or  that  official. 
My  intention  has  simply  been  to  bring  out  as  clearly  as 
possible  the  main  fact  that  in  China  the  unit  of  Government 
is  the  hien,  or  prefecture,  each  of  which  is  as  large  as  a French 
department.  The  fu , or  prefecture-general,  is  generally  a 
hundred  English  miles  square ; so  that  the  50,000  or  60,000 
square  miles  taken  up  by  half  a dozen  fu  quite  make  up  the 
area  of  a European  kingdom  as  an  average  for  each  province. 
Eliminating  the  excrescences  and  counter-checks  which  have 
grown  or  been  fathered  from  time  to  time  upon  the  true 
system,  we  find  that  China  is  a huge  body,  the  heart  of  which 
is  at  the  Emperor’s  seat — now  Peking.  His  pulsations, 
carried  through  a score  of  main  arteries  or  provinces  (each 
consisting  of  a composite  organ,  governor-treasurer-judge), 
are  redistributed  in  lesser  doses  by  this  provincial  triune 
entity  to  from  fifty  to  a hundred  city  jurisdictions ; each  of 
which  again  absorbs  its  nutriment  (mere  air)  through  minor 
channels,  carries  it  through  various  intermediary  organs  to 
the  province,  whence  it  goes,  after  undergoing  changes  en 
route , back  to  the  heart  in  the  shape  of  cash.  Some  might 
reverse  the  metaphor,  however,  and  say  that  the  vivifying 
arterial  blood  goes  in  this  instance  to  the  heart,  where  it  is 
corrupted  and  sent  back  for  more  sweetness  and  light. 

The  above  was  written  some  months  before  the  recent 
“revolution”*  in  the  palace  took  place,  concerning  which 
it  may  be  well  to  give  some  historical  explanation.  The 
debauched  Emperor  whose  reign-title  was  Hien-feng,  died  in 
the  year  1861,  leaving  only  one  son,  the  first  official  year  of 
whose  reign  (T‘ung-ch'f)  was  1862.  At  the  time  of  Hien- 
feng’s  death  there  were  four  of  his  younger  brothers  living, 
his  three  elder  brothers  having  died  before  him.  The  fifth 
brother,  Yitsung,  left  the  family  in  1845,  when  he  was  given 
in  adoption  to  a childless  relative  called  the  Prince  of  Tun 

* Of  1898. 


239 


Alas ! what  are  we  Kings  ? 

(second-class) ; he  himself  was  made  a first-class  prince  in 
i860,  and  died  some  twenty  years  ago.  The  sixth  brother 
was  Yihin,  Prince  of  Kung  (first-class),  who  died  this  year.* 
The  seventh  was  Yihwan,  Prince  of  Ch'un  (second-class), 
who  was  subsequently  promoted  to  first-class  rank.  The 
eighth  and  ninth  brothers,  Prince  Chung  and  Prince  Fu,  have 
not  made  much  history. 

The  present  Empress-Dowager  was  a kwei-jen  or  concubine 
of  the  fifth  rank,  belonging  to  the  Nara  or  Nala  clan,  until 
1854,  when  she  was  raised  to  “named”  rank  and  style 
“ Concubine  I.”  ( I-pin ).  On  the  birth  of  Tsaichun  (afterwards 
the  Emperor  T‘ung-chi)  in  1856,  she  was  promoted  to  the 
rank  of  I-fei , or  “ Queen  I.”  ; and  on  the  following  new-year’s 
day  once  more  to  that  of  I-kwei-fei , or  “ Queen-Consort  I.,” 
and  this  was  her  rank  when  the  Emperor,  her  husband,  died 
in  the  autumn  of  1861.  During  the  nominal  reign  of  her  son, 
she  and  her  fellow  but  senior  Queen-Consort  acted  as  Regents, 
each  with  the  title  of  Empress-Dowager,  until  the  sudden  death 
of  T‘ung-chi' in  1874,  without  children.  T‘ung-chi’s  Empress 
was  enceinte  at  the  time,  but  it  was  arranged,  after  a good 
deal  of  family  intrigue,  that  the  above-mentioned  Prince 
Ch'un’s  son  Tsait'ien  should  be  given  in  adoption  to  the 
deceased  Emperor  Hien-feng,  and  thus  succeed  his  cousin  as 
a sort  of  younger  brother  by  adoption. 

Of  course  the  question  arose:  “ If  the  same  generation  is 
to  succeed,  why  not  take  a son  of  the  next  eldest  brother,  the 
Prince  of  Kung?  ” There  were  two  answers  to  this.  First  of 
all,  Prince  Kung’s  sons  were  too  old  ; and,  secondly,  Prince 
Ch’un  had  married  the  sister  of  T'ung-chi’s  mother.  The 
Censor  Wu  K‘o-tuh  pointed  out  the  irregularity  of  these 
arrangements,  foretold  the  fall  of  the  dynasty  therefrom,  and 
committed  suicide.  This  was,  I think,  in  1878,  and  a transla- 
tion of  the  Censor’s  memorial  appears  in  the  Hongkong 
Daily  Press  for  that  year.  Tsait'ien  took  the  reign  style  of 
Kwang-sti,  and  the  senior  Empress-Dowager  died  in  1881.. 
All  the  stories  about  palace  murders,  assassinations,  eunuchs,, 
etc.,  are  largely  guess-work  or  empty  rumour ; if  there  be 
any  truth  in  them,  it  is  kept  a strict  family  secret. 

Hwaitapu,f  whose  name  recently  appeared  in  the  Times,  is. 

* 1898.  t Perished  during  “ Boxer  ” troubles. 


240 


China:  Past  and  Present 


the  eldest  son  oPJweilin,*  Viceroy  of  Canton, who  died  in  1874. 
K'ang  Yu-wei  is  a chu-shi , or  senior  clerk,  at  one  of  the 
Peking  Boards.  Liang  K‘i-ch‘ao,  one  of  the  “reformers” 
executed,  is  a kii-jen  or  graduate,  who,  with  Sun  Kia-nai  and 
others,  took  a prominent  part  in  recent  changes.  The  true 
motives  of  the  recent  “ revolution  ” are  foreshadowed  in  a 
letter  which  appeared  in  the  Times  oi  September  6 last,  and  Li 
Hung-chang’s  supposed  share  in  it  has  been  misunderstood. 


CHAPTER  II 

THE  LIFE  OF  A CHINESE  MANDARIN 

All y amens,  or  official  residences,  are  the  same  in  principle; 
the  only  difference  is  in  the  roominess  and  number  of  the 
buildings,  the  extent  of  the  pleasure-grounds,  and  the  size  of 
the  vacant  space  in  front.  The  largest  I have  ever  seen  are 
those  of  the  Tartar-General  and  the  Governor  of  Canton,  both 
of  which  are  better  than  the  Viceroy’s  ; but  the  greater  part 
of  the  first-named  was  temporarily  ceded  to  the  British  consul 
after  the  war  of  1858-60,  and  I lived  in  it  myself  for  two 
years. 

The  precincts  of  a yamen  are  invariably  walled  round,  and 
the  only  entrance  is  on  the  south  side.  Over  the  gateway  is 
a heavy  tiled  roof,  and  this  tiled  roof  is  supported  in  front  by 
two  strong  poles  resting  on  stones.  The  gates  are  of  wood, 
and  consist  of  three  portions : the  central  portion,  of  two 
leaves,  gaily  painted  with  allegorical  figures,  is  only  used  by 
the  mandarin  himself,  his  equals,  or  his  superiors ; the  two 
side  entrances,  half  the  breadth  of  the  central,  by  servants 
and  officials  of  subordinate  degree.  If  the  yamen  is  a large 
one,  there  are  two  roofed  orchestra  boxes,  one  at  each  side 
of  the  entrance,  and  some  50  or  100  feet  from  it,  outside  ; 
and,  as  the  visitor  enters  in  his  palankeen,  these  orchestra 
boxes  discourse  sweet  music  in  the  shape  of  Chinese  airs  of 
the  squeakiest  description.  If  the  visitor  is  entitled  to  a 
* See  chapter  on  “Jweilin”  in  John  Chi?iaman. 


241 


J ack-in-the-Box 

salute  (never  more,  never  fewer  than  three  “guns  ”),  three  iron 
mortars  are  fired  off  by  a man  with  a long  stick,  just  as  the 
visitor  enters  the  gate.  Military  men  are  supposed  to  go  on 
horseback,  and  in  order  to  keep  up  this  semblance  of  man- 
liness often  have  their  nag  led  behind  the  chair  ; but  roundly 
speaking,  it  may  be  said  that  in  these  degenerate  days  all 
visits  are  made  in  chairs.  I once  paid  a visit  on  foot,  but 
the  “etiquette”  got  so  complicated — all  the  details  being 
based  on  the  assumption  that  you  go  in  a chair — that  I had 
to  give  up  the  innovation  as  impracticable. 

One  would  have  thought  that,  with  so  many  doors,  and  a 
sedan  chair  welcomed  by  guns  and  music,  the  entrance  of  the 
visitor  would  have  been  a simple  matter.  But  no ; with 
Europeans  the  question  is,  or  used  to  be,  often  raised,  whether 
the  middle  door  shall  be  opened  at  all  ; and,  however  care- 
fully the  appointment  may  have  been  made,  the  mandarin  or 
one  of  his  servants  usually  manages  to  keep  the  chair  waiting 
for  a few  minutes,  just  to  “ take  a rise  ” out  of  the  visitor. 
During  this  rnauvais  quart-cT heure,  all  the  boys  and  roughs  in 
the  neighbourhood  congregate  noisily,  and  make  rude  remarks; 
the  chair-bearers,  anxious  to  rest,  support  their  burden  on  two 
groggy  poles,  which  wabble  about  and  threaten  to  collapse 
the  whole  machine.  Meanwhile  the  fiend  behind  the  door 
peeps  through  the  niches  at  the  visitor’s  discomfiture,  and 
affects  to  wait  until  his  master  is  ready  and  gives  the  word. 
At  last  a messenger  in  uniform  runs  down  in  hot  haste,  hold- 
ing the  visitor’s  “ card  ” above  his  head  as  a mark  of  respect, 
and  amid  shouts,  guns  (and  derisive  cheers,  if  the  guest  is  a 
foreigner),  the  chair  is  carried  through  the  first  two  courts  into 
the  third,  where  the  mandarin,  surrounded  by  his  servants,  stands 
with  his  joined  hands  before  his  face  in  a deferential  position. 

But  before  describing  the  interview,  we  must  return  to  the 
subject  of  chairs.  For  viceroys,  governors,  and  other  high 
civilians,  down  to  the  rank  of  taotai,  the  colour  is  green,  and 
the  bearers  from  four  to  eight,  according  to  rank.  Military 
officials,  except  those  of  the  very  highest  rank,  and  lower 
civilians,  ride  in  blue  chairs,  and  may  have  fewer  than  four 
bearers  ; but  every  man  paying  official  visits  has  a chair  of 
some  sort,  even  if  it  be  only  a mat-box  on  bamboo  poles, 
carried  by  two  ragged  coolies. 


R 


242 


China:  Past  and  Present 


The  rag,  tag,  and  bobtail  suite,  which  must  by  law  follow 
a mandarin’s  cortege , is  very  much  to  the  distaste  of  foreigners, 
who  accordingly  move  about  in  most  undignified  simplicity, 
from  the  Chinese  point  of  view.  But  as  nothing  in  China  is 
ever  done  properly,  and  as,  even  if  it  could  be,  the  servants 
would  pocket  the  money  appropriated  to  the  suite,  the  usual 
result  is  that  a number  of  beggars  or  street  ruffians  are  hired 
for  the  day  or  “ course  ” at  a few  pence  each  ; they  are  then 
rigged  up  with  strips  of  stuff,  or  coloured  paper,  over  their 
rags,  made  to  don  the  tall  hat,  particularly  affected  by  lictors, 
and  off  they  go.  The  smallest  mandarins  content  themselves 
with  a red  umbrella  and  a couple  of  servants  ; there  is  a great 
range  between  this  modest  display  and  that  of  a viceroy, 
which  is  headed  by  two  gong-bearers,  and  brought  up  by  a 
motley  crowd  of  banner-carriers,  title-bearers,  state  umbrellas, 
mounted  guards,  changes  of  raiment,  regalia-bearers,  more 
gongs,  fans,  executioners,  tall-hat  lictors,  bludgeons,  basti- 
nadoes, incense,  road-clearers  with  whips,  foot-guards — all  the 
above  in  front ; with  eight  soldiers  and  four  servants  to  bring 
up  the  rear. 

However,  let  us  suppose  that  all  difficulties  about  followers 
and  chairs  have  been  surmounted,  and  that  the  visitor  has  got 
safely  through  the  first  courts,  where  are  the  various  offices 
and  servants’  quarters,  up  to  the  third,  where  the  mandarin 
stands  awaiting  his  guest.  Very  few  words  are  exchanged. 
With  a profusion  of  bows  and  protests,  the  visitor  is  gradually 
edged  along  to  one  of  the  reception-rooms,  both  host  and 
guest  meanwhile  assuming  an  uneasy  attitude  of  deference 
and  expectancy,  as  though  anxious  not  to  take  the  first  step 
at  the  cost  of  the  other.  Despite  his  own  protests,  the  guest 
suffers  himself  to  cross  the  threshold  first  ; and  if  his  position 
is  one  of  equality,  or,  what  amounts  to  much  the  same  thing, 
if  he  is  on  a footing  of  guest  and  host,  as  distinguished  from 
that  of  superior  and  subordinate,  he  approaches  a kind  of 
square  divan,  at  the  north  side  of  the  room,  facing  the  door, 
which  is  always  south.  This  divan,  which  is  called  a k‘ang, 
and  is  artificially  heated  from  within  when  the  weather  is 
cold,  has  just  enough  room  upon  it  for  two  persons  to  sit 
down  comfortably,  with  a dwarf  table  between  them.  The 
table  has  no  cloth,  and  the  straw  cushions  for  the  seats  are 


243 


Speed  the  Parting  Guest 

always  covered  with  red  baize.  The  servants  at  once  place 
a covered  cup  of  tea,  standing  in  a pewter  saucer,  before  guest 
and  host,  and  the  host  rises  to  touch  the  guest’s  cup,  so  as  to 
see  that  the  cover  is  well  on,  and  the  tea  actually  brewing. 
Whilst  he  strokes  the  liquid  tenderly  with  the  cover,  the  guest 
protests  vigorously  that  the  honour  is  too  great  for  him  to 
bear,  and  rushes  incontinently  over  to  stroke  the  host’s  tea 
in  the  same  way.  It  is  not  intended  that  this  tea  should  be 
drunk  ; in  fact,  unless  the  day  is  very  warm,  and  the  inter- 
view long  (and  even  in  this  case  either  the  guest  or  the  host 
must  ask  special  permission  to  “ waive  ceremony  ”),  it  is  an 
act  of  ill-breeding  to  taste  the  tea.  If  the  interview  lasts 
more  than  a quarter  of  an  hour,  the  attendants  take  the  tea 
away,  and  substitute  fresh  cups  ; and  when  the  guest  is  ready 
to  go,  he  raises  both  cup  and  saucer  respectfully  with  both 
hands,  bows  towards  the  host,  who  does  the  same,  and  takes 
his  departure.  If  the  guest  shows  signs  of  being  a bore,  and 
if  the  host’s  rank  is  such  that  a broad  hint  may  be  given 
without  offence,  the  host  will  drink  tea  first,  which  means 
that  he  expects  the  guest  to  go.  All  official  visits,  whether 
between  foreigners  and  Chinese,  or  between  Chinese  them- 
selves, involve  full  official  costume.  As  the  climate  is  hot  in 
summer,  and  the  European  uniform  is  liable  to  get  out  of 
order,  besides  being  uncomfortable,  foreigners  are  apt  to  be 
a little  lax,  the  more  especially  as  the  Chinese  are  often 
unable  to  distinguish  between  half  dress  and  full  dress,  or 
even  between  private  clothes  and  official  costume : but 
amongst  themselves  they  are  very  punctilious  and  strict. 
Mandarins  of  all  ranks  are  usually  richly  clad,  and  even  the 
poorest  are  “correct,”  though  circumstances  may  sometimes 
compel  them  to  be  3 little  shabby. 

But  let  us  leave  for  a moment  this  special  point  of  visit- 
paying, the  details  of  which  may  become  wearisome,  and 
proceed  to  take  the  daily  life  of  an  average  mandarin  from 
the  moment  he  rises  to  the  instant  of  his  retiring  to  rest. 
The  private  living-rooms  of  a Chinese  official,  in  regular 
employ,  are  invariably  in  the  last  or  hindmost  court  or  courts 
of  the  yam$n.  If  he  is  a viceroy  or  other  exalted  official,  he 
may  have  two  or  three  courts  and  a garden  ; but  in  most 
cases  the  “ harem  ” consists  of  a fairly  well-kept  courtyard 


244 


China:  Past  and  Present 


surrounded  with  from  four  to  a dozen  sets  of  apartments. 
Into  this  private  enclosure  none  of  the  official  servants, 
writers,  clerks,  etc.,  ever  enter,  and  the  door  is  always  in 
charge  of  what  the  Chinese  call  a “ family  man,”  i.e.  either  a 
confidential  hereditary  servant,  or  a slave,  or  a poor  relation. 
In  order  to  prevent  the  misuse  of  their  official  seal,  it  is  the 
practice  with  many  mandarins  to  leave  it  in  the  care  of  their 
mother  or  their  chief  concubine  ; and  when  it  is  necessary  to 
apply  it  in  the  absence  of  the  master,  the  secretary  obtains 
what  he  wants  through  the  agency  of  the  “ family  man.”  No 
civil  mandarin  can  serve  in  his  own  province,  and  it  con- 
sequently results  that  every  Chinese  official  is  a “ foreigner,” 
in  most  cases  even  requiring  an  interpreter  in  his  dealings 
with  the  local  people.  There  is  only  one  legitimate  wife, 
and  it  is  almost  invariably  the  practice  of  those  who  can 
afford  it  to  leave  her  at  the  ancestral  home  to  look  after 
family  interests  ; a wife  of  the  second  class  usually  follows 
the  mandarin  to  his  official  post,  and  to  all  intents  and 
purposes  she  takes  the  position  of  legitimate  wife.  In  fact, 
after  the  death  of  the  latter  she  steps  into  her  shoes : the 
present  Empress-Dowager  began  her  career  as  a handmaid 
in  this  way.  It  is  the  practice  of  Europeans  to  call  these 
second-class  wives  “ concubines  ; ” but  this  is  scarcely  correct, 
for  all  sons  are  equally  legitimate,  and  the  difference  in 
wifely  rank  lies  more  in  form  than  in  substance.  The  first 
or  legitimate  wife  is  married  with  full  ceremony,  as  in  the 
Roman  confarreatio ; the  others  usually  by  coemptio , or 
purchase.  If  a mandarin  has — and  he  usually  has — more 
than  one  wife  living  with  him,  each  one  is  provided  with  a 
separate  suite  of  apartments,  and  if  (which  is  considered  very 
good  form)  he  has  his  mother  or  his  grandmother  living  with 
him  too,  naturally  each  of  these  venerable  ladies  has  her  own 
apartment,  and  her  private  bevy  of  “slaveys.”  Of  course,  if 
the  grandmother  were  there  she  would  “rule  the  roast,"  and  all 
the  others  would  have  to  pay  their  respects  twice  a day  ; if  the 
mother  were  the  senior  present,  or  if  the  legitimate  wife  should 
happen  to  be  there,  each  of  these  would  in  order  of  rank 
occupy  the  post  of  honour  belonging  first  of  all  to  the  grand- 
mother. A man’s  wife  has  no  rights  except  subject  to  those 
of  his  mother,  and  a man’s  concubine  has  no  rights  except 


245 


“ Ragging ” in  China 

subject  to  those  of  his  wife.  No  matter  who  is  their  real 
mother,  all  the  sons  have  to  regard  the  first  wife  as  their  legal 
parent,  and  they  mourn  at  her  death  three  times  longer  than 
for  their  natural  mother.  This  is  the  theory  ; but  of  course 
Chinamen  are,  like  the  rest  of  us,  human,  and  the  question 
of  personal  ascendency  may  always  come  to  the  fore  in 
unexpected  ways. 

When  the  mandarin  first  opens  his  eyes  in  the  morning,  it 
is  in  the  apartment  of  one  of  his  wives.  A Chinese  always 
sleeps  with  his  clothes  on — that  is,  he  removes  only  the  outer 
garments  ; and  having  undone  the  waist-band,  anklets,  collar, 
and  so  on,  retires  to  rest  in  his  linen.  The  first  thing  is  to 
clean  his  teeth,  which  is  usually  a long  and  noisy  operation. 
In  order  to  do  this,  he  takes  a large  mug,  a silver  tongue- 
scraper,  a brush,  and  often  a bit  of  willow  twig,  and  goes  out 
into  the  courtyard  to  complete  this  part  of  his  toilet.  The 
lavatory  arrangements,  even  in  the  case  of  a viceroy,  are  of 
the  simplest  description  ; a small  copper  or  brass  basin  rests 
upon  a primitive  stand  like  a folding  chair,  and  whilst  the 
master  is  spluttering  and  coughing  in  the  courtyard,  one  of 
the  “ slaveys  ” or  handmaids  (who  sleep  coiled  up  in  various 
holes  and  corners  under  the  beds,  in  the  kitchens,  passages, 
and  outhouses)  has  already  filled  the  copper  basin  with  warm 
water  and  brought  “ the  rag.”  Often  and  often  have  I 
enjoyed  the  luxury  of  the  “hotel  rag  ” in  Chinese  inns.  This 
rag  is  a purely  Chinese  institution,  and  consists  of  an  old 
dish-cloth  dipped  in  boiling  water.  It  is  the  exception  to 
use  soap,  but  occasionally  a native  preparation  from  tea-oil 
or  a piece  of  pumice-stone  is  used.  The  mandarin  rubs  his 
head,  face,  neck,  and  hands  with  the  family  rag,  ties  his 
drawers  at  the  ankles,  hitches  himself  up  generally,  puts  on 
a pair  of  silk  leggings  and  a long  robe,  and  his  undress  toilet 
is  complete.  The  next  thing  is  the  tea  and  “ piece  of  heart.” 
Whilst  the  handmaids  are  scurrying  about  getting  all  these 
things  ready  for  their  master  and  mistresses,  the  mandarin 
gets  hold  of  his  copper-headed  pipe  and  has  a whiff  or  two 
of  tobacco ; if  he  is  energetic,  he  himself  lights  up  with  a 
paper  spill  or  an  incense  stick,  but  more  commonly  a little 
girl  stands  by  to  perform  this  duty  too.  Now  comes  the  tea 
and  the  “ piece  of  heart,”  consisting  of  barley  cakes,  “ oil  ” or 


246  China:  Past  and  Present 

sponge  cakes,  sesame  rolls,  or  sweet  biscuits  of  some  kind. 
After  that  he  has  another  smoke,  and  meanwhile  sends  out 
word  by  his  “ family  man  ” to  get  the  sedan  chair  ready.  All 
Chinese  are  early  risers,  and  visits  are  invariably  paid  in  the 
early  part  of  the  day,  sometimes  even  before  daylight.  Of 
course,  in  the  case  of  opium-smokers  things  are  thrown  out 
of  gear  generally,  and  the  chief  civil  official  in  each  town  can 
set  what  rule  he  likes  ; but  we  are  here  only  dealing  with 
average  mandarins.  The  official  saunters  out  of  the  hindmost 
court  with  his  pipe  in  his  mouth,  and  proceeds  to  interview 
his  secretaries,  most  of  whom  are  already  at  work  in  their 
respective  offices.  These  secretaries  are  always  well  paid, 
and  practically  “run  thz  yamen”  There  are  always  at  least 
six  administrative  divisions  in  a busy  city  yamen , and  some- 
times even  more.  There  is  the  tax-collecting  secretary,  the 
punishment  secretary — these  two  are  the  ^ost  important  ; 
the  private-letter  secretary,  despatch  secretary,  works  secre- 
tary, law  secretary,  and  so  on.  These  men  throughout 
China  belong  to  an  hereditary  order,  and  mostly  hail  from 
Cheh  Kiang  province.  They  keep  as  secret  as  possible  the 
forms  of  correspondence,  the  inner  wheels  of  the  accounts, 
and  the  bribery  ledgers,  and  form  such  a powerful  combina- 
tion that  it  is  almost  hopeless  for  a mandarin  of  merely 
average  ability  to  work  except  under  their  guidance.  If  he 
is  a sensible  man,  he  at  once  falls  in  with  “ olo  custom,”  and 
shares  the  plunder  in  good  honest  style.  But  it  must  here 
be  mentioned  that  most  mandarins  at  the  outset  of  their 
career  are  in  charge  of  a “ belly-band.”  This  belly-band  is 
a usurious  individual  from  Peking  (though  by  no  means 
always  a Pekingese),  who  furnishes  the  wherewithal  to 
purchase  an  outfit,  make  official  presents,  and  defray  the 
cost  of  proceeding  to  the  first  post  in  the  provinces.  Of 
course,  if  there  are  many  grandmothers,  mothers,  and  wives 
in  the  cavalcade,  this  becomes  a serious  matter ; but  the 
Chinese,  and  especially  the  Manchus,  take  an  hilarious  view 
of  life,  and  set  out  with  a light  heart  from  Peking,  bag  and 
baggage,  firmly  resolved  to  make  their  pile  in  any  way  they 
can.  The  secretaries  therefore  have  to  reckon  with  the  belly- 
band  as  well  as  with  the  mandarin,  and  as  twenty  per  cent, 
is  the  very  lowest  interest  a man  can  expect  to  pay  in  China, 


Give  me  my  Bond  247 

the  unfortunate  mandarin  often  has  a hard  fight  of  it  before 
he  can  get  his  head  well  above  water.  Moreover,  if  his  father 
or  mother  or  either  of  their  parents  dies,  he  has  to  retire 
immediately  into  private  life  for  three  years  ; hence  perhaps 
the  custom  of  tending  grandmothers  so  carefully  under  one’s 
own  eye. 

Let  us  suppose,  however,  that  the  old  ladies  are  in  good 
health,  the  belly-band  paid  off,  and  affairs  generally  in  a 
smiling  condition.  The  mandarin  carefully  examines  the 
accounts  of  the  tax-collecting  secretary,  and  (though  this 
last  is  a much  darker  and  mysterious  business)  the  punish- 
ment secretary ; this  functionary,  it  must  be  explained, 
issues  the  warrants,  receives  informations  (often  against 
rich  persons),  billets  policemen  upon  persons  of  suspicious 
character  (seldom  very  poor),  etc.,  etc.  The  mandarin 
exchanges  pipes,  snuff,  and  compliments  with  his  henchmen, 
allows  his  family  men  to  robe  him,  and  sallies  forth  in  his 
palankeen  to  pay  official  visits  ; in  the  case  of  city  governors, 
not  a single  day  passes  but  what  a morning  visit  must  be 
paid  to  the  prefect,  intendant,  judge,  treasurer,  provincial 
governor,  or  viceroy,  but  as  often  as  not  the  superior  “ blocks 
the  chariot,”  i.e.,  declines  to  receive  the  proffered  visit.  This, 
of  course,  is  only  in  the  provincial  capitals.  The  fewer 
mandarins  there  are  in  a town,  the  more  otiose  does  official 
life  become,  until  (as  I have  often  seen)  in  a remote  country 
district  we  find  perhaps  only  a city  governor  and  a petty 
military  commandant,  both  smoking  opium  all  night  and 
sleeping  all  day ; never  seeing  any  one  but  their  relatives  and 
concubines ; and  simply  vegetating  in  slothful  indolence, 
leaving  everything  to  their  secretaries,  police,  and  family 
men,  until  the  time  shall  arrive  to  retire  with  a fortune. 

The  round  of  official  visits  often  lasts  several  hours.  Our 
mandarin  has  to  conciliate  the  secretaries,  police,  and  family 
men  of  each  superior,  as  well  as  the  superiors  themselves ; but 
it  as  often  as  not  happens  that  a city  governor  of  character 
will  boldly  take  his  superiors  in  hand  and  “ run  ” the  whole 
lot  of  them  ; for  in  China  a weak  big  man  is  often  as  afraid 
of  an  energetic  small  man  as  a corrupt  small  man  is  of  an 
honest  big  one.  The  peculiar  official  life  I have  above 
described  is,  therefore,  greatly  complicated  and  varied  by 


248  China:  Past  and  Present 

the  personal  idiosyncrasies  of  each  individual.  It  is  by  no 
means  unusual  in  China  for  a mandarin  to  be  honest ; an 
honest  viceroy  may  work  wonders  in  a very  few  years,  but 
an  honest  small  man  runs  greater  risks  ; for,  though  all  his 
superiors  are  obliged  to  pretend  to  approve  him — especially 
if  the  people  have  declared  themselves  in  his  favour — half  of 
them  are  secretly  longing  for  an  opportunity  to  “smash” 
him  ; and,  unless  he  is  very  wary,  he  is  apt  to  be  charged  with 
lunacy,  eccentricity,  or  “ordinariness  of  character.” 

Well,  after  his  round  of  visits,  back  comes  the  mandarin, 
flags  flying,  gongs  beating,  hungry  and  exhausted,  to  his 
yamen.  The  first  thing  he  does  after  getting  out  of  his  chair 
is  to  pay  his  respects  to  his  grandmother  or  his  mother.  The 
old  ladies  order  up  a bevy  of  girls,  gruel  is  served,  a few 
compliments  exchanged,  the  official  clothes  are  carefully 
removed  and  placed  in  boxes,  the  mandarin  calls  for  his 
pipe,  and  preparations  are  made  for  dinner.  Men  almost 
always  eat  alone,  and  in  any  case  it  is  not  respectful  for 
either  a wife  or  a son  to  sit  and  eat  in  the  master’s  presence. 
Though  mandarins  occasionally  give  expensive  “feeds,”  in 
which  birds’-nests,  sharks’-fins,  sea-slugs,  and  other  luxuries 
take  a prominent  part,  still  in  their  private  life  they  are 
usually  very  simple.  Even  a viceroy  will  occasionally  squat 
on  his  heels  with  a plain  bowl  of  rice  in  his  hand,  and  shovel 
it  down  with  chopsticks  like  a common  coolie.  The  usual 
course,  however,  is  for  the  meal  to  be  served  in  the  “library” 
— so  called  from  having  no  books  in  it — or  other  vacant 
apartment  in  the  private  court.  There  is  never  a regular 
“ set  ” repast — no  knives,  spoons,  or  forks ; no  tablecloth, 
cruet-stand,  mustard,  pepper,  salt,  bread,  or  napkin.  A large 
bowl  of  hot  rice  is  set  down  on  a tea-poy  or  book-shelf, 
another  bowl  containing  soup  or  rice-water,  with  perhaps  a 
pigeon’s  egg  floating  in  it,  and  a couple  of  small  saucers 
holding  an  ounce  or  two  of  pork,  sour  cabbage,  salt  duck, 
smoked  ham,  shrimps,  etc.,  are  placed  near ; the  mandarin, 
placing  a tiny  morsel  of  tasty  stuff  on  the  end  of  his  tongue 
to  encourage  the  rice  down  and  give  it  a zest,  proceeds 
solemnly  to  shovel  away.  Occasionally  he  may  take  a glass 
or  two  of  wine,  or  rather  rice  spirit,  always  served  hot,  but 
half  a dozen  of  these  would  scarcely  amount  in  bulk  to  a 


Justice  is  Lame  as  well  as  Blind  249 

single  glass  of  our  sherry.  The  meal  usually  winds  up  with 
a long  pull  at  the  soup  or  rice-water ; then  a few  cups  of  tea, 
and  a pipe  or  two,  and  finally  a snooze,  either  in  the  library 
or  in  one  of  the  concubines’  rooms. 

At  2 or  3 p.m.  the  mandarin  shakes  himself  up  again,  and, 
if  business  is  so  moderate  that  he  can  afford  to  postpone  the 
hearing  of  cases  thus  late,  he  robes  himself  and  proceeds  to 
the  second  or  third  court  to  sit  as  judge.  Of  course,  in  a 
busy  city  the  mandarin  has  to  hurry  over  his  midday  meal 
and  go  without  a snooze  ; as  I said  before,  it  all  depends 
upon  how  many  superiors  there  are  “knocking  around.” 
The  “ court  ” is  literally  a court ; that  is  to  say,  it  is  a 
courtyard  partly  or  entirely  roofed  in.  The  paraphernalia  of 
justice  consist,  first,  of  a large  table,  perhaps  ten  feet  by  three, 
covered  with  a red  cloth,  or  painted  red : on  this  table  are 
set  black  and  red  ink-slabs,  brushes,  and  the  other  usual 
writing  materials,  besides  a sort  of  hammer,  with  which  the 
mandarin  occasionally  knocks  on  the  table.  Behind  are 
what  look  like  “ stands  of  arms  ; ” and  indeed  they  are — they 
are  stands  containing  spears,  hatchets,  and  other  strange 
objects  usually  carried  by  lictors.  Every  one  addressing  the 
court,  be  he  plaintiff,  defendant,  or  witness,  must  kneel ; the 
only  exceptions  are  official  personages  or  those  holding 
titular  rank.  There  is  no  limit  to  the  city  magistrate’s 
jurisdiction;  it  extends  over  all  matters — civil,  criminal, 
political,  social,  religious.  In  all  cases  sentence  of  death  is 
pronounced  by  the  city  magistrate  before  the  matter  is  taken 
to  a higher  court.  The  mode  of  procedure  is,  from  our  point 
of  view,  decidedly  undignified.  The  magistrate  speaks  in  a 
loud,  impatient  voice,  abuses  the  accused,  asks  unfair  and 
leading  questions,  goes  into  matters  irrelevant  to  the  issue, 
takes  cognizance  of  hearsay,  and,  in  short,  outrages  every 
sentiment  of  fairness  and  impartiality.  It  is  beneath  the 
dignity  of  a mandarin  to  speak  publicly  in  any  but  one  form 
or  the  other  of  the  so-called  “ mandarin  dialects.”  Hence, 
in  order  to  maintain  his  position,  an  official  will  go  through 
the  form  of  having  an  interpreter  for  a language — sometimes 
almost  his  native  tongue — he  understands  perfectly  well.  On 
one  occasion  I sat  as  assessor  to  a Manchu  mandarin  who 
spoke  Cantonese  perfectly.  The  witnesses  were  mostly 


250 


China:  Past  and  Present 


Cantonese,  but  the  mandarin  roared  out  his  questions  in 
Pekingese ; they  were  interpreted  in  a corrupt  southern 
mandarin  dialect,  through  which  medium,  again,  the 
Cantonese  answers  were  returned.  Things  went  on  so 
unsatisfactorily  that  I at  last  conducted  the  examination 
myself  in  Cantonese,  and,  although  the  mandarin  understood 
every  word  that  was  said,  explained  it  to  him  in  Pekingese. 
It  need  hardly  be  hinted  that,  what  with  secretaries,  inter- 
preters, taking  down  written  depositions,  and  total  absence 
of  rules  of  evidence,  the  chance  of  obtaining  justice  is 
infinitely  small  where  bribery  is  at  work.  An  attempt  to 
administer  rough  justice  is,  however,  as  often  the  rule  as  the 
exception.  There  is  also  another  safeguard.  The  Chinese, 
if  unscrupulous,  are  easy-going,  and  dislike  pushing  things 
too  far.  Thus,  if  a gaoler  finds  he  really  cannot  squeeze  any 
more  money  out  of  a prisoner,  he  usually  treats  him  with 
reasonable  humanity  ; if  a “ warrant-holder  ” has  been  billeted 
upon  a family  and  sees  clearly  that  he  has  ruined  them,  he 
generally  leaves  them  enough  to  recommence  in  life.  In  the 
same  way  the  “ family  men  ” and  gatekeepers,  through  whom 
the  bribes  commonly  pass,  endeavour  not  to  kill  entirely  the 
goose  with  the  golden  eggs.  Unless  political  malignity  or 
private  spite  is  aroused,  everybody  manages  to  square 
everybody  else,  and  things  jog  along  pretty  well.  Still,  the 
yamens  have  such  a villainous  reputation,  that  most  respect- 
able people  prefer  to  carry  their  disputes  before  a family 
or  village  tribunal ; and,  if  these  agree,  the  law  takes  no 
cognizance  of  any  crime  whatever,  except  treason  against 
the  State.  In  fact,  the  policy  of  the  Government  was 
cynically  declared  sixty  years  ago  by  the  Emperor  Tao-kwang, 
who  said : “ I wish  my  people  to  dread  the  inside  of  my 
yamens  as  much  as  possible,  so  that  they  may  learn  to  settle 
their  quarrels  amongst  themselves.” 

Most  mandarins  pass  the  whole  of  their  lives  without  taking 
a single  yard  of  exercise.  One  of  the  late  Nanking  viceroys 
(father  of  the  Marquis  Tseng)  was  considered  a remarkable 
character  because  he  always  walked  “ 1000  steps  a day”  in 
his  private  garden.  Under  no  circumstances  whatever  is  a 
mandarin  ever  seen  on  foot  in  his  own  jurisdiction.  Oc- 
casionally a popular  judge  will  try  to  earn  a reputation  by 


All  the  Men  and  Women  merely  Players  251 

going  out  incognito  at  night ; but  even  then  he  takes  a 
strong  guard  with  him,  and  (as  happened  when  I was  at 
Canton)  gets  his  head  broken  if  he  attempts  to  pry  too 
closely  into  abuses.  As  the  police  and  the  thieves  are  usually 
co-partners  in  one  concern,  it  naturally  follows  that  caution 
must  be  used  in  attacking  gaming-houses  which  have  bribed 
themselves  into  quasi-legality.  A mandarin’s  leisure,  which 
may  be  said  to  begin  at  5 p.m.  and  continue  till  9,  is  spent 
in  one  or  other  of  the  following  ways.  Either  he  reads 
poetry  by  himself,  or  he  sends  for  his  secretaries  to  drink 
wine,  crack  melon-seeds,  and  compose  poetry  with  him  ; or 
he  may  shoot  off  a few  arrows  at  a target  in  his  garden  ; or 
(and  this  is  commonest)  he  may  invite  the  rich  merchants 
to  a “ feed  ” in  his  yamen , or  accept  invitations  from  them. 
But  this  is  rather  dangerous  work,  for  there  is  a sort  of 
unwritten  law  against  mandarins  leaving  their  own  yamens, 
except  on  official  business  bent ; on  the  other  hand,  merchants 
of  high  standing  steer  clear  of  the  local  mandarin  unless  (as 
happened  when  I was  at  Kewkiang)  he  happens  to  be  a 
compatriot  of  theirs.  On  his  grandmother’s,  mother’s,  and 
wife’s  birthdays  the  mandarin  receives  congratulations  and 
presents : of  course  on  his  own  too.  On  these  festive 
occasions  he  may  give  a play.  In  China,  theatrical  entertain- 
ments are  commonly  hired  privately,  though  as  often  as  not 
the  “ man  in  the  street  ” is  admitted  gratis.  But  even  here 
caution  is  required  ; for  many  days  in  the  year  are  nefasti, 
on  account  of  emperors  having  died  on  those  anniversaries ; 
and  it  goes  very  hard  with  a mandarin  if  he  is  caught  “ having 
music  ” on  a dies  non. 

Chinese — always  supposing  they  are  not  opium-smokers, 
invalids,  or  debauchees — retire  to  rest  as  early,  compared 
with  ourselves,  as  they  rise.  In  most  Chinese  towns  every- 
thing is  quiet  after  sunset,  and  by  seven  or  eight  o’clock 
every  one  is  either  in  bed  or  is  simply  crooning  away  the 
time  until  sleep  comes  on.  Notwithstanding  the  recent 
introduction  of  kerosene  lamps  (forbidden  in  many  large 
towns),  the  usual  light  is  the  common  dip  or  the  rush.  Even 
supposing  the  mandarin  were  studiously  inclined,  and  not 
worn  out  with  the  fatigues  of  the  day,  his  eyesight  would 
soon  give  way  if  he  attempted  to  read  regularly  by  such 


252 


China:  Past  and  Present 


wretched  illuminants  as  these.  Dinners  and  feasts  cannot 
take  place  every  day,  so  what  happens  on  nine  evenings  out 
of  ten  is  this  : When  the  correspondence  of  the  day  has  been 
read,  drafted,  archived,  sealed,  or  despatched ; when  the 
secretaries  have  struck  their  balances  and  exhibited  the 
profits  on  the  day ; when  the  business  of  the  judgment-seat 
is  at  an  end  ; the  mandarin  gets  out  of  his  robes,  hat,  collar, 
boots,  chaplet,  and  feathers,  into  an  easy  costume,  in  which 
he  looks  just  like  the  ordinary,  frowsy,  greasy  tradesman  ; 
lights  his  pipe,  and  retires  to  the  harem.  After  performing 
the  proper  obeisances  to  his  grandmother  or  mother,  he  may 
take  a platonic  cup  of  tea  or  gruel  with  his  wife,  after  which 
he  selects  the  apartment  of  one  of  his  concubines.  He  will 
even  take  his  evening  meal  in  her  room,  smoke  a few  pipes 
with  her  (for  nearly  all  women  smoke  in  China),  and  perhaps 
play  a game  or  two  at  cards.  The  etiquette  of  these  apart- 
ments is  very  strict,  and  there  is  no  chance  of  a rival  wife,  a 
mother,  or  a grandmother  bursting  in  at  unseemly  hours. 
As  a matter  of  fact,  the  “ slaveys  ” keep  each  of  the  women 
well  informed  as  to  what  the  others  are  doing,  and  what 
the  master  is  doing ; but  it  is  as  much  as  their  lives  are  worth 
to  be  indiscreet ; besides,  if  recommended  by  a mother  or 
wife,  each  “ slavey  ” has  a chance  of  becoming  a concubine 
herself  in  due  time ; and  thus  it  is  that,  on  the  whole,  harem 
life  in  China  is  pretty  harmonious.  A military  mandarin  of 
my  acquaintance  at  Kiungchow  was  exceedingly  com- 
municative about  his  interior  arrangements.  He  had  seven 
wives,  the  chief  of  which  was  the  legitimate  one,  and  “ ran  ” 
the  whole  yanien,  including  her  husband  and  his  regiment. 

I never  saw  her,  but  we  were  great  official  friends,  and  I 
used  to  send  her  presents  of  all  kinds  in  order  to  secure  her 
good-will.  She  kept  the  seal  in  her  possession,  bargained  for 
the  coal  for  the  gunboats,  arranged  official  matters  with  me 
in  his  absence,  and  generally  made  herself  useful,  and  a credit 
to  her  sex.  The  inner  life  of  her  yam£n,  besides  being  freely 
communicated  to  me  by  her  husband,  used  to  filter  through 
her  servants  to  my  servants  ; and  at  last,  in  one  way  or 
another,  come  round  to  me.  Thus  it  is  that  my  opportunities 
of  knowing  the  mysteries  of  Chinese  harem  life  have  been 
slightly  above  the  average. 


Oh , breathe  not  his  Name! 


253 


CHAPTER  III 

WHAT’S  IN  a (CHINESE)  NAME? 

This  question  cannot  be  so  summarily  disposed  of  in  the 
Far  East  as  it  is  in  most  parts  of  Europe,  where  John  the 
Smith,  Alexander  Nicolaivitch,  and  such-like  appellations  at 
once  tell  their  own  tale.  In  China,  in  names  as  in  other 
matters,  our  ideas  have  to  change  their  bearings ; and  just  as 
we  are  astonished  at  the  absolutely  unanswerable  discovery 
that  the  compass  there  is  considered  to  point  to  the  South, 
so  we  cannot  possibly  see  any  just  cause  or  impediment  why 
a man’s  surname  should  not  in  China  come  before  his 
“ Christian  ” name.  And  here  we  are  at  the  outset  plunged 
into  a conflict  of  words.  In  French  the  word  surnont  has 
not  quite  the  application  we  give  to  it ; it  means,  like  “ Simon 
surnamed  Peter,”  a “superadded  name,”  either  to  the  nom  de 
fainille  or  the  now  de  bapteme ; whereas  in  English  it  is  evident 
that  the  surname,  or  superadded  name  to  the  Christian  name, 
connotes  the  superior  antiquity  of  the  latter.  If  we  run  our 
eyes  down  the  columns  of  a directory,  we  shall  notice  long 
lists  of  Smiths  and  Joneses,  followed  by  the  personal  names 
of  each  individual  Smith  or  Jones.  This  is,  in  fact,  the  only 
rational  way  of  arranging  them,  and  it  is  the  Chinese  way, 
both  for  grouping  and  for  singular  purposes.  Thus,  Li  Hung- 
chang  means  “of  the  Li  surname,  the  Vastly  Manifest.”  At 
first  sight  this  may  seem  to  us  rather  a clumsy  way  of  indica- 
ting his  Excellency,  who,  however,  it  must  be  admitted,  was 
certainly  vastly  manifest  when  he  was  in  Europe  ; but  if  we 
examine  Chinese  personal  names  more  closely,  we  shall  see 
that  they  mean  exactly  the  same  thing  as  our  own  Saxon 
Aithelbald,  Eadward,  etc.,  etc.  In  fact,  the  word  edel,  or 
“ noble,”  occurs  in  its  Chinese  form,  both  in  male  and  female 
names,  with  just  the  same  iteration  as  it  did  in  the  Anglo- 
Saxon,  i.e.  before  Christianity  was  introduced  into  England 
to  change  the  face  of  matters.  The  elder  brother  of  the 
distinguished  statesman  who  visited  England  three  years  ago 
is  called  Li  Han-chang,*  which  means  precisely  the  same 

* Both  brothers  have  since  died. 


254 


China:  Past  and  Present 


thing  as  the  other  name,  except  that  by  a subtle  turn  of  the 
pen,  only  possible  in  a language  where  writing  appeals 
pictorially  to  the  eye — which  thus  takes  rank  before  the  ear 
— the  one  vastness  suggests  the  desert  expanse,  whilst  the 
other  hints  at  flocks  of  wild-geese,  at  a dizzy  height,  flying 
over  the  same  desert. 

It  is  a fancy  with  modern  Chinese,  especially  with  those 
of  birth  or  of  literary  antecedents,  to  arrange  that  either  the 
first  or  the  second  syllable  of  the  personal  name  shall  be  the 
same  with  members  of  one  generation.  Thus  not  only  have 
the  two  viceroys  of  the  Li  family  got  the  word  “ manifest  ” 
tacked  on  to  the  end  of  their  names,  but  it  is  highly  probable, 
now  that  fame  has  overtaken  two  brothers,  that  all  cousins 
in  the  same  degree  do,  or  will  do,  the  same  thing.  In  China 
“ the  same  degree  ” is  often  extended  in  a way  unfamiliar  to 
us.  I once  met  a boy  of  eighteen  who  was  uncle  to  a man 
of  fifty  : that  is,  he  was  in  the  degree  of  uncle.  If  Smith  has 
two  sons,  one  twenty  years  younger  than  the  other,  and  these 
two  sons  marry  early  or  late,  or  one  of  them  in  his  old  age 
buys  a couple  of  Hagars  to  cheer  his  declining  years,  it  is 
evident  that  such  caprices  carried  over  a century  or  two  will 
gradually  produce  curious  results  with  future  Smiths.  But 
the  p‘ai,  or  degree,  never  varies.  About  twenty  years  ago, 
I was  sipping  tea  at  a roadside  stall  in  the  wilds  of  Kwei 
Chou  province  when  I met  a tolerably  old  man  who  said  his 
family  name  was  Tseng.  The  very  first  question  one  stranger 
asks  another  is:  “Your  noble  family-name?”  Knowing 
that  all  persons  of  this  name  must  be  descended  from  the 
philosopher  Cincius  (Tseng-tsz),  of  Confucius’s  time,  and  that 
the  “Marquess”  Tseng  was  just  then  qualifying  for  the 
London  legation,  I then  inquired  and  ascertained,  in  a round- 
about way,  to  what  p'ai  the  old  man  belonged.  He  at  once 
said  : “ I belong  to  the  ‘ degree  with  the  character  ki  in  it ; ’ ” 
in  other  words,  he  was  a cousin,  hundreds  of  times  removed, 
of  Tseng  Ki-tseh,  afterwards  minister  to  England.  He  told 
me  that  the  main  register  of  the  family  was  kept  in  Shan 
Tung  province,  and  that  each  other  province  where  new 
cemeteries  (i.e.  independent  branches)  of  the  family  had  been 
founded,  reported  their  births,  marriages,  and  deaths  to  Shan 
Tung  from  time  to  time,  and  took  their  cue  upon  such 


That  which  we  call  a Rose  255 

questions  as  that  of  degree  names  from  the  ancient  village  of 
the  philosopher. 

The  father  of  the  diplomatist  was  the  celebrated  Tseng 
Kwoh-fan,  who  died  about  thirty  years  ago  at  his  viceregal 
post,  Nanking,  and  whose  faithful  support  of  the  dynasty 
went  far  towards  crushing  the  Taiping  rebellion  of  1850-1860. 
His  equally  worthy,  but  by  no  means  equally  able,  brother 
Tseng  Kwoh-ts'iian  died  at  the  same  official  post  about  eight 
years  ago.  In  this  instance,  it  is  the  former  and  not  the 
latter  half  of  the  personal  name  which  rings  the  changes.  In 
the  one  case  it  is  Tseng  “ the  country’s  protection,”  and  in 
the  other  Tseng  “ the  country’s  fragrance,”  the  eye  taking  in 
the  further  poetical  idea  in  one  instance  of  trees  forming  the 
boundary  enclosure  of  a march  (i.e.  a marquess),  which  pro- 
tects the  Emperor’s  outlying  domains  ; and,  in  the  other,  of 
fragrant  plants  emitting  perfect  odours  suggestive  of  purity 
and  virtue.  It  is  as  though  in  pre-Christian  times  they  were 
Saxons  taking  for  family  use  a group  of  names  such  as 
Osbald,  Osway ; ALthelbert,  ^Ethelred  ; or,  to  change  the 
order  of  like  syllables,  Osbald,  Aithelbald. 

Nothing  is  more  serious  in  China  than  the  etiquette  of 
tabu  ; so  much  so,  indeed,  that  a man’s  official  personal  name 
is  called  his  tabu,  or  “ avoid  ” ; and  if,  for  business  purposes, 
it  be  necessary  to  ask  a mandarin’s  personal  name,  you  say  : 
“ What  is  your  honourable  Avoid  ? ” The  private  personal 
names  of  Emperors  are  so  strictly  tabooed  that  there  has 
grown  up  quite  a system  of  written  character  mutilation, 
destined,  in  various  degrees,  according  to  the  temper  of  each 
sovereign,  and  the  facility  or  difficulty  of  avoiding  a given 
sign  or  sound  in  rare  or  common  use,  to  accommodate  this 
humour.  It  is  as  though  her  Majesty’s  name  were  so  sacred 
that  all  subjects  adopting  it  must  write  their  own  names 
“Wictoria”;  or  as  though  the  personal  name  Jesus  should 
never  be  used  at  all  by  private  persons — as  indeed  seems  to 
be  the  case  all  over  Europe,  except  in  Portugal  and  perhaps 
one  or  two  other  minor  States.  The  present  dynasty  of 
Manchus  have  carried  the  tabu  principle  so  far  that  it  is 
hardly  possible  to  ascertain  the  private  Manchu  name  of  an 
Emperor  at  all,  and  even  their  Chinese  names  have  to  be 
“ dodged  ” or  mutilated.  Thus,  for  a quarter  of  a century. 


China:  Past  and  Present 


256 

I have  tried  in  vain  to  find  out  the  personal  name  of  Nur- 
hachi’s  son,  Abakhaye,  known  to  history  as  T‘ai-tsung,  or 
“ Divus  Magnus,”  the  virtual  founder  of  the  ruling  Imperial 
house,  and  the  father  of  the  first  Manchu  who  actually  reigned 
in  Peking.  I came  across  it  by  accident  quite  recently  in  a 
Russian  work  upon  Manchuria,  and  doubtless  it  was  obtained 
from  artless  Manchu  sources.  In  the  case  of  Manchu  man- 
darins, the  matter  is  further  complicated  by  the  fact  that 
Manchus  have  no  surnames  (i,e.  family  names)  at  all  in  the 
strict  Chinese  sense  ; and  that  some  of  them  endeavour  to 
clothe  their  Manchu  names  in  Chinese  syllable  dress  ; whilst 
others  invent  for  use  purely  Chinese  names,  either  meaning 
the  same  thing  as  their  Manchu  names  kept  in  the  back- 
ground, or  something  else  purely  fanciful.  In  any  case,  the 
first  Chinese  syllable  of  a Manchu’s  name  always  counts 
amongst  Chinese  as  his  family  name,  thus  : Ikotanga  would 
be  “ Mr.  I,”  and  Junglu  would  be  “ Mr.  Jung,”  the  rest  of  the 
names  kotanga  and  lu  being  held  tabu  by  official  sycophants 
only,  and  in  a half-hearted  sort  of  way — for  the  ablest  Manchu 
Emperors  have  always  disapproved  of  their  own  people  aping 
Chinese  ways. 

The  Emperor  alone  has  the  right  to  address  persons  of 
all  ranks  by  their  private  names ; but  any  of  the  Emperor’s 
officers,  speaking  to  his  Majesty  of  other  officers,  will  use  the 
private  name,  no  matter  what  be  the  rank  of  the  officer  spoken 
of.  Thus  the  Emperor  says  “Li  Hung-chang,”  and  every 
one  speaking  of  him  to  the  Emperor  does  the  same ; indeed, 
the  man  in  the  street  always  says  “ Li  Hung-chang  ” behind 
his  back — just  as  the  old  British  rustic  (in  Punch  for  instance) 
says  “ Sarlsbry,”  or  “John  Morley  ; ” — but  no  one  dare  say 
“ Hung-chang”  to  his  face.  This  question  of  mandarin  tabu 
is  so  complicated  by  local  traditions  and  circumstances  that 
it  is  impossible  to  lay  down  shortly  any  intelligible  rule  for 
popular  European  purposes  which  will  not  require  reserves 
and  qualifications  ; but  the  bottom  fact  is  as  stated. 

Women  in  many  parts  of  China  are  so  childishly  ignorant 
that  they  often  do  not  know  their  own  family  names  at  all, 
at  least,  until  hard  pressed.  Just  as  an  English  child  when 
asked  her  name  will  say  “Please,  sir,  Jemimarann,”  so  a 
Chinese  belle  (if  you  can  get  at  her,  and  make  her  speak  at 


Uncertain , coy,  and  hard  to  please  257 

all)  will  say  : “ My  name  is  Jewel  (or  Gold,  or  Silver).”  The 
most  common  personal  names  for  women  in  China  are  very 
much  like  ours  ; such  as  Rose,  Daisy,  Blossom,  Nectar,  Ruby, 
etc.,  etc.  The  etiquette  about  tabic  is  the  same  in  principle  as 
with  males ; but,  of  course,  as  women  are  always  regarded  as 
appendages  under  the  tutelage  of  father,  husband,  brother,  or 
son,  nothing  connected  with  them  or  their  rights  has  any  first- 
hand basis  of  its  own.  Just  as  with  us,  “ his  Excellency’s  ” wife 
often  bears  the  complimentary  title  of  “ her  Excellency,”  so 
a Chinese  wife  may  borrow  reflected  glory  from  her  husband  ; 
but,  unless  the  Emperor  confers  a special  honour  (usually 
posthumous)  upon  her,  she  is  no  more  than  an  English 
bishop’s  wife  is  in  relation  to  the  status  of  her  husband.  In 
fact,  women  can  hardly  be  considered  to  have  substantive 
family  names  or  rights  at  all,  and  in  any  case  they  “ go  out 
of  the  house  ” when  they  marry.  A married  woman  is  in- 
variably officially  described  as,  for  instance,  “ Li  T‘ang  Dame,” 
which  really  means  exactly  the  same  as  our  “Mrs.  Li,  nee 
T'ang.”  There  is  an  ancient  saying  which  is  popular  all 
over  China  even  to  this  day  : — “A  woman  has  three  follows  ; 
she  always  follows  (or  is  an  appendage  to)  her  father,  husband, 
or  son.”  However,  in  China  as  everywhere  else,  a woman  of 
gumption  always  manages  to  assert  herself ; and  as  another 
Chinese  saying  goes  : — “ That  which  ought  not  to  be  in 
principle  nevertheless  often  is  so  in  fact.”  There  could  not  be 
a more  striking  instance  of  this  than  the  career  of  the  present 
Empress-Dowager,  “ Dame  Nala,”  who,  beginning  her  career 
as  a handmaid  or  concubine,  now  handles  Emperor,  statesmen, 
and  eunuchs,  as  though  they  were  so  many  marionettes,  for 
her  own  special  purposes. 

When  a “foreigner”  first  appears  in  China,  the  first  thing 
is  to  fit  him  out  with  a name,  and  in  order  to  do  this  in  a 
becoming  way  it  is  usual  to  transpose  the  family  name. 
Thus  Sir  Thomas  Wade  and  Sir  Harry  Parkes  were  dubbed 
Wei  T‘o-ma  and  Pa  Hia-li,  and  by  those  appellations  they 
will  descend  to  Chinese  posterity;  just  as  the  Greeks  and 
Romans,  in  a contrary  direction,  transformed  Persian  and 
Arabic  syllables  to  suit  their  own  inflected  tongue.  Most 
Europeans  prefer  that  their  family  name  should  be  a syllable 
belonging  to  the  limited  number  of  Chinese  family  names, 

S 


China : Past  and  Present 


258 

and  that  the  personal  name  should  have  a Chinese  ring. 
Both  Sir  Thomas  Wade  and  Sir  Harry  Parkes  were  well 
served  in  this  respect ; the  former  is  “ Prestige  of  the  Solid 
Agate,”  whilst  the  second  is  “ Pa  (a  pure  surname)  of  the 
Summer  Principle.”  These  flowery  ideas  are  by  no  means 
so  ridiculous  in  Chinese  dress  as  they  appear  in  English ; the 
fact  is  that  the  most  solemn  things  uttered  in  one  tongue  are 
apt  to  become  utterly  ludicrous  in  another.  I remember  an 
old  Chinaman  going  into  fits  of  laughter  over  what  we  con- 
sider the  beautiful  allegorical  words,  “Feed  My  lambs.”  He 
was  endeavouring  to  understand  a chapter  in  the  New 
Testament,  and  he  could  not  for  the  life  of  him  understand 
what  lambs  and  sheep  had  to  do  with  the  subject  under 
discussion,  especially  as  in  that  part  of  China  no  sheep  can 
live  at  all. 

There  is  a strong  tendency  in  the  waggish  Chinaman  to 
give  comic  names  to  Europeans,  who  thus  occasionally 
masquerade  unconsciously  in  very  queer  disguises.  In  doing 
this,  the  humorous  Celestial  is  no  more  to  be  blamed  than 
ourselves,  for  any  one  who  has  visited  a Chinese  town  will 
have  noticed  such  signs  as  “Cheap  Jack”  {Chip  tsek,  or 
“ Wise  Dew  ”),  “ Soapy  Jim,”  “Barber  Joe,”  etc.  The  British 
troops  knew  the  tsjing-tuk,  or  “Viceroy”  of  Canton,  as  John 
Tuck;  and  the  celebrated  Mongol  hero,  Prince  Sengkolinsin, 
was  invariably  styled  “ Sam  Collinson.”  Even  the  genuine 
translations  from  Chinese  at  times  have  a comic  effect,  though 
no  insolence  may  be  intended.  Thus  the  Bishop  of  Hong- 
kong is  “Number  One  Joss-Man;”  the  Governor  of  Hong- 
kong, “Big  Soldier-Head;”  the  Governor  of  Macao,  “Big 
O Devil”  ( O being  a literary  form  of  Omun,  or  “Macao;” 
and  “ devil,”  the  local  word  for  “ European  ”).  The  last  title, 
turned  into  “ pidgin-English,”  becomes  “ Largee  Porrughee 
Debilloo.”  The  Governor’s  own  gardener  used  these  ex- 
pressions to  me  when  I asked  him  : “Who  lives  in  this  country 
house?”  When  combined  with  tabu , the  jumble  of  ideas  has 
a tendency  to  become  irresistibly  funny.  There  is  a well- 
known  Chinese  plant  called  the  Kot,  from  which  a fine  cloth 
is  made.  My  old  tutor  always  persisted  in  calling  it  the 
“solid-hearted  arrowroot,”  explaining  that,  since  Hongkong 
has  fallen  to  the  British,  the  word  Kot  had  become  tabu , as 


Let  it  be  Yea , yea  ! Nay , nay  ! 259 

having  evil  omen  about  it.  He  then  proceeded  to  develop 
his  thesis  in  the  following  way.  He  said  the  chief  judicial 
authority  (Supreme  Court)  was  known  as  the  Tai  Kot 
(=  Great  “Court”),  and  that  consequently  the  lower  orders 
— mostly  criminals,  either  “in  being”  or  in  potentiality — 
carefully  avoided  uttering  the  word,  more  especially  because 
there  was  a foreign  spirit  of  that  name  perpetually  in  the 
mouths  of  sailors  and  other  Englishmen  who  wished  to  call 
down  vengeance  upon  an  enemy.  The  evil  spirit  in  question 
bore  the  full  literary  name  of  Kot-tam. , and  this  dreadful 
expression  was  perpetually  in  use  by  irate  Britishers.  One 
of  the  first  songs  in  the  Book  of  Odes  (he  went  on  to  say), 
begins  : Kot  chi  t'am  hai  (“  How  the  creeper  spreads  ! ”),  and 
there  was  a general  feeling  that  this  ancient  ode  collected  by 
Confucius  had  something  to  do  with  modern  English  curses, 
and  required  revision  or  paraphrasis. 


CHAPTER  IV 

THE  “PEKING  GAZETTE”  AND  CHINESE  POSTING 

PREVIOUS  to  the  introduction  under  European  auspices  of 
the  Chinese  newspapers  now  daily  circulated  from  Hong- 
kong and  Shanghai,  and  of  more  recent  years  also,  to  a 
lesser  extent,  from  Tientsin  and  Hankow,  there  was  hardly 
any  dissemination  of  news  throughout  the  Empire,  except 
that  conveyed  by  the  Peking  Gazette ; or,  as  the  Chinese  call 
it,  the  Metropolitan  Reporter  ( King-pao ).  For  many  years 
past  English  translations  of  the  more  important  documents 
issued  to  and  published  by  the  Peking  Gazette  office  have 
been  furnished,  either  in  full  or  in  the  form  of  a digest, 
according  to  their  weight  and  interest,  by  the  leading 
Shanghai  newspaper ; and,  moreover,  all  the  native  Shanghai 
newspapers,  and  some  of  the  others,  publish  daily,  in  extenso, 
the  original  Chinese  versions : in  the  case  of  interesting 


26o 


China:  Past  and  Present 


Imperial  decrees,  or  of  very  important  memorials  from  the 
Provinces,  the  chief  organs  of  the  Chinese  press  even  obtain 
their  information  by  telegraph  from  Peking.  And  thus  it 
happens  that  the  work  of  centralization,  which  has  in  every 
sense  largely  developed  since  the  European  envoys  settled  in 
Peking  thirty-five  years*  ago,  has  been  considerably  facilitated 
and  brought  home  to  the  Chinese  mind  ; both  foreigners  and 
natives  receive  rapid,  precise,  and  regular  information  of  what 
goes  on  in  the  capital,  and  the  mystery  which,  until  a 
generation  ago,  enveloped  the  springs  of  Manchu  government 
shows  a gradual  tendency  to  disappear. 

But  it  must  not  be  imagined  that  all  Imperial  decrees  are 
issued  for  publication.  Anything  of  a confidential  nature, 
whether  in  the  form  of  a decree,  rescript,  or  memorial,  is 
“kept  inside and  there  is  no  capital  in  the  world  where  it 
is  more  difficult  t to  purchase  secret  documents  than  Peking. 
But  these  documents,  when  they  concern  the  general  weal, 
are  none  the  less  transmitted  for  record  or  report  to  most  of 
the  viceroys  and  provincial  governors,  from  whose  offices  it  is 
often  not  difficult  to  obtain,  by  purchase,  copies  of  interesting 
documents.  The  local  gentry,  who  like  to  be  informed  upon 
everything  which  concerns  the  interests  of  their  caste  in 
general  and  of  their  relatives  holding  office  in  particular, 
usually  have  a clerk  or  two  in  their  pay,  and  these  clerks  are 
not  slow  to  discover  that  some  foreigners  have  similar  and 
more  liberally  bestowed  funds  at  hand  for  a like  purpose. 
Besides  this,  Chinese  officials  themselves  sometimes  find  it 
advantageous  to  obtain  the  publication  in  the  native  press  of 
confidential  documents ; and,  as  this  native  press  would  soon 
be  strangled  to  death  without  its  European  protection,  they 
can  easily  disavow  all  responsibility  by  referring  their  cen- 
sorious superiors  to  the  foreign  editor  as  the  responsible 
person.  Over  and  over  again  have  the  viceregal  governments 
remonstrated  with  the  consuls  at  Shanghai,  and  endeavoured 
to  institute  a sort  of  press  inquisition  ; but  at  last  they  have 
come  to  perceive,  on  the  one  hand,  that  all  such  attempts  are 
in  vain,  and,  on  the  other,  that  “ what  is  sauce  for  the  goose  is 
also  sauce  for  the  gander” — unpleasant  publicity  in  one 
instance  being  compensated  by  desirable  notoriety  in  another. 

* Written  first  in  i8q6.  t Except  for  Russians. 


Untaught  Knaves , unmannerly  261 

Thus  it  comes  that  the  Shen  Pao,  or  Shanghai  Reporter , has 
now  become  an  acceptable  organ  even  at  Court,  besides 
circulating  all  over  the  Empire,  and,  to  a less  extent 
throughout  Corea,  Japan,  Annam,  Siam,  and  Burma;  and 
it  is  as  well-managed  an  organ  as  any  European  daily 
newspaper. 

Yet  the  Peking  Gazette  has  lost  none  of  its  importance  ; 
on  the  contrary,  as  the  Shen  Pao  invariably  prints  the  whole 
of  it,  the  circulation  of  the  older  sheet  has  been  enormously 
increased  and  popularized.  The  promotions  and  degradations, 
which,  of  course,  present  little  of  interest  to  foreigners,  are 
scanned  with  avidity  by  the  hungry  provincial  expectants ; 
the  latest  news  concerning  the  examinations  is  instantaneously 
telegraphed  to  Shanghai,  and  at  once  circulated  for  the  in- 
formation of  the  gaming  fraternity,  who  make  huge  bets 
on  the  results,  and,  in  the 'case  of  Canton,  Hongkong,  and 
Macao,  get  up  popular  lotteries  involving  millions  sterling  a 
year  in  prize  money.  Foreigners  anxiously  look  for  the 
publication  in  the  Gazette  of  decrees  favouring  missionaries, 
which  documents  are  of  little  use  if  left  to  the  saving  grace 
of  local  proclamations  issued  by  the  provincial  authorities. 
Budding  censors,  who  usually  commence  their  successes  in 
public  life  by  protesting  against  somebody  or  something 
(it  does  not  much  matter  what  so  long  as  it  “ goes  down  ”), 
are  delighted  to  see  their  names  in  print  with  the  Imperial 
comments  upon  their  effusions.  For  many  years  the  words 
“telegraph”  and  “newspaper”  were  studiously  ignored  by 
the  palace  and  by  the  provincial  bureaux  ; it  would  have 
been  almost  as  great  an  outrage  to  insert  the  word  “ telegram  ” 
in  an  Imperial  decree  as  to  speak  of  the  Empire  Music  Hall 
or  “ bottled  stout  ” in  a King’s  Speech  ; but  now  telegraphic 
decrees  and  telegraphic  reports  are  the  order  of  the  day,  and 
a general  in  Turkestan  only  the  other  week  mentioned  in  his 
memorial  that  he  was  sending  the  good  news  of  his  victories 
to  be  published  in  the  Shen  Pao.  Changes  in  China  come 
slowly,  at  least  to  those  who  are  eager  for  progress ; but  in 
this,  as  in  other  matters,  the  difference  between  1896  and 
1866  is  almost  as  great  at  root,  though  not  so  apparent  above 
ground,  as  in  the  case  of  Japan.  The  vast  carcase  of  China 
is  unmistakably  moving. 


262 


China:  Past  and  Present 


There  is  a special  bureau  or  public  department  at  Peking 
which  is  charged  with  the  duty  of  copying  and  delivering  in 
the  form  of  a Gazette  such  documentary  information  as  may 
be  given  to  it  for  that  purpose  by  the  Emperor’s  order,  or 
with  the  authority  of  the  Privy  Council.  This  information  is 
grouped  in  three  divisions,  which  may  be  thus  enumerated  : 
A,  Court  matters.  B,  Original  decrees,  rescripts,  appoint- 
ments, degradations,  etc.  C,  Direct  reports  to  the  Emperor 
from  the  provincial  governments.  Under  the  first  head 
appear  the  routine  duties  of  the  ministers  in  attendance,  and 
the  lists  of  presentations  (if  any)  made  by  them.  Two  or 
three  heads  of  departments  are  in  attendance  every  eighth 
day  until  the  whole  twenty  are  exhausted,  when  the  round 
begins  again.  The  Gazette  announces,  for  instance  : “ To-day 
was  the  attendance  day  of  the  Board  of  Office  and  the  Hanlin 
Academy  ; * there  were  no  presentations.”  Besides  the  Boards 
of  Revenue,  Rites,  Punishments,  War,  and  Works,  there  are 
the  Mongolian  Superintendency,  Household,  Stud  Office, 
Sacrificial  Court,  Clan  Office,  Board  of  Astronomy,  Censorate, 
Banquetting  Court,  Court  of  Revision,  Transmission  Office, 
Education  Office,  Royal  Mews,  etc.,  etc.  As  in  England,  the 
Cabinet  has  no  regular  official  organization,  but  it  meets  the 
Emperor  every  morning  before  dawn,  and  is  now,  in  many 
respects,  practically  one  and  the  same  thing  as  the  Board  of 
Foreign  Affairs,  which  is  a creation  of  i860,  and  is  rather 
officious  than  official.  | The  Inner  Council  is  much  like  our 
Privy  Council ; its  official  existence  survives,  but  its  functions 
have  to  most  intents  been  superseded  by  the  Cabinet  Council. 
In  addition  to  the  above  administrative  departments,  there  are 
the  Imperial  Body  Guard,  Two  Wings,  and  Eight  Banners  ; 
these  military  departments  also  come  in  turn,  but  take  ten 
days,  instead  of  eight,  to  exhaust ; consequently  their  rotation 
varies  in  respect  of  the  civilians.  After  the  announcement 
concerning  attendances,  the  Gazette  usually  goes  on  to 
enumerate  the  applications  for  furlough,  sick  leave,  permission 
to  visit  parents’  tombs,  and  so  on.  Then  come  the  verbal 
applications  for  special  appointments,  and  the  list  of  persons 
nominated  on  extraordinary  temporary  duty ; for  instance  : 

* This  last  abolished  since  the  “ Boxer"  ravages. 

t Foreign  Office  reorganized  since  1900  as  the  JVai-wu  Pu. 


Wherefore  come  ye  not  to  Court  ? 263 

“ The  Board  of  Revenue  applies  for  a special  auditor.  His 
Majesty  was  pleased  to  nominate  the  Grand  Secretary  X.” 
Or,  “The  War  Office  submits  the  propriety  of  appointing 
special  examiners  for  the  military  status  of  competent 
armourer.  His  Majesty  was  pleased  to  name  the  Princes 
A.  and  B.,  the  President  C.,  and  Messieurs  D.,  E.,  and  F.  for 
this  duty.”  Next  follows  a list  of  special  audiences  accorded  ; 
thus:  “Special  audiences  granted  to  Li  Hung-chang  and  to 
A.,  the  ex-minister  to  Russia  and  Germany.”  Finally,  the 
movements  of  the  Emperor  are  notified,  just  as  with  us  ; 
thus:  “His  Majesty  proposes  to  pass  through  the  A.  gate  at 
8 a.m.  to-morrow,  proceed  to  the  B.  audience  chamber,  and 
formally  sanction  the  documents  awaiting  submission  there. 
After  this  the  Emperor  will  proceed  by  way  of  the  C.  court 
and  the  D.  portal  to  the  E.  palace,  and  will  there  perform 
the  appropriate  rites  for  the  day.  His  Majesty  will  present 
his  respects  to  the  Dowager-Empress  on  his  way  back,  take  a 
turn  in  the  new  steam-launch,  quit  the  Lily  Pond,  and  regain 
his  private  apartments  by  way  of  the  F.  garden  and  G.  gate.” 

The  range  of  ground  covered  by  the  Imperial  decrees  is 
of  course  very  wide.  Yet  there  is  considerable  sameness  and 
similarity.  I have  read  nearly  all  the  Imperial  decrees  pub- 
lished during  the  past  twenty  (now  30)  years,  and  I think  I 
may  safely  say  that  out  of  a daily  average  of  ten  there  is  not 
one  which  is  not  worded  in  purely  stereotyped  fashion.  The 
following  are  all  routine  decrees,  varying  only  slightly  accord- 
ing to  special  circumstances.  In  order  to  save  space,  and  to 
avoid  wearying  the  reader,  I have  much  curtailed  them. 

1.  The  worthy  Viceroy  X.Y.Z.  of  Sz  Ch’wan  began  his 
career  as  an  ordinary  bachelor,  gradually  working  his  way 
through  the  various  administrative  ranks,  until  he  was  en- 
trusted with  a province  of  his  own.  He  had  repeatedly 
solicited  permission  to  retire,  and  both  our  Imperial  Mother 
and  ourself  had  conferred  presents  of  pills  and  ginseng  upon 
him  at  various  times.  We  now  hear,  alas ! that  he  is  no 
more.  X.Y.Z.’s  penalties  during  life  are  hereby  cancelled. 
One  thousand  pounds  are  bestowed  for  funeral  expenses,  and 
the  local  officials  will  pay  every  respect  to  the  coffin  as  it 
passes  through  their  jurisdictions.  Prince  A.  will  meet  the 
procession  outside  Peking,  and  spread  a Tibetan  quilt  upon 


264  China:  Past  and  Present 

the  remains.  Let  X.Y.Z.’s  soil  B.  become  a junior  president; 
his  eldest  grandson  C.  will  be  presented  when  he  comes  of 
age.  In  this  way  do  we  delight  to  honour  an  upright  and 
loyal  servant. 

2.  Let  X.  become  viceroy  of  Sz  Ch’wan. 

3.  Let  Y.  replace  X.  as  governor  of  Ho  Nan,  proceeding 
direct  to  his  post  without  seeking  our  further  instructions. 
Until  he  arrives,  let  Z.  the  treasurer  act  as  governor. 

4.  During  the  past  ten  years  China  and  the  foreigner  have 
learnt  to  know  each  other  better,  yet  there  are  still  districts 
where  Christian  missionaries  are  viewed  with  hostility.  The 
viceroys  and  governors  of  provinces  should  circulate  copies 
of  the  treaties  throughout  all  subordinate  local  offices,  and 
see  that  prefects  and  magistrates  carry  out  our  Imperial 
desire  that  in  future  distant  men  be  treated  with  every 
kindness. 

5.  The  Governor  X.  reports  a number  of  incompetents. 
The  Prefect  A.  is  an  opium  sot  and  too  fond  of  actors ; the 
Magistrate  B.  is  a fellow  of  low  and  mercenary  spirit.  Let 
each  be  reduced  one  grade.  The  prefect  C.  is  no  fool,  but  he 
is  getting  old  and  feeble.  Let  him  retire  on  his  present 
rank.  The  Magistrate  D.  is  simply  an  idiot.  Let  him  take 
charge  of  the  local  education  department  instead. 

6.  The  Governor  A.  reports  the  death"  of  the  Prefect  of 
Canton.  Let  him  select  a successor  from  one  of  the  avail- 
able competent  prefects  in  charge  of  any  other  town : let  B. 
have  the  post  thus  vacated. 

7.  The  remarks  of  the  Censor  X.  upon  the  immoral 
tendencies  of  the  age  are  not  destitute  of  common  sense.  In 
striving  after  virtue,  we  only  follow  the  lead  of  our  sacred 
ancestors  of  never-to-be-forgotten  memory  ; still,  it  is  possible 
that  failure  of  our  own  may  exercise  a deleterious  psychological 
effect  upon  the  minds  of  men  at  large.  In  future  let  all  vice- 
roys and  governors  watch  their  own  conduct  more  closely, 
with  a view  to  propitiating  Heaven’s  favour. 

8.  The  Resident  in  Tibet  reports  that  the  soul  of  the 
defunct  Dalai  Lama  has  been  found  in  the  body  of  A.,  an 
infant  of  the  peasant  B.  family.  It  must  be  remembered 
that,  in  consequence  of  an  offence  by  C.,  his  late  Majesty 
commanded  twenty-five  years  ago  that  no  souls  should  be 


Dens  est  qui  regit  omnia  265 

found  for  three  generations  in  the  district  of  D.  It  is  pre- 
sumed that  the  resident  has  this  command  in  his  mind’s 
eye,  and  that  the  B.  family  is  untainted  with  local  disability. 
If  this  be  so,  the  finding  of  the  soul  is  approved. 

9.  A man  stopped  our  sedan-chair  yesterday  with  a 
petition.  Let  him  be  handed  over  to  the  Board  of  Punish- 
ments whilst  inquiry  is  being  made. 

10.  We  yesterday  received  the  benign  commands  of  our 
Imperial  Mother  the  Dowager  to  save  our  legs  by  riding  in  a 
litter  instead  of  walking  across  the  Lily  Garden.  Though 
we  thought  our  body  was  fairly  sound,  still  we  must  not 
forget  our  capacity  as  representative  of  all  men  under  the  sun. 
In  future,  at  least  when  it  is  windy,  let  the  litter  be  prepared. 

11.  Let  A.  be  general  at  Foochow. 

12.  Eunuchs  are  at  the  best  of  times  but  the  orts  of  men. 
Taking  warning  by  the  fate  of  the  T'ang  and  Ming  dynasties, 
we  Manchus  have  never  entrusted  these  menials  with  any  im- 
portant charges.  The  head  eunuch  A.  appears  to  have  used 
rude  language  to  Li  Hung-chang  on  the  latter’s  declining  to  pay 
certain  fees.  Let  him  receive  fifty  blows  with  the  stick,  and 
let  the  iron  tablet  of  rules  suspended  in  the  eunuch  department 
be  read  out  aloud  to  all  these  fellows  once  a month. 

13.  The  Viceroy  of  Hu  Kwang  reports  the  descent  to  the 
earth  from  the  clouds  of  a green  lizard,  and  the  consequent 
sudden  stoppage  of  the  floods  in  nine  districts.  We  are 
infinitely  touched  by  this  gracious  evidence  of  the  gods’ 
intervention.  The  Academy  has  been  ordered  to  compose  a 
suitable  aphorism  for  engraving  on  a gorgeous  tablet.  The 
Viceroy  will  proceed  in  full  uniform,  followed  by  the  whole 
official  body,  to  hang  this  tablet  in  the  Moth’s  Eyebrows 
Hall,  in  order  to  prove  to  the  local  deity  that  we  are  not 
indisposed  to  requite  his  services. 

14.  When  the  eclipse  of  the  moon  takes  place  to-morrow, 
let  the  proper  authorities  set  up  the  usual  howls,  and  save 
the  moon  in  due  legal  form. 

15.  Let  the  X.  murder  case  be  handed  to  the  Governor 
of  Kwang  Si,  who  will  duly  summon  all  parties  and  witnesses, 
examine  the  papers,  and  endeavour  to  get  at  the  real  truth. 
Let  the  appellant  be  sent  back  from  Peking  to  be  at  once 
confronted  with  the  appellee. 


266 


China : Past  and  Present 


Specimens  of  Imperial  decrees  and  rescripts  might  be 
multiplied  indefinitely,  but  the  above  are  sufficient  for  illus- 
tration. Nos.  2,  3,  6,  ii  occur  almost  daily,  Nos.  5 and  15  at 
least  once  a week.  The  others  occur  at  rare  intervals.  It 
seldom  happens  that  a decree  appears  couched  in  entirely  new 
style,  or  treating  of  quite  a fresh  subject. 

The  area  covered  by  reports  from  the  Provinces  is  just  as 
extensive  as  that  occupied  by  decrees  and  rescripts.  As  a 
rule,  confidential  memorials  are  treated  confidentially ; but 
occasionally  they  are  published  in  all  their  baldness,  and 
viceroys  and  governors  indulge  in  very  unconventional 
language  about  each  other  before  the  Emperor.  I remember 
in  1872-73  the  Viceroy  Liu  K‘un-yih  (now*  at  Nanking), 
when  governor  of  Kiang  Si,  got  into  a mess  with  a local 
magnate  then  on  a visit  to  Peking.  The  local  magnate  had 
written  him  private  letters  with  a view  to  evading  taxation 
on  certain  property.  The  Governor,  in  contradicting  the 
magnate’s  slanderous  statements,  said : “ His  motives  must 
have  been  corrupt,  for  long  before  that  I had  half  a dozen 
private  letters  from  him  on  the  subject  from  Peking.”  The 
Emperor  said  : “ How  came  you  to  let  them  run  into  the  half- 
dozen  ? When  he  wrote  the  first  time,  you  knew  he  had  no 
right  to  do  so.  Why  did  you  not  report  him  ? He  says  you 
were  hoping  to  make  better  terms  with  him.”  The  Governor 
rejoined:  “It  is  the  custom  for  viceroys  and  governors  to 
correspond  with  local  men  at  Peking,  and,  though  it  may  be 
wrong,  I am  not  one  of  those  who  pretend  to  goody-goody 
perfection.  I simply  wished  to  oblige  him  as  a local  man  ; 
but  when  he  asked  me  to  let  him  off  scot-free,  I gave  him  a 
piece  of  my  mind.  Anyhow,  no  one  can  say  I am  corrupt  in 
money  matters ; and  even  if  I was  such  an  idiot  as  to  try 
and  make  terms,  I am  at  least  not  such  a fool  as  to  leave 
six  letters  on  record,  as  he  did.”  This  Viceroy  was  totally 
fearless,  and  I subsequently  had  very  close  relations  with 
him.  He  has  innumerable  faults  which  a censor  might 
fairly  denounce,  but  he  is  so  honest  and  courageous  that 
the  Emperor  cannot  well  forego  his  services. 

Sometimes  treasurers  and  judges,  who  as  a rule  only 
address  the  Throne  on  taking  up  and  abandoning  office,  and 

* Died  1902  ; see  chapter  on  Liu  K‘un-yih  {John  China/nan,  Murray,  1901). 


Docet  digitis  sms  267 

on  Imperial  birthdays,  may  denounce  their  superiors,  the 
viceroy  or  governor.  This  has  happened  several  times  at 
Canton  : in  one  case  they  had  the  governor  degraded  for 
giving  a feast  during  the  time  of  Imperial  mourning  ; and 
when  I was  there  in  1875  the  Manchu  Viceroy,  Yinghan,* 
was  summarily  removed  for  encouraging  gambling,  on  the 
application  of  the  Chinese  governor  and  Manchu  general. 
Very  few  high  officials  can  write  their  own  memorials,  or  care 
to  do  so  if  they  can.  Yet  they  are  held  severely  responsible 
for  any  slips  in  grammar,  etiquette,  or  tact  which  their 
secretaries  may  make.  Manchus  always  style  themselves 
“slave,”  whilst  Chinese  use  the  word  “subject;”  for  some 
unexplained  reason  certain  Chinese  military  officers  also 
use  the  word  “slave.”  The  highest  provincial  official  is  the 
Manchu  general  (where  there  is  one)  ; the  next,  the  viceroy, 
whether  Manchu  or  Chinese ; or,  if  no  viceroy,  the  governor. 
Memorials  are  in  most  cases  returned  in  original,  with  the 
original  rescript  endorsed  thereon ; copies  are  made  and 
kept  at  Peking,  so  that  each  side  keeps  the  version  it  is 
responsible  for,  and  tampering  with  documents  is  thus 
impossible. 

Official  despatches  are  conveyed  through  a service 
organized  by  the  Board  of  War,  and  on  arrival  are  placed 
in  a locked  box  at  the  Transmission  Office  ; a eunuch  takes 
this  box  to  the  Emperor,  who  alone  possesses  the  key.  The 
Emperor  sometimes  endorses  his  minute  at  once,  but  usually 
he  reserves  his  decision  until  the  Cabinet  officers  appear,  at 
3 a.m.  The  Empress,  when  Regent,  had  a regular  system  of 
thumb-nail  rescripts  ; not  because  she  could  not  write,  but 
because  this  saved  trouble.  The  Inner  Council  then  instantly 
copies  the  reports,  whilst  the  “junior  lords”  of  the  Cabinet 
submit  fair  copies  of  the  proposed  decree.  The  Grand 
Secretariat  is  the  depository  for  the  copies  of  memorials  and 
endorsements.  Memorials  are  sent  to  Peking  in  flat  wooden 
cases,  fitted  with  spring  locks,  which  can  only  be  used  once. 
A stock  of  them  is  periodically  supplied  by  the  Peking 
Board.  The  Emperor  returns  the  original  box,  with  the 
original  document  simply  wrapped  up,  not  locked,  in  it,  and 
all  old  boxes  and  envelopes  have  to  be  ultimately  returned 

* See  chapter  on  Yinghan  ( John  Chinaman,  Murray,  1901). 


268 


China:  Past  and  Present 


respectfully  to  Peking,  duly  numbered.  The  couriers  travel 
with  the  despatches  strapped  to  the  back,  and  are  escorted 
by  the  official  who  sends  the  documents  as  far  as  the  third 
inner  gate ; the  grand  central  portal  is  then  thrown  open, 
and  off  rides  the  courier,  to  a salute  of  six  guns.  Ordinary 
letters  go  easily  “ by  post,”  i.e.  by  comfortable  stages  of  thirty 
miles  a day.  The  order  to  “go  130  miles  (or  150  miles)  a 
day”  is  merely  formal,  and  simply  means  that  all  speed, 
without  incurring  extra  expense,  is  to  be  made.  On  the  rare 
occasions  when  200  miles  a day  are  ordered,  the  same  courier 
is  expected  to  travel  even  six  days  without  stopping  more  than 
a minute  or  two  at  a time ; three  such  successful  rides  entitle 
him  to  the  lowest  official  button.  The  most  rapid  journey 
ever  ordered  is  260  miles  a day,  and  a man  who  accomplishes 
it  for  long  distances  is  pensioned  for  life.  (Chinese  pensions, 
however,  tend  to  exiguity.)  When  Canton  was  taken  by  our 
troops,  the  news  reached  Peking  in  six  days,  and  the  recon- 
quest of  Kashgaria  in  1878  took  very  little  more  to  report. 
On  the  great  western  high-road  there  are  now  2680  post- 
horses  and  1340  post-boys.  Previous  to  the  Yakub  Beg 
rebellion  there  were  nearly  three  times  these  numbers,  but 
the  Kan  Suh  province  has  for  long  been  somewhat  dis- 
organized. 

To  return  to  our  reports.  Each  important  document 
would  be  on  the  average  quite  as  long  as  the  whole  of  this 
article,  so  that  it  will  readily  be  seen  we  cannot  give  full 
examples.  As  with  the  decrees,  so  with  the  reports — many 
occur  daily ; others  weekly,  monthly,  quarterly,  or  yearly. 
Daily  ones — not  daily  from  each  province,  but  appearing 
almost  every  day — are  such  as  propose  promotions  and 
transfers ; report  the  rehearing  of  appeal  cases ; announce 
the  despatch  of  funds  to  Peking ; apply  for  the  Imperial 
approval  in  cases  of  marked  filial  piety,  and  so  on.  But 
their  nature  can  be  best  judged  by  the  light  of  the  decrees 
and  rescripts,  of  which  instances  have  been  given  above. 

P.S.  (to  original  article). — Since  writing  the  above,  I have 
received  a Gazette  containing  a very  curious  memorial  from 
Dalai  Lama  of  Tibet,  an  exalted  ecclesiastical  functionary 
analogous  to  the  Pope  of  Rome,  except  that  the  Manchu 


Humility  is  the  Dress-coat  of  Pride  269 

Emperors,  whilst  recognizing  his  spiritual  claims,  insist  upon 
his  keeping  to  his  proper  temporal  place  : — 

“ Petty  priest  that  I am,  in  obedience  to  the  precedents  followed  by 
my  predecessors,  I descend  from  my  mountain  seat,  and,  having  selected 
a propitious  day,  proceed  to  the  Great  Temple  to  hold  a full  choral  service 
on  all  occasions  upon  which  the  territories  subject  to  Tibetan  rule  are 
found  free  from  temporal  afflictions,  with  a view  to  somewhat  relieving  my 
loyal  cares  by  offering  devout  prayers  for  the  peace  and  long  life  of  His 
Majesty  the  Emperor,  and  the  tranquillity  of  the  world  in  general. 
Thanks  to  the  felicitous  tzgis  of  our  Sacred  Master,  Tibetan  territory  is 
now  free  from  any  plague  of  sickness,  and  all  remains  at  peace.  Accord- 
ingly, my  private  vicar-general  and  preceptor  has  selected  the  23rd  of 
February,  1896,  as  an  auspicious  day  upon  which  I,  petty  priest  that  I am, 
am  to  proceed  in  person,  at  the  head  of  the  whole  ecclesiastical  bodies  of 
the  three  chief  Lhassa  temples,  to  the  Great  Metropolitan  Temple,  there 
to  hold  solemn  service,  and  to  offer  up  special  prayers  for  our  Sacred 
Master’s  long  life  and  prosperity,  and  for  the  welfare  of  his  people.” 

The  above  was  received  through  K’weihwan,  Manchu 
Resident  in  Tibet.  An  Imperial  rescript  was  received  as 
follows : “ Let  the  department  concerned  take  due  note.” 
By  the  Emperor. 

In  view  of  the  revolution  now  taking  place  in  Tibet,  the 
above  official  definition  of  the  relations  between  the  Buddhist 
Pope  and  the  Emperor  of  China  is  interesting. 


BOOK  VII 

CELESTIAL  PECULIARITIES 


CHAPTER  I 

DIET  AND  MEDICINE  IN  CHINA 

The  commonly  received  opinion  that  the  Chinese  as  a nation 
habitually  feed  on  rats  and  mice  is  quite  erroneous.  But  in 
the  city  of  Canton  “spatch-cock  ” rats — that  is,  rats  split  open 
and  dried — are  commonly  sold  in  the  streets  for  the  purposes 
of  eating.  An  old  Cantonese  teacher*  of  mine  never  failed 
to  cook  and  eat  a rat  whenever  he  was  fortunate  enough  to 
catch  one  ; he  said  the  flesh  was  “ warming.”  A Cantonese 
peasant  woman  of  my  acquaintance,  who  suffered  much  from 
rheumatism  and  chills,  told  me  that  she  found  boiled  rats 
always  did  her  good.  Other  native  women  told  me  that  it 
made  the  hair  grow  more  rapidly.  I do  not  know  if  mice 
are  eaten  too  ; but  in  Chinese  there  is  no  word  distinguishing 
rats  from  mice,  both,  in  fact,  being  species  of  the  genus  Mus. 
Spatch-cock  rats  are  usually  sold  in  the  streets  of  Canton 
strung  on  a stick,  like  the  cabobs  of  Turkey  and  Egypt.  I 
have  never  heard  of  rat-eating  in  any  other  province. 

In  the  same  way,  cats  and  dogs  are  by  no  means  usual 
food,  though  in  most  parts  of  China  the  poor  are  glad  of  any 
chance  meat  which  may  be  thrown  in  their  way.  In  Canton, 
however,  both  kittens  and  puppies  are  hawked  about  as  a 
delicacy  ; and  I myself  once  bought  a nice  little  dog  in  a cage 
for  sixpence.  He  used  to  follow  my  official  chair  in  and  out 
of  the  city  every  day.  The  roof  of  his  mouth  and  his  tongue 
were  as  dark  as  a common  indiarubber  eraser.  There  is  one 
* See  chapter  on  “Old  Ovv”  (John  Chinaman,  Murray,  1901). 


Neither  Want  of  Appetite  nor  Mouths  271 

shop  in  Canton  where  cats’  flesh  is  the  sole  article  sold.  Like 
rats’  flesh,  it  is  said  to  be  warmth-producing. 

In  Peking  we  used,  when  living  out  of  town,  ourselves  to 
regularly  eat  camel,  donkey,  and  goat,  nothing  else  being 
obtainable.  Our  only  concern  was  to  secure  flesh  which  had 
been  properly  slaughtered.  But  I have  often  seen  the  neigh- 
bours gather  round  a camel  or  donkey  which  had  fallen  dead 
in  the  roads,  and  cut  it  up  for  food.  Once,  at  Chemulpho, 
whilst  walking  out  with  M.  Cogordan,  the  French  Minister  to 
Corea,  I saw  some  Coreans  take  a frozen  dead  dog  out  of 
some  rubbish  and  deliberately  prepare  to  cook  it.  On  another 
occasion  I was  travelling  alone  in  the  wilds  of  Hu  Peh,  when 
I came  across  a whole  village  engaged  in  the  work  of  scraping 
a huge  pig.  I asked  for  explanation  why  they  did  not  dis- 
embowel it  first,  and  why  it  was  covered  with  livid  spots. 
The  villagers  said  : “ We  are  going  to  eat  the  inside  too ; and 
the  livid  spots  are  there  because  the  pig  died  of  plague.” 

There  is,  I believe,  only  one  place  known  to  Europeans  in 
China  where  human  milk  is  hawked  about  for  sale  ; that  is 
Amoy,  and  old  men  are  the  purchasers.  Until  the  advent  of 
Europeans,  cows’  milk  was  very  little  drunk  anywhere  in 
China,  except  in  the  north,  where  Tartar  pastoral  habits  have 
influenced  the  national  taste.  In  the  same  way,  in  Annam 
and  Burma,  I found  that  milk  had  no  place  in  the  national 
diet.  But  of  late  years  the  Chinese  have  begun  to  fancy  the 
sweetened  tinned  milks  of  Europe.  Cheese  is  held  in  abomi- 
nation by  the  Chinese,  who  call  it  “ milk  cake,”  and  consider 
it  in  the  light  of  “rotten  milk.”  The  Chinese  histories  have 
very  accurate  descriptions  of  the  kumiss  and  other  milk  foods 
of  the  Turks  and  Tartars,  but  they  themselves  never  seem  to 
have  adopted  them.  A decoction  known  as  nai-ctia,  or 
“ milk-tea,”  is  drunk  at  the  Manchu  court,  and  is  served  out 
on  State  occasions ; but  it  is  merely  a survival — probably  of 
Mongol  rule. 

Turtles’  sinews  are  considered  good  for  pains  in  the  joints. 
In  Nanking  there  is  a local  custom  of  chewing  horses’  sinews, 
but  I do  not  know  for  what  purpose.  Elephants  are  con- 
sidered good  eating  in  many  countries,  but  it  appears  to  be 
reserved  to  the  Chinese  Emperor  to  devour  the  monster’s 
skin  and  bones.  In  1887  an  official  statement  appeared  in 


China:  Past  and  Present 


272 

the  Peking  Gazette  to  the  effect  that  one  of  the  palace 
elephants  had  died,  and  that  (after  a certain  amount  of  cor- 
respondence between  the  different  departments  of  State)  it 
had  been  decided  to  keep  the  skin  and  bones  “ for  his 
Majesty’s  consumption  when  unwell.”  The  same  year  the 
Emperor’s  father  was  cured  of  some  malady  with  donkey’s 
skin.  From  ancient  times  rhinoceros’  horns,  ground  to 
powder,  have  been  considered  of  great  therapeutic  value. 
During  an  epidemic  of  cholera  in  the  eleventh  century,  the 
Emperor  gave  two  whole  rhinoceros’  horns  to  the  people  of 
the  metropolis.  Both  elephants’  and  rhinoceros’  horns  used 
to  be  sent  as  tribute  from  the  States  of  the  Indo-Chinese 
peninsula.  Young  and  tender  deer  horns  fetch  a high  price 
in  the  Chinese  pharmacopoea.  There  are  the  Manchurian, 
Tibetan,  and  Yiin  Nan  varieties. 

Birds’  nests  and  sea-slugs  are  invariably  present  amongst 
the  grand  dishes  at  first-class  Chinese  feasts.  I have  often 
eaten  birds’  nests.  In  their  unprepared  form  they  look  like 
rough  horn  cups,  or  saucers  of  gelatine,  interspersed  with  bits 
of  straw.  The  swallow  throws  up  in  this  form  the  half- 
digested  masses  of  fish  and  seaweed  from  its  stomach,  in 
order  to  form  an  adhesive  cement  wherewith  to  hold  the 
twigs  together.  When  I was  at  Faifo,  on  the  coast  of  Annam, 
I found  that  there  was  a considerable  export  thence.  The 
nests  are  obtained  from  the  isolated  rocks  or  islets  hard  by  ; 
these  rocks  are  hollow  in  the  centre,  and  only  accessible  with 
risk  and  difficulty.  Many  other  islands  in  the  south  seas 
export  nests  to  China  ; even  in  Fiji  I heard  there  was  an 
incipient  trade.  The  kwan-yen,  or  “ official  swallows’  [nests],” 
are  very  expensive,  and  even  those  of  the  worst  quality  are 
far  beyond  the  reach  of  ordinary  individuals.  They  taste 
very  like  isinglass.  In  ordering  a feast  from  a contractor,  it 
is  always  stipulated  “ with  or  without  swallows.”  Sea-slugs, 
or  bicho  do  mar , are  in  appearance  like  bits  of  turtle  fat,  cor- 
rugated as  tripe.  They  are  tough  and  almost  tasteless, 
something  between  the  French  escargots  and  cooked  seaweed 
to  the  palate.  Both  the  above  dishes  are  patronized  by  the 
Chinese  because  of  their  supposed  recuperative  powers.  The 
learned  Abbe  Hue,  who  is  usually  right  in  his  statements, 
however  highly  coloured  they  may  be  from  an  artistic  point 


From  Science  claim  her  Ready  Balm  273 

of  view,  ridicules  the  idea  that  sharks’  fins  and  castor  oil  enter 
into  the  ordinary  Chinese  cuisine.  But  sharks’  fins  are  nearly 
always  given  with  a big  dinner,  and  I have  myself  been  told 
frequently  that  castor  oil,  the  plant  producing  which  grows 
freely  all  over  China,  is  sometimes  used  in  cookery ; in  fact, 
I have  tasted  it  myself ; but  in  moderation  it  is  not  much 
worse  than  the  sesame  oils,  tea  oils,  and  ground-nut  oils  more 
commonly  used.* 

Wild  Manchurian  ginseng  ( Panax ) is  almost  worth  its 
weight  in  gold.  Even  the  semi-wild  quality  from  Corea  is 
worth  its  weight  in  silver.  A large  quantity  of  cultivated 
ginseng  has  of  late  years  been  imported  from  San  Francisco. 
Though  usually  described  as  a medicine,  it  is  rather  a food 
tonic,  possessing,  in  the  Chinese  opinion,  marvellous  “repair- 
ing ” qualities.  When  a distinguished  statesman  is  ill,  the 
Emperor,  as  a special  honour,  occasionally  bestows  an  ounce 
or  two  of  ginseng  upon  him.  European  physicians  have 
decided  that  the  virtues  of  ginseng  are  largely  imaginary. 
When  I was  in  Corea,  I suffered  agonies  from  sciatica,  and 
conceived  the  idea  that  ginseng  might  “ repair  ” my  nerves. 
I consulted  an  American  official  there,  who  told  me  that  he 
had  once  tried  it,  but  that  it  made  him  “perspire  blood.”  I 
made  myself  some  ginseng  tea,  besides  chewing  bits  of  the 
root  very  cautiously.  The  only  effect  was  to  make  me  feel 
very  hilarious  and  full  of  nervous  force  ; but  it  did  not  cure 
the  sciatica,  and  I was  afraid  of  increasing  the  dose  in  view 
of  what  the  United  States  official  had  said. 

The  Chinese  are,  or  were  until  the  advent  of  missionary 
doctors  a few  decades  ago,  almost  totally  ignorant  of  chemistry, 
anatomy,  and  physiology.  Their  ideas  of  the  construction  of 
the  human  frame,  as  taught  by  the  Imperial  College,  are 
beneath  contempt.  Though  in  ancient  times  the  Chinese  had 
grasped  the  idea  of  blood-circulation,  the  different  functions 
of  veins  and  arteries  have  never  been  understood  ; and  air,  like 
blood,  is  supposed  to  permeate  the  body  through  imaginary 
tubes.  Their  physicians  confine  their  diagnosis  almost  entirely 
to  feeling  the  pulse,  which  is  supposed  to  show  seventy-two 
separate  indications.  Though  there  certainly  is  some  empi- 
rical skill  in  feeling  the  pulse,  it  need  hardly  be  said  that  their 

* When  boiled  or  fried  it  is  not  a purgative,  I have  since  been  assured. 

T 


274 


China : Past  and  Present 


pretensions  to  judge  thereby  the  state  of  each  organ  are 
based  on  chicanery.  Their  Materia  Medica,  however,  is  by 
no  means  so  contemptible  as  their  surgery,  and  the  Abbe 
Hue  pays  a very  just  tribute  to  their  skill  in  prescribing 
simples.  When  I was  at  Canton  (living  alone  inside  the  city 
away  from  all  Europeans),  I made  the  acquaintance  of  a very 
effective  sudorific  which  had  to  be  taken  in  the  form  of  a 
tisane,  or  tea.  For  many  years  after  that  I used  to  carry  a 
packet  of  “ bricks  ” about  with  me,  and  a single  brick  never 
failed  to  cure,  in  one  dose,  slight  attacks  of  low  fever.  For 
a whole  decade  the  European  community  of  Canton,  includ- 
ing all  the  ladies  without  exception,  were  attended  by  a 
Chinese  physician  who  had  been  educated  in  Scotland,  but 
who  still  wore  native  clothes  and  plaited  queue.  Of  course 
Dr.  Wong  * (for  that  was  his  name)  was  regarded  in  the  light 
of  a European,  and  always  comported  himself  as  such ; but 
in  his  heart  of  hearts  he  was  still  a Chinaman,  and  used  to 
confide  to  me  many  of  his  inner  beliefs,  one  of  which  was 
that  European  doctors  did  not  understand  fevers,  and  more 
especially  the  chills,  low  fevers,  and  so-called  typhoid  fevers 
of  Canton.  In  the  most  common  of  them  the  whites  of  the 
nails  turn  blackish,  and  the  tongue  gets  a black  fur  too. 
Whenever  I noticed,  after  a chill,  my  nails  growing  black,  I 
used  to  totally  ignore  foreign  physicians,  and  doctor  myself 
with  ng-shi-cka,  or  “ noon-tide  tea  ; ” that  is  to  say,  the  tisane 
already  mentioned,  after  the  method  prescribed  by  Chinese 
crones.  Notwithstanding  all  this,  the  Chinese  are  very  glad 
to  get  quinine,  especially  when  there  is  no  charge  for  it. 
They  suffer  a great  deal  from  ague,  and  either  neglect  it  or 
are  unable  to  cure  it.  Europeans  are  almost  invariably 
attacked  by  these  Canton  fevers  through  sleeping  in  the 
draught  after  indulgence  of  some  sort,  and  they  are  almost 
always  certified  as  dying  of  typhus  or  typhoid  fever. 

The  Abbe  Hue  was  satisfied  that  many  Chinese  doctors 
were  able  to  cure  the  worst  cases  of  hydrophobia,  and  I myself 
have  seen  in  widely  different  provinces  frequent  advertise- 
ments by  philanthropists  offering  a cure  gratis,  which  cer- 
tainly looks  as  though  the  physician  at  least  honestly  believed 
in  his  own  remedy.  The  first  sign  of  rabies,  whether  in  a 

* See  chapter  on  Dr.  Wong  in  John  Chinaman. 


A Pleasure , sure , in  being  mad  275 

dog  or  a man,  is  a strong  repulsion  to  being  fanned,  and  to 
hearing  the  noise  of  a gong.  If  these  symptoms  appear,  two 
doses  of  the  following  tisane , taken  hot,  must  be  administered 
within  seven  days  of  the  bite  which  produced  rabies  : ^ oz. 
ginseng  ; oz.  of  Peucedanum  decursivum  ; 3-  oz.  Angelica 
root ; £ oz.  of  another  plant  allied  to  the  last  two ; £ oz. 
Bupleuri  octoradiati  ; 1 oz.  of  either  Citrus  fusca  or  decumana 
skin,  broiled  ; £ oz.  Platycodon  grandifolium  ; £ oz.  Pachyma 
pinetorium  ; $ oz.  liquorice  root ; } oz.  of  the  radix  tuberosa 
Levistici ; 3 oz.  raw  ginger ; I oz.  of  radix  Hedy sari ; and 
a handful  of  “ red  bamboo  ” — one  of  the  common  bamboos  of 
China.  Seven  days  later  some  raw  beans  should  be  chewed. 
If  they  taste  like  cooked  beans,  and  can  be  swallowed  easily, 
the  tisane  must  again  be  taken  three  times,  and  the  bean  test 
renewed  until  a cure  is  effected.  But  if  there  is  nausea  in 
attempting  to  swallow  the  raw  beans,  the  cure  is  already 
complete,  or  will  be  complete.  In  the  case  of  dogs,  the  same 
treatment  is  followed,  with  the  addition  that  an  ounce  of 
radix  Daphnidii  Myrrhce  must  be  mixed  with  their  rice. 
Pregnant  women  need  not  be  afraid  to  swallow  the  tisane. 
If  lockjaw  has  already  set  in,  the  front  teeth  of  the  patient 
must  be  knocked  out,  and  the  tisane  poured  in  somehow. 
The  advertiser  in  one  case  says  he  himself  found  out  the 
remedy  accidentally  through  seeing  a man,  taken  by  mistake 
for  a quack,  tied  to  a patient  whom  he  had  offered  to  cure  for 
six  taels.  The  villagers  had  adopted  this  practical  method 
of  discovering  alike  the  secret  of  the  cure  and  the  fact  of  the 
doctor’s  good  faith.  The  victim  was  cured,  and  the  doctor 
duly  paid  by  the  village. 

Some  Chinese  doctors  use  cantharides  for  hydrophobia, 
but  this  remedy  is  now  disapproved  as  being  too  painful. 
They  prescribe  in  preference  Geranium  7iepalense , red  bamboo 
root,  and  ginseng.  Thus  it  will  be  seen  that  red  bamboo  and 
ginseng  are  declared  on  all  sides  to  be  essential  to  a cure. 

The  following  is  a Chinese  prescription  for  cholera : Stir 
up  with  a little  rice  spirit  (usually  called  “ wine  ”),  3 oz.  of  the 
best  Justicia ; $ oz.  of  a certain  Convolvulus  ; | oz.  of  sweet 
Atractylodes ; | oz.  of  ginger;  and  £ oz.  of  dried  liquorice. 
If  the  hands  and  feet  show  great  coldness,  add  ^ oz.  of 
Aconitum  variegatum.  If  the  hands  and  feet  are  shrivelled, 


276  China:  Past  and  Present 

add  ^ oz.  of  Carica  papaya,  taking  the  draught  boiled  in  clear 
water. 

It  is  unnecessary  to  describe  in  detail  the  alleged  Chinese 
cure  for  the  Yiin  Nan  plague,  which  has  during  the  past  few 
years  ravaged  parts  of  the  Canton  province,  for  the  Chinese 
doctors  have  proved  themselves  totally  unable  to  cope  with 
it.  The  same  may  be  said  of  all  foreign  remedies,  until  Dr. 
Yersin’s  discovery  of  the  bacillus,  together  with  his  new 
inoculating  system,  proved  that  there  really  were  adequate 
means  of  coping  with  it. 

The  bite  of  the  cobra  is  said  to  be  counteracted  by  sucking 
up  and  swallowing  water  through  a stale  tobacco-pipe.  I 
myself  once  saw  a soldier  rubbing  his  toe  with  tobacco  juice 
after  having  been  bitten  by  a snake.  At  the  same  time,  the 
Chinese  do  not  neglect  the  more  practical  remedy  of  sucking 
the  wound  and  binding  the  limb  tight  directly  above  it. 
Snakes  are  said  to  dread  orpiment,  and  this  substance,  mixed 
with  rice  spirit,  is  freely  sprinkled  about  native  houses.  But, 
as  a rule,  the  Chinese  are  not  afraid  of  snakes,  and  rarely 
kill  them  unless  suddenly  startled  or  annoyed  by  them,  f 
have  known  families  who  allowed  snakes  fixed  quarters  in 
the  house,  and  the  snake  seemed  to  understand  that  he  was 
safe  from  attack  so  long  as  he  kept  reasonably  out  of  the 
way.  One  of  the  few  Buddhist  ideas  that  have  taken  real 
root  in  China  is  the  horror  of  taking  animal  life  unneces- 
sarily. Snakes  are  declared  to  sedulously  avoid  places  where 
the  balsam  grows.  They  also  object  to  sulphurous  smells. 
An  unpleasant  snake  incident  once  happened  to  me.  I was 
resting  for  lunch  one  wet  day  with  a French  friend  in  a 
Peking  temple,  and  we  were  looking  up  at  the  paper  ceiling, 
and-remarking  what  a number  of  snakes  seemed  to  be  crawl- 
ing above.  Suddenly  there  was  a hissing  sound,  and  we 
were  instantaneously  enveloped  in  dust  and  darkness. 
Loosened  by  the  rain,  the  whole  paper  ceiling  fell  at  once, 
covering  us,  our  tables,  chairs,  etc.  If  there  were  any  snakes, 
they  made  off  in  the  scrimmage.  In  and  around  Peking  a 
day  rarely  passes  during  the  summer  without  a snake  being 
seen  somewhere.  They  shed  their  skins  then,  and  these  are 
used  for  eye  medicines.  Wasp  stings  are  cured  by  rubbing 
the  place  with  raw  taro — that  is,  after  the  sting  has  been 


277 


A Pox  on  your  Throat ! 

extracted,  raw  taro  will  allay  pain  and  prevent  inflammation. 

1 myself  was  severely  stung  by  a scorpion  at  Peking,  where 
these  insects  swarm,  but  I preferred  an  instant  application 
of  ammonia  to  speculating  with  native  nostrums.  My 
servants  were  frequently  stung  by  centipedes,  but  they 
usually  escaped  lightly  by  letting  the  centipede  alone.  If 
you  have  the  nerve  to  keep  still  while  he  travels  round  your 
neck  or  up  your  trousers,  he  will  not  touch  you  ; if  your 
nerve  fails,  your  only  plan  is  to  squash  him  against  your 
skin  before  he  has  time  to  hurt.  I once  squashed  what  I 
thought  was  one  in  my  boot  that  way ; but  I could  not  help 
it,  as  the  boot  was  already  on.  I imagined  all  sorts  of  pains 
in  my  great  toe,  but  as  soon  as  the  wriggling  ceased  I found 
it  was  only  a small  frog.  At  Canton  I once  put  my  hand 
to  my  neck  to  brush  off  some  tickling  substance,  when  sud- 
denly I felt  a clammy  yielding  object  like  a broken  pigeon’s 
egg.  It  turned  out  to  be  a huge  tarantula , said  to  be  of 
the  harmless  kind.  I had  killed  him.  Some  tarantula  are 
dreadfully  poisonous,  but  I think  they  come  from  near 
Tartary. 

Small-pox — at  least,  when  I was  at  Peking  nearly  thirty 
years  ago — was  almost  universal.  Fifty  per  cent,  of  men  and 
women  were  more  or  less  marked,  and  99  per  cent,  had  had  it. 
So  much  was  this  the  case,  that  no  one  would  marry  a person 
who  had  not  had  the  small-pox.  It  was  called  “joy,”  or 
“ flowers.”  It  was  quite  a polite  question  to  ask,  “ Has  your 
son  seen  joy  yet  ? ” The  Mongols  are  free  from  small-pox  in 
their  own  country,  but  they  have  a great  horror  of  catching  it 
in  Peking,  and  still  more  of  taking  it  home.  I suppose  the 
invariable  presence  of  cattle  protects  them  in  Mongolia.  Of 
late  years  inoculation  and  vaccination  have  made  great  strides, 
and  no  doubt  Peking  is  less  affected  than  before.  But  in  no 
part  of  China  is  any  fuss  made  about  small-pox,  nor  are  any 
protective  or  sanitary  measures  taken.  Children  recovering 
from  the  small-pox  are  freely  carried  about  the  streets. 
I noticed  comparatively  little  small-pox  in  the  central  and 
southern  provinces.  The  Chinese  do  not  seem  to  have  any 
remedy  for  small-pox  beyond  dieting  and  avoiding  draughts. 
Gratuitous  vaccination  is  now  common  all  over  China. 

Wenchow  is  the  city  in  China  most  celebrated  for  its  eye 


China:  Past  and  Present 


278 

medicines.  I have  tried  them  and  found  them  highly  cooling 
in  cases  of  inflamed  eyelids.  The  custom  is  to  mix  them 
with  honey  and  milk,  and  to  insert  a little  into  the  corners 
of  the  eye  with  a sort  of  round-headed  pin.  As  already 
mentioned,  snakes’  skins  are  used  in  the  preparation  of  eye 
medicines.  Chinese  varnish  often  seriously  affects  the  eyes. 
An  American  colleague  at  Chinkiang,  who  was  having  his 
house  renovated,  not  only  got  inflamed  eyes,  but  was  covered 
with  a red  eruption  for  several  weeks.  The  natives  call  the 
malady  “ varnish  eating,”  and  say  that  it  attacks  the  system 
through  the  nostrils.*  It  is  recorded  in  Tyrwhitt’s  “Canterbury 
Tales”  that  the  gall  of  the  hyaena  used  to  be  employed  in 
Europe  for  diseases  of  the  eye. 

The  lily  bulb  is  used  for  diseases  of  the  lungs.  Probably 
the  idea  was  derived  from  the  Tartars,  who  still  feed  on  it 
largely.  The  ancient  Turks  of  Siberia  are  also  stated  to  have 
used  it  as  a food.  For  heart  disease  petrified  crabs  are 
considered  good.  I took  the  trouble  to  hunt  them  up  in  the 
island  of  Hainan.  They  look  just  like  stone,  and  are  ground 
into  a powder  for  use.  In  connection  with  crabs,  I may 
mention  that  at  Chungking,  1600  miles  inland,  the  most 
aristocratic  present  you  can  give  is  a couple  of  live  sea-crabs. 
They  are  worth  their  weight  in  silver  there.  A mandarin 
once  gave  me  two,  each  not  much  bigger  than  a large 
tarantula  ; but  I at  once  passed  them  on,  so  as  to  get  credit 
for  “ high  tone  ” before  the  crabs  should  die. 

The  Chinese  suffer  much  from  itch  and  other  skin  diseases  ; 
not  that  they  have  not  excellent  remedies — eg.  the  so-called 
“ Goa  powder ; ” but  they  do  not  seem  to  mind  the  itch. 
When  I was  at  Canton,  the  Hoppo  suffered  severely  from  it, 
and  the  consul  took  him  in  hand.  We  were,  however,  chiefly 
anxious  for  our  own  sakes.  Oyster-shell  dust  is  a good 
remedy  for  some  itchy  irritations  ; also  the  fruit  of  the  Melia 
azedarach  boiled  into  a soup.  Many  Europeans  get  what  is 
called  “washerman’s  itch,”  and  when  at  Wenchow  I had  it 
for  a whole  year.  Oyster-shell  dust  is  said  to  be  good  also 
for  mumps  and  for  certain  swellings  allied  to  rickets.  Though 
the  Chinese  burn  the  Artemisia  contra , as  the  Venetians  do 
the  zanzare , to  keep  off  mosquitoes,  they  do  not  seem  to 

* The  Chinese  used  to  inoculate  through  the  nostrils  against  small-pox. 


Mortal  Venom  in  the  Social  Cnp  279 

understand  that  its  proximate  principle,  santonine,  is  a remedy 
for  tapeworm.  The  Chinese  oil  of  peppermint  is  a well-known 
alleviative  in  cases  of  headache  or  depression.  “Toads’  eye- 
brows ” are  effectual  to  provoke  sneezing,  and  thus  clear  the 
head  ; the  toad  of  Sz  Ch’wan  is  said  to  capture  its  food,  the 
wax  insects,  by  “ spitting  at  them  through  its  eyebrows.” 

Swallowing  opium  is  now  the  favourite  way  of  committing 
suicide.  A preparation  of  Bombyx  malabaricum  is  considered 
a good  antidote.  There  are  many  others.  In  any  case  the 
white  of  egg  prevents  action  on  the  bowels.  Jumping  head 
foremost  down  a well  was  in  fashion  before.*  The  Chinese 
now  profess  to  be  able  to  dispel  the  effects  of  opium  swallowed 
by  injections  at  the  wrist.  The  various  forms  of  arsenic  are 
also  much  affected  by  suicides,  but  arsenic  is  chiefly  used  in 
murder.  High-placed  Chinese  often  carry  secret  poisons 
about  them,  which,  after  being  swallowed,  do  not  act  until 
a cup  of  tea  or  water  is  drunk.  The  Sultan  of  the  Panthays 
(whose  son  is  still  a British  pensioner  at  Rangoon)  cheated 
his  captor,  the  Viceroy  Ts’en  Yiih-ying  (the  supposed  instigator 
of  Margary’s  murder)  in  this  way.  The  poison  used  by  the 
savage  Miao  tribes  similarly  requires  water  to  bring  it  out. 
The  victim  is  attacked  by  intense  thirst,  and  cannot  resist 
drinking  the  necessarily  fatal  quantity.  For  poisoning  fish 
the  Datura  alba  and  Melia  azedarach  are  both  used.  The 
most  aristocratic  way  of  poisoning  one’s  self  is  to  swallow 
gold.  Some  Chinese  say  that  gold,  like  quicksilver,  is  so 
heavy  that  a lump  of  it  perforates  the  bowel.  Others  say 
that  the  gold  leaf  swells  as  soon  as  it  reaches  the  stomach 
and  bowels. 

Tigers’  bones  are  very  valuable,  and  the  way  the  Chinaman 
distinguishes  the  true  from  the  false  is  by  giving  them  to  a 
dog  to  sniff.  If  the  bones  are  genuine,  back  go  the  dog’s 
ears,  down  goes  his  tail,  and  off  he  speeds  like  the  wind  ; if 
the  bones  are  not  genuine,  the  dog  simply  gnaws  them. 

It  is  well  known  that  the  Chinese  object  to  drink  cold 
water;  they  say  it  injures  the  bowels.  Probably,  although 
they  do  not  know  it,  the  true  reason  is  that  boiled  water 
often  disposes  of  harmful  organic  matter.  In  North  China 

* After  the  “Boxer  ” troubles  in  1900,  numbers  of  aristocratic  families  took 
headers  into  wells. 


28o 


China : Past  and  Present 


especially,  hot  water  is  quite  an  ordinary  roadside  drink.  In 
travelling  over  the  Mongol  plains,  I found  snow-water  very 
unpalatable  for  making  coffee ; but  the  Chinese  preserve  it 
for  use  as  a cooling  medicine ; the  mud  taken  from  the 
bottom  of  a well  is  used  by  them  for  the  same  purpose. 
A decoction  of  green-bean  flour  is  said  to  be  very  cooling  in 
summer,  and  barrels  of  it  are  often  provided  for  the  public  by 
philanthropists.  Six  parts  of  chalk  to  one  of  liquorice  also 
make  a grateful  summer  drink  when  mixed  with  a proper 
proportion  of  water.  “Tea  cake”  is  sold  to  travellers  for 
chewing  on  the  road,  and  is  said  to  quench  the  thirst  almost 
as  well  as  the  decoction.  The  priests  of  Peking  are  in  the 
habit  of  chewing  a mysterious  drug  called  hwang-chi  (“  yellow 
chicken  ”),  which  not  only  stays  hunger,  but  is  a powerful  tonic. 


CHAPTER  II 

LEPERS  IN  CHINA 

THE  first  place  in  China  where  I saw  lepers  in  any  great 
number  was  Canton.  In  that  city  they  seem  to  have  a great 
monopoly  of  the  retail  rope  and  cord  trade,  and  they  may  be 
seen  any  day  at  the  corners  of  the  narrow  streets  squatting 
on  the  ground  with  their  humble  stock-in-trade  before  them  ; 
nor  does  there  appear  to  be  any  particular  dread  of  personal 
contact  with  them.  Whether  it  is  that  a municipal  rule 
keeps  them  away,  or  whether  it  is  that  the  more  repulsive 
lepers  do  not  care  to  come  into  town,  it  is  at  any  rate  unusual 
to  see  very  advanced  cases  in  the  public  streets  of  the  city. 
In  order  to  witness  these,  one  must  go  to  the  leper  village, 
situated  outside  the  East  Gate,  in  the  direction  of  the  execution 
ground,  or  rather  of  the  ghastly  field  into  which  the  dead 
bodies  of  executed  criminals  are  thrown,  a mile  or  two  below 
the  city  walls.  There  they  may  be  seen  in  all  stages  of 
decay,  from  a faint  livid  spot  in  the  lobe  of  the  ear,  to  a sort 


28i 


A Leper  as  white  as  Snow 

of  scrofulous  chalky  rottenness  covering  the  greater  part  of 
the  body,  and  slowly  eating  the  hands  and  feet  away.  In  all 
parts  of  China  where  leprosy  is  common,  the  people  say  the 
same  thing,  namely,  that  there  is  no  danger  of  contagion  so 
long  as  a healthy  person  does  not  actually  sleep  with  a leper. 
Hence  it  comes  about  that,  however  careless  the  Chinese 
may  be  in  their  daily  intercourse  with  this  unfortunate  class, 
they  are  always  exceedingly  particular  to  turn  them  out  of 
town  before  sunset.  Tending  cows  seems  to  be  the  occupa- 
tion of  the  village  lepers  ; and  I remember  that  at  one  time 
this  discovery  created  quite  a panic  amongst  the  European 
ladies  of  Canton.  Perhaps  for  this  reason  most  Europeans 
there  now  milk  their  own  cows.  The  leper  village  outside  of 
Canton  is  a walled  enclosure,  containing  several  streets  and 
a considerable  number  of  well-built  houses,  with  a temple 
and  other  public  buildings  for  the  use  of  the  inmates.  These 
are  of  all  classes  ; for,  no  matter  how  rich  a man  may  be,  he 
is  unable  to  keep  a leprous  member  of  his  family  in  his  own 
house  so  soon  as  the  fact  becomes  known  to  the  neighbours. 
Once  in  the  leper  village,  there  is  nothing  to  prevent  one 
diseased  person  from  marrying  with  another  and  begetting 
children  ; nor,  if  a healthy  wife  chooses  to  sacrifice  herself  to 
a leprous  husband,  does  the  law  stand  in  her  way.  Leprosy, 
however,  is  one  of  the  few  cases  which  justify  the  breaking 
off  of  a marriage,  even  if  it  be  the  woman  who  seeks  to 
cancel  her  contract  with  a leprous  man. 

It  is  not  only  the  mere  bodily  contact  whilst  in  occupation 
of  the  same  sleeping  accommodation  which  transmits  the 
disease  ; it  appears  sufficient  if  the  breath  of  a leper,  or  the 
effluvium  thrown  off  by  a leper  when  in  a comatose  state,  is 
breathed  at  close  quarters  by  a healthy  person  whose  body 
is  also  in  a comatose  or  receptive  condition.  Thus  one  sister 
may  get  the  disease  from  another,  though  of  course  con- 
ditions of  receptivity  are  more  varied  and  numerous  in  the 
case  of  man  and  wife.  Naturally  the  children  of  lepers  are 
also  lepers ; but  occasionally  a generation  is  skipped,  and  a 
healthy  son  may  transmit  his  father’s  leprosy  to  his  own 
progeny.  However,  the  Chinese  are  so  little  observant  in 
scientific  medicine  and  surgery  that  we  cannot  be  quite  sure 
upon  this  point. 


282 


China:  Past  and  Present 


The  only  recognized  way  of  finding  out  whether  a subject 
is  affected  by  leprosy  or  not  is  to  expose  the  suspected 
features  and  members  to  the  light  over  a crucible  of  nitre 
( k'ing  siao  hi),  when  the  traces  are  shadowed  out  unmistak- 
ably. A native  Shanghai  newspaper  of  May  last  contains 
the  following  item  : — “ Purchasers  of  female  slaves  in  the 
region  of  Canton  always  subject  the  proposed  purchase  to 
the  ordeal  of  the  crucible.  But  it  so  happened  that  last  year 
a friend  of  ours  bought  a girl  of  twelve  or  thirteen,  who, 
despite  the  fact  that  she  had  been  exposed  to  the  nitre  stove, 
very  shortly  afterwards  betrayed  a sort  of  cloudy  red  spot  on 
her  face.  A leper  doctor  at  once  identified  it  as  leprosy  ; but 
when  he  had  her  exposed  a second  time,  to  every  one’s 
surprise  she  seemed  as  sound  as  an  ordinary  person.  No 
statements  of  an  incriminating  nature  could  be  extracted 
from  her,  and  she  roundly  swore  she  was  no  leper.  Recourse 
was  then  had  to  threats,  and  in  order  to  avoid  being  pitched 
into  the  river,  she  confessed  at  last  that  she  really  was  a leper, 
and  that  the  seller  had  told  her  that  if  she  kept  a silver  coin 
in  her  mouth  during  the  crucible  ordeal , no  traces  would  come 
out ; he  warned  her  to  keep  the  secret,  or  else  she  would 
certainly  be  put  in  the  leper  village  ” (called  in  Chinese  the 
Feng-yiian). 

When  I was  in  Canton  twenty  years  ago,  there  were  one 
or  two  alleged  European  or  American  cases,  but  it  did  not 
appear  to  me  that  they  were  clearly  authenticated  ; and  in 
any  event  the  foreign  population  of  Canton  is  so  fleeting  and 
changeable  that  the  hospital  could  not  possibly  have  time  to 
form  an  adequate  opinion  upon  a permanently  resident  case. 
There  is  an  expression,  “ selling  leprosy,”  well  known  amongst 
women  at  Canton,  and  possibly  some  sailor  or  temporary 
visitor  may  have  fallen  a victim  in  this  way. 

In  Hoihow,  a town  in  the  island  of  Hainan  to  the  south 
of  Canton,  I became  “ quite  intimate  ” with  the  lepers. 
There,  as  at  Canton,  they  are  confined,  for  sleeping  purposes, 
to  a village  just  outside  the  walls  of  the  town,  and  they  are 
authorized  by  old  custom,  or  by  municipal  rule,  to  proceed 
twice  a month  to  the  island  metropolis  of  Kiungchow  in 
order  to  beg  in  the  public  streets.  I used  to  meet  them 
coming  back  on  the  first  and  fifteenth  of  each  month,  their 


Does  from  my  Senses  take  all  Feeling  283 

wallets  filled  with  broken  food.  It  is  a favourite  plan  of 
theirs  to  force  alms  from  a stranger  by  feigning  to  catch  hold 
of  the  hand.  Of  course  most  people  draw  back  in  horror, 
and  many  are  only  too  glad  to  throw  a few  coppers  in  order 
to  exchange  the  lepers’  company  for  their  room.  It  always 
seemed  to  me  that  they  emitted  a sort  of  “ hot  smell ; ” not  a 
rank  or  loathsome  or  acute  odour,  but  a kind  of  feverish  musty 
smell,  as  though  some  sub-metallic  fume  were  being  exuded 
into  the  air  around  them.  Halfway  between  Kiungchow  and 
Hoihow  there  stood  a number  of  tiny  mat-huts,  scarcely  larger 
than  dog-kennels,  at  intervals  of  a few  yards  from  each  other, 
on  both  sides  of  the  road.  These  huts  were  inhabited  by 
half-naked  leper  women,  and  most  of  them  had  lost  either 
arms,  toes,  or  both  sets  of  digits.  When  I paid  my  formal 
visits  to  the  mandarins  in  my  sedan  chair,  I always  directed 
the  official  servants  who  ran  after  me  to  put  about  five 
hundred  cash  into  the  palankeen,  and  with  these  cash  I used 
to  amuse  myself  and  gratify  the  women  as  I ran  the  leper 
gauntlet.  I well  remember  one  woman  who  was  almost  like 
a skeleton  covered  with  skin.  She  had  no  fingers  and  no 
upper  lip ; besides  that,  her  elbows,  shoulders,  and  facial 
protuberances  were  all  covered  with  a sort  of  mouldy  fluff. 
I don’t  know  whether  these  road  cases  were  so  bad  that  even 
the  leper  villages  would  not  take  them  in,  but  there  they 
always  were  during  the  day,  and  I suppose  they  remained 
there  at  night  too.  In  the  town  of  Hoihow  there  was  a 
curious  little  beggar  boy,  very  bright  and  intelligent,  who 
used  to  assist  at  the  local  rope-walk,  and  run  about  playing 
with  other  boys  in  the  streets.  He  was  covered  all  over 
by  a sort  of  half-invisible  yellow  scale, : like  ' a fish,  and  the 
people  used  to  class  him  as  a “ doubtful  leper.”  Apparently 
he  slept  on  the  doorsteps,  and  successfully  asserted  his 
doubtfulness  to  the  extent  of  not  having  to  go  to  the  village 
at  night.  I never  actually  touched  him,  though  I often  gave 
him  a copper,  and  allowed  him  to  walk  and  talk  with  me.  I 
believe  he  used  to  sleep  under  my  porch  occasionally  too ; 
probably  he  is  still  there. 

In  the  interior  provinces  of  Hu  Peh  and  Kiang  Si  I twice 
came  across  lepers.  One  of  them  offered  me  some  fine 
pears  for  sale.  I cannot  say  if  these  inland  specimens  were 


China:  Past  and  Present 


284 

indigenous  or  imported  lepers.  I also  saw  a few  during  my 
year’s  stay  at  the  riverine  port  of  Hankow.  The  remarkable 
thing  is  that  lepers  do  not  suffer  any  pain.  At  first  the  only 
sign  that  leprosy  is  coming  on  is  a feeling  of  numbness  about 
the  fingers,  ears,  or  nose  ; the  eyebrows  get  scabby-looking ; 
and  the  hair  begins  to  thin  away.  Then  the  face  gets  to 
assume  a bright  or  glazed  appearance  here  and  there,  as 
though  the  parts  had  just  recently  healed  of  a burn  or  scald  ; 
the  eyes  look  hot,  inflamed,  and  rat-like,  like  those  of  a white 
rabbit  or  common  ferret.  Progress  downwards  from  this 
stage  is  very  gradual,  but  any  accidental  lesion  encourages 
the  formation  of  deep  and  fetid  ulcers.  When  I lived  at 
Kewkiang,  Dr.  Shearer  used  to  take  lepers  in  hand,  and  he 
told  me  his  experiences.  I believe  careful  treatment  with 
alteratives,  coupled  with  good  feeding,  may  easily  arrest  the 
course  of  the  disease  ; but  it  will  not  eradicate  it,  and  the 
subjects  are  usually  of  too  humble  a walk  in  life  to  make  it 
worth  any  one’s  while  to  feed  them  up,  unless  it  be  for 
scientific  purposes,  or  out  of  motives  of  curiosity.  No 
perspiration  ever  takes  place  through  the  glazed  portions, 
and  paralysis  in  the  face  is  a very  usual  accompaniment.  So 
far  as  I have  been  able  to  ascertain,  leprosy  in  China  is 
confined,  firstly,  to  places  near  a tidal  river ; and,  secondly, 
to  places  of  a marshy  and  undrained  character.  In  the 
interior  of  China  no  such  care  is  taken  to  segregate  the 
lepers  as  is  insisted  on  in  Canton  and  Hoihow ; but  probably 
this  is  on  account  of  the  comparative  infrequency  of  the 
disease.  Against  small-pox,  plague,  cholera,  and  other 
analogous  scourges  the  Chinese  usually  take  no  sanitary 
precautions  whatever ; it  is  only  leprosy  which  imbues  them 
with  horror,  although  it  is  quite  painless,  and  never  affects 
the  general  health,  except  that,  in  the  case  of  very  young 
people,  it  retards  puberty.  The  Hoihow  people  say  that 
leprosy  may  be  specifically  acquired  by  eating  the  flesh  of  a 
dead  chicken  over  which  a centipede  has  run.  But  there  is 
no  end  to  their  medical  yarns. 

When  I was  in  Burma  I saw  a few  cases  of  leprosy  near 
Rangoon  ; but  the  weather  was  too  hot  for  me  to  personally 
explore  in  leprous  localities.  A native  Burmese  doctor  once 
assured  me  that  he  possessed  the  secret  of  an  absolutely 


Skilled  our  Wounds  to  heal  285 

certain  cure  for  leprosy,  and  offered  to  cure  in  my  presence 
any  leper  I might  bring  to  him.  He  said  he  had  learned  the 
secret  from  an  old  bonze  in  a kyaung ; or  temple  such  as  the 
poor  use  in  Burma  for  all  the  purposes  of  an  inn.  The  doctor 
had  done  the  priest  some  good  turn,  and  the  priest,  who  was 
on  the  verge  of  death,  wished  to  requite  the  favour.  The 
cure  is  as  follows  : As  in  the  case  of  the  Chinese  crucible  test, 
nitre  plays  an  important  part,  and  it  is  worth  while  investi- 
gating the  question  why  nitre  should  possess  at  once  the 
alleged  property  of  disclosing  and  curing  leprosy.  It  is  also 
remarkable  that,  as  with  the  Chinese,  arsenic  is  used  as  an 
alterative.  The  Burmese  bonze’s  prescription  specified  equal 
parts  of  saltpetre,  arsenic,  camphor,  vitriol,  sulphur,  orpiment, 
common  solder,  and  white  arsenic,  powdered  and  heated  over 
a charcoal  fire.  A piece  of  paper  is  laid  over  the  pan  to 
prevent  the  mixture  from  flaring  up  by  contact  with  too  much 
air.  The  thick  vapour  which  arises  is  allowed  to  collect  in  an 
alembic  in  the  form  of  a crust.  One  sixty-fourth  of  a rupee 
in  weight  of  this  crusty  essence  is  administered,  mixed  with 
pure  honey,  to  the  patient,  who  must  have  previously  devoured 
at  least  a pound  of  honey  by  way  of  preparing  his  stomach. 
Notwithstanding  all  this  honey,  the  leper  is  at  once  seized 
with  a most  violent  fit  of  nausea  and  vomiting,  and  during 
the  whole  of  the  next  day  the  leprous  spots  will  be  so  hot 
that  their  glow  may  be  felt  at  a distance  of  two  feet.  (This 
remarkable  glow  accords  with  my  own  experience  of  a hot 
feverish  smell.)  On  the  fourth  day  scabs  are  peeled  off  all 
the  affected  parts,  and  the  process  is  repeated,  if  necessary, 
until  all  these  leprous  spots  cease  to  be  feverish.  In  some 
cases  four  or  five  repetitions  are  necessary,  and  occasionally 
the  severe  vomiting  carries  off  the  patient.  Of  course  there 
is  no  cure  for  disfigurements,  nor  can  parts  which  have  once 
dropped  off  be  made  to  grow  on  again  ; but  the  disease  is 
eradicated  from  all  parts  where  it  lurks  in  an  active  state. 

The  above  cure,  or  alleged  cure,  for  leprosy  was  brought 
by  the  Burmese  doctor  before  a European  practitioner  in 
Mandalay  or  Rangoon,  and  this  practitioner  advised  the  man 
to  lay  his  secret  before  the  Indian  Government.  But  nothing 
was  done.  As  I held  an  official  position  under  the  Indian 
Government  at  that  time,  I informally  undertook  to  make  the 


286 


China:  Past  and  Present 


suggestion.  But  there  is  some  knack  or  secret  in  the  mixing 
or  heating  of  the  drugs  above  enumerated,  and  this  secret  the 
Burmese  doctor  would  not  disclose  without  a preliminary 
reward.  Thus  the  thing  fell  through  again.  I promised  not 
to  disclose  the  secret  even  so  far  as  it  is  explained  above ; 
but  the  man  died  a couple  of  years  ago,  and  I therefore  con- 
sider myself  absolved. 


CHAPTER  III 
CHINESE  GAMES  AND  SPORTS 

The  Chinese  are  essentially  a sedentary  people,  and  little 
given  to  outdoor  sports.  Cricket,  hockey,  golf,  football, 
baseball,  tennis — all  these  are  totally  unknown  to  them,  nor 
have  they  anything  corresponding  thereto.  Horse-racing, 
archery,  weight-lifting,  putting  the  stone,  and  fencing  are 
rather  military  exercises  than  sports  ; and  even  then  it  is 
more  the  ruling  caste  of  Tartars  than  the  Chinese  proper 
who  indulge  in  such  pastimes.  However,  self-contained  and 
sedate  though  the  yellow  man  may  be,  he  is  not  totally 
destitute  of  a desire  for  amusements,  whether  indoor  or  out- 
door ; and  accordingly  in  this  paper  I propose  to  give  some 
account  of  them,  beginning  first  with  those  concerning  the 
animal  kingdom. 

Quail-fights  are  in  vogue  both  in  the  north  and  south  of 
China,  and  it  is  by  no  means  uncommon  in  Peking  to  see  a 
man  walking  about  in  the  country  lanes  with  his  favourite 
bird  in  a cage.  He  takes  it  out,  feeds  it,  and  plays  with  it 
just  as  the  Spaniards  do  with  their  fighting  cocks,  “nourish- 
ing” its  hate  and  ferocity,  wherever  opportunity  may  occur, 
by  confronting  it  with  a rival  of  its  own  kind.  In  Canton 
quail-fights  are  usually  held  in  gambling  booths  or  mat  sheds, 
(called  Up  or  liak,  according  to  dialect),  and  betting  goes  on 
very  freely. 


Let  Dogs  delight  to  bark  and  bite  287 

Cricket-fights  are  also  common,  alike  in  Peking,  in  the 
Great  River  valley,  and  in  the  south.  In  Peking  the  crickets 
are  invariably  kept  in  a sort  of  covered  jar  made  of  a porous 
earthenware,  which  we  Europeans  used  to  find  most  excel- 
lently adapted  for  keeping  tobacco  in.  When  once  the 
insects  close,  they  rarely  separate  until  one  or  the  other  is 
left  dead  on  the  field. 

Cock-fighting  is  a very  ancient  sport,  but  at  present  it 
seems  to  have  gone  somewhat  out  of  vogue.  At  Shanghai 
the  Manila  seamen,  of  whom  there  are  always  great  numbers 
in  port,  invariably  amuse  themselves  on  a Sunday  with  an 
afternoon  of  cock-fighting.  It  is  either  ignored  or  connived 
at  by  the  foreign  municipality.  The  arrangements,  though 
on  a humbler  scale,  differ  in  no  way  from  those  of  the  regular 
arenas  in  Madrid,  Mexico,  or  Havana.  The  spurs  are  small 
razors  of  the  most  deadly  description,  and  the  movements  of 
the  birds  are  so  rapid  that  one  of  the  two  often  falls  dead 
from  a blow  clean  through  its  head  without  the  inexperienced 
spectator  being  able  to  see  more  than  a flutter  of  feathers 
and  an  instantaneous  rush  on  both  sides.  Nearly  1200  years 
ago  the  Emperor  who  is  popularly  supposed  to  have  “invented” 
small  feet  for  women  also  distinguished  himself,  like  our  James 
I.,  by  his  cock-fighting  propensities.  He  used  to  give  public 
entertainments  in  the  spring  of  each  year  at  the  ancestor- 
worshipping festival ; and,  in  order  to  keep  an  adequate 
supply  of  game-cocks,  he  established  a sort  of  mews  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  his  own  palace.  Here  500  boys  were 
steadily  employed  in  training  and  feeding  1000  cocks.  But 
even  in  Confucius’s  time,  1200  years  before  this  again,  there 
is  mention  of  metal  spurs  used  in  cock-fighting;  and  all 
through  Chinese  history  there  are  fragments  of  literature 
quoted  in  which  the  poets  sing  the  glories  of  successful  cocks. 
The  Emperor  who  reigned  from  B.C.  32  to  B.C.  8 used  to  go 
out  incognito , disguised  as  the  servant  of  one  of  his  male 
favourites,  in  order  the  more  freely  to  gratify  his  love  for 
cock-fighting  and  horse-racing  sports. 

Camel-fights  and  ram-fights  are  mentioned  by  the  Chinese 
as  having  been  in  vogue  amongst  the  Tartars.  Over  a thousand 
years  ago  the  people  of  Kuche  (on  the  road  from  Turfan  to 
Kashgar)  were  said  to  inaugurate  ram-fights  and  camel-fights 


288 


China:  Past  and  Present 


during  the  week’s  holidays  at  the  new  year,  and  to  judge  the 
prospects  of  harvest  by  the  results.  Schuyler,  in  his  book  on 
Turkestan,  also  describes  ram-fighting  as  being  a favourite 
Usbek  amusement.  Long  before  Kuche  achieved  a high 
place  in  Central  Asian  civilization,  the  Khan  of  the  Hiung-nu 
(ancestors  of  the  Turks)  is  described  as  enjoying  the  annual 
sports  of  horse-racing  and  camel-fighting  at  his  nomad  capital 
or  chief  camp.  These  fights,  therefore,  would  appear  to  be 
essentially  Turkish. 

There  are  horse  races  and  cart  races  every  year  a few 
miles  to  the  west  of  Peking,  chiefly  in  connection  with  the 
annual  drill  of  the  Manchu  troops  ; but  there  is  very  little 
true  sport  about  them. 

The  Chinese  are  very  clever  at  making  their  nags  “ run  ” 
(as  distinct  from  trotting  and  galloping).  An  even  runner 
will  fetch  twice  as  much  as  a mere  galloper.  Trotting  is  not 
an  admired  movement.  Peking  mules  are  both  bigger  and 
stronger  than  horses,  and  cost  as  much  again.  No  one  seems 
to  know  where  they  come  from. 

Hawking  was  wont  to  be  a great  amusement  in  the 
extreme  north  of  China,  and  Marco  Polo  gives  very  graphic 
accounts  of  the  sport  he  witnessed  in  the  days  of  Kublai 
Khan.  Tribute  of  hawks  used  to  be  exacted  from  the  tribes 
about  Manchuria,  and  well-trained  birds  were  very  valuable 
indeed.  Even  now  it  is  no  uncommon  thing  in  and  around 
Peking  to  meet  men  in  the  streets  with  a hawk  upon  the 
wrist,  sometimes  wearing  a hood  ; but  very  little  practical 
use  seems  to  be  made  of  them  now.  I have  made  three 
journeys  of  a month  each  in  the  northern  parts  of  Chih  Li, 
bordering  upon  Mongolia  and  Manchuria,  but  I have  never 
once  seen  a cast.  The  Chinese  pretend  that  the  hawks 
recognize  a “ king  ” or  leader ; and  that,  when  a quarry  is 
run  down,  the  birds  are  trained  to  keep  back  until  the  king 
has  first  pecked  out  the  eyes  as  a bonne  bouche.  It  may  be 
mentioned  as  a singular  circumstance  that  in  Canton  the 
paper  kite  (chi-yin)  is  literally  so-called  after  the  kite  itself 
(yin),  known  in  Peking  as  yao-tsz. 

Fish-spearing  through  the  ice  is  an  old  Manchu  sport ; 
but  the  Manchus  themselves  are  almost  obsolete  now,  not  to 
speak  of  their  ancient  customs. 


Life  is  a Kind  of  Chess  289 

Sedentary  amusements  are  more  to  the  taste  of  the 
Chinese  than  outdoor  sports,  and  the  various  forms  of 
gambling  are,  of  course,  the  most  popular  of  the  former. 
Their  playing-cards  are  about  the  same  length  as  ours,  but 
only  half  the  breadth,  besides  being  much  limper.  There  is 
reason  to  believe  that  they  must  be  at  least  as  old  as  our 
era ; but,  up  to  the  present,  no  one  seems  to  have  made  a 
serious  study  of  Chinese  card-games.  The  most  popular  ones 
appear  to  be  a kind  of  “beggar-my-neighbour ” and  “draw- 
poker  ; ” and  women  play  more  than  men. 

Chinese  chess  has  been  carefully  studied  by  several  Euro- 
peans, notably  by  Mr.  Hollingworth  (1866),  Professor  Himly 
(1869),  and  Signor  Volpicelli  (1889).  It  is  still  a question 
whether  China  or  India  was  the  country  which  gave  birth  to 
the  game,  but  it  is  quite  certain  that  it  was  known  to  the 
Chinese  at  least  before  the  first  century  of  our  era,  if  not 
much  earlier.  The  Chinese  chess-board,  like  ours,  has  sixty- 
four  squares,  with  the  addition  of  a “ river,”  which  practically 
means  eight  squares  more.  However,  the  men  are  not  placed 
in  the  centre  of  the  squares,  as  with  us,  but  on  the  intersect- 
ing points ; and  they  move  along  the  lines.  The  Chinese 
stalemate  counts  as  a win  instead  of  a draw  ; and  some  of 
the  pieces,  besides  skipp:ng,  are  placed  differently  from  ours. 
Otherwise  there  is  great  similarity  between  the  two  games. 
Amongst  Europeans  it  is  common  to  give  the  vague  name 
of  “ chess  ” not  only  to  the  “ elephant  chess,”  which  so  closely 
resembles  ours,  but  to  the  “ surrounding  chess,”  or  a kind  of 
draughts — the  Japanese  gobang,  or,  simply,  go.  There  is 
reason  to  believe  that  go  is  merely  a corrupted  form  of  the 
Chinese  word  k'i,  or  ctii,  which  the  Annamese  pronounce  kb. 
The  Chinese  k'ip'an,  or  “ chess  tray,”  is,  therefore,  exactly  the 
Japanese  goban.  Amongst  both  Chinese  and  Japanese  the 
latter  game  is  considered  superior  to  elephant  chess,  and 
even  the  greatest  statesmen  are  proud  of  acquiring  a pro- 
ficiency in  it  ; for  instance,  the  father  of  the  Marquess  Tseng, 
when  viceroy  at  Nanking,  was  considered  one  of  the  most 
formidable  checker  players  in  China.  The  Chinese  regard  it 
in  much  the  same  light  as  the  Germans  do  Kriegspiel , i.e.  as 
a useful  exercise  in  wit  and  strategy. 

Dice  seem  to  have  been  known  to  the  Chinese  as  far  back 

TJ 


290 


China : Past  and  Present 


as  history  goes.  They  are  not  shaken,  as  with  us,  in  a box, 
and  then  thrown  out ; the  custom  is  to  grasp  them  in  the 
hand,  and  then  flick  them  sharply  into  a common  rice-bowl. 
There  are  three  different  games : one  played  with  six,  one 
with  three,  and  a third  with  two  dice.  These  games  were 
explained  in  great  detail  by  Mr.  Jordan  in  the  China 
Review  for  1880.  In  buying  cakes,  sweetmeats,  etc.,  in  the 
public  streets,  it  is  quite  a usual  thing  for  the  purchaser  to 
“ go  double  or  quits  ” with  the  itinerant  hawker,  who  keeps  a 
dice-bowl  temptingly  handy  for  his  clients’  use.  I have  not 
heard  that  the  secret  of  loading  dice  is  understood  ; but  I 
suspect  it  is,  for  anything  a Chinaman  does  not  know  in  the 
cheating  line  is  not  worth  knowing. 

Fan'tan,  or  “ turn-over,”  is  the  most  popular  gambling 
amusement,  and  almost  every  one  who  has  visited  China  will 
be  familiar  with  it,  as  seen  in  Macao,  where,  under  Govern- 
ment protection,  it  brings  in  a considerable  revenue.  After 
two  or  three  years  of  flourishing,  the  Hongkong  Government 
has  at  last  succeeded  in  inducing  the  Chinese  authorities  to 
close  the  fanfan  shops  at  Kowloon  opposite.  The  banker, 
in  view  of  all,  grabs  a handful  of  copper  cash  or  paste 
counters,  and  claps  a common  rice-bowl  over  them  until  the 
bets  are  made.  Then  with  a chopstick  or  rod  he  separates 
four  counters  at  a time  from  the  mass,  until  only  one,  two, 
three,  or  four  (i.e.  none)  remain.  There  are  thus  four  bets, 
and  it  is  not  unusual  for  a half-starved-looking  Chinaman  to 
put  ten  dollars  on  at  a time.  Many  Europeans  drop  con- 
siderable sums,  for  the  game  soon  becomes  exceedingly  fasci- 
nating ; and  of  course  each  inveterate  gambler  has  a “ theory  ” 
which  he  works  out  (invariably  at  a loss  to  himself)  by  taking 
down  notes.  In  this  game  the  banker  seems  to  have  no 
advantage  whatever,  unless  it  be  that  the  odds  are  laid  in 
such  a way  as  to  give  him  an  extra  chance.  I forget  how 
much  is  paid  on  each  win. 

Hwa-hwei  is  another  form  of  gambling  very  popular  in 
the  southern  provinces,  especially  in  Foochow.  Out  of  thirty- 
six  placarded  names  each  spectator  mentally  selects  one,  and 
makes  his  bet  on  it  ; meanwhile  the  banker  has  taken  a slip 
of  paper  with  one  of  the  thirty-six  names  upon  it,  and  has 
hung  it  up  in  a bag  before  the  eyes  of  all.  The  successful 


Gaming  finds  Man  a Cully  291 

guesser  gets  thirty  times  his  stake.  Here,  of  course,  there  is 
an  advantage  of  one-sixth  in  favour  of  the  banker.  The  bag 
is  opened  by  the  player  who  has  staked  the  largest  sum. 

There  is  another  Cantonese  game  called  Pak-kop-piu,  or 
“ white  pigeon  tally,”  which  gives  a great  deal  of  trouble  to 
the  authorities  ; denunciatory  proclamations  appear  from  time 
to  time.  I have  never  ascertained  exactly  why  it  is  so  called, 
but  it  consists  in  each  player  choosing  ten  names,  from  twenty 
selected  each  turn  by  the  banker  out  of  a stock  of  eighty. 
Each  ticket  costs  a farthing,  and  when  all  have  taken  tickets, 
the  banker  writes,  in  view  of  all,  any  ten  names  he  chooses 
out  of  the  twenty  originally  selected.  No  one  wins  anything 
unless  five  of  his  names  appear,  when  the  stake  and  a third 
more  is  paid  back  ; if  six  are  alike,  he  gets  sixteen  times  his 
stake ; if  seven,  160  times  ; if  eight,  two  taels  * and  a half ; 
if  nine,  five  taels  ; if  all  ten,  ten  taels. 

The  celebrated  waising  lottery  is  now  in  full  swing  at 
Canton.  It  is  a bet  upon  the  name  or  names  of  the  success- 
ful candidates  in  the  examinations  for  degrees,  and  has  also 
been  explained  at  length  in  the  foreign  press  of  China.  In 
1874  the  Peking  Government  made  a bond  fide  effort  to  put 
a stop  to  this  lottery,  which  causes  incalculable  damage  in 
the  Canton  provinces  ; they  even  went  so  far  as  to  degrade 
the  new  Manchu  Viceroy,  Yinghan,  who  was  accused  by  the 
Chinese  governor  and  the  Manchu  general  of  disobeying  the 
imperial  order.  But  unfortunately  the  only  result  of  this 
admirable  policy  was  to  throw  the  profits  into  the  coffers  of 
the  neighbouring  Portuguese  colony  of  Macao,  without  in 
any  way  putting  a stop  to  the  gambling  evil.  In  the  end  the 
central  Government,  in  its  own  interests,  was  obliged  to  lend 
official  sanction  to  the  lottery  once  more,  and  now  the  right 
to  sell  tickets  is  officially  farmed  out  to  the  highest  bidder  ; 
the  contractors  last  year  (1896)  paid  in  advance  1,600,000  taels 
for  six  years,  which,  even  at  present  low  rates  of  exchange, 
means  ,£150  a day  ; but,  as  silver  is  just  as  valuable  in  China 
as  ever,  £300  a day  is  nearer  the  effective  mark  ; that  is,  3000 
tickets  a day,  at  a dollar  each,  must  be  sold  before  any  question 
of  making  a profit  or  even  of  defraying  expenses  comes  in. 
****** 

* A tael  was  6s.  8 d.  a generation  ago  : now  it  is  but  a third  of  that  value  (in  gold). 


292  China:  Past  and  Present 

Of  innocent  family  or  social  amusements  there  are  not 
a few.  The  most  common  and  popular  is  perhaps  shuttle- 
cock, which,  unlike  our  game,  is  not  played  with  a battledore, 
but  with  the  insteps,  sides,  soles,  and  heels  of  the  feet.  The 
hands  may  not  be  used  at  all,  but  the  elbows,  knees,  hips, 
and  shoulders  may.  Many  of  our  readers  may  have  seen  the 
performances  of  the  Burmese  athletes  who  have  recently 
been  exhibiting  in  Paris  and  elsewhere ; in  this  case  the 
shuttlecock  was  replaced  by  balls  and  globes  ; but  the  prin- 
ciple is  the  same.  The  game  does  not  appear  to  be  a very 
old  one ; perhaps  it  dates  back  500  years  or  more.  A group 
of  young  men  stand  round  in  a circle,  and,  keeping  their  eye 
steadily  fixed  upon  the  movements  of  the  shuttlecock,  en- 
deavour by  kicking  it  up  with  their  feet  or  knees  to  keep  it 
from  falling  to  the  ground.  I have  seen  the  same  game 
played  in  Siam,  Japan,  and  Burma,  from  the  last-named  of 
which  States  it  may  possibly  have  come.  The  Burmese  play 
it  best. 

The  common  swing  is  mentioned  at  least  2000  years  ago, 
and  seems  to  have  been  derived  from  the  Tibetans  and 
Tartars  ; at  all  events,  it  is  said  to  be  a northern  amusement. 

It  is  a curious  fact  that  balancing  on  the  tight  and  loose 
rope  is  almost  invariably  done  by  women,  and,  strange  to 
say,  by  women  with  deformed  feet.  In  general  conjuring, 
the  Chinese  are  not  to  be  excelled,  even  by  the  Hindoos. 

“Punch  and  Judy”  is  occasionally  met  with,  but  I have 
never  seen  it  south  of  the  Great  River.  In  the  province  of 
Sz  Ch’wan  I once  came  across  some  marionettes.  The  per- 
formers stood  behind  a large  sheet  lit  up  on  their  side,  and 
the  audience  sat  in  the  dark  in  front  of  the  sheet.  The 
figures  were  of  painted  wood  or  cardboard,  transparent 
enough  to  show  the  colours  through  the  light,  and  the  men 
dangled  them  about  with  sticks  and  strings.  Very  likely 
this  amusement  was  also  derived  from  Burma,  for  I once 
saw  some  very  excellent  marionettes  of  the  same  kind  in 
Tenasserim.  As  early  as  B.C.  1000  an  ingenious  Chinaman 
is  recorded  to  have  made  “ wooden  men  that  could  sing  and 
dance,”  and  history  states  that  “ these  were  the  first  begin- 
nings of  marionettes.”  Another  account  says,  however,  that 
they,  with  the  manipulators,  were  introduced  into  China  by 


293 


Flying  the  Kite 

an  obsequious  courtier  so  late  as  A.D.  633  ; but  his  only 
reward  was  punishment  for  bringing  such  “ uselessly  ingenious 
individuals  ” into  the  palace.  In  the  south  of  China  the 
marionettes  are  dangled  from  above  by  strings,  somewhat 
after  the  Burmese  style.  In  Hankow,  marionettes  seem  to 
merge  into  “ Punch  and  Judy.”  Of  course  the  Chinese  “ Punch 
and  Judy,”  though  often  exactly  the  same  as  ours  in  prin- 
ciple, differs  somewhat  in  detail,  the  character  of  Mr.  Punch 
being  totally  unknown  to  the  Celestials. 

“ Blind  man’s  buff”  is  known  all  over  China,  and  differs  in 
no  way  from  ours.  The  name  is  the  same,  i.e.  “ blind  man 
feeling.” 

“ Cats’  cradle  ” is  played  both  in  Peking  and  Canton,  and 
of  course  does  not  offer  much  scope  for  novelty.  The  Chinese 
call  it  “ picking  involved  thread.” 

Paper  kites  are  said  to  have  originated  about  1500  years 
ago.  The  Emperor  was  desirous  of  conveying  messages  from 
a beleaguered  city  to  his  friends  beyond  the  enemy’s  lines, 
and,  in  order  to  do  this  unobserved,  he  fashioned  a number 
of  false  kites  attached  to  strings,  and  packed  with  despatches. 
I have  myself  seen  paper  or  silk  kites  flying  so  like  a real 
bird  that  I called  for  a gun  in  order  to  take  a “ pot  shot  ” at 
one,  which  persisted  in  soaring  just  in  front  of  my  window  at 
Hoihow  in  Hainan  Island.  There  is  a legend  that  a thousand 
years  earlier  than  this  a Chinese  philosopher  fashioned  a 
“ wooden  kite,”  presumably  out  of  shavings ; paper  had  not 
then  been  invented.  But,  as  this  kite  collapsed  after  one 
day’s  flying,  not  much  importance  need  be  attached  to  the 
tradition.  In  some  parts  of  China  Hiolian  harps  are  attached 
to  kites,  and  hence  in  Peking  the  kite  is,  by  a sort  of 
synecdoche,  styled  “ an  HLolian  harp.”  In  that  city  it  is 
also  the  practice  to  attach  harps  and  whistles  to  the  legs  and 
wings  of  pigeons,  the  result  being  a very  weird,  melancholy, 
and  even  touching  series  of  howls  in  the  air,  which  very  much 
puzzle  the  new  arrival.  It  is  quite  true  that  old  men  as  well 
as  young  boys  may  be  seen  flying  kites  at  the  proper  season 
(autumn)  in  China,  and  the  Chinese  are  undoubtedly  far 
ahead  of  all  other  nations  in  this  matter.  Some  of  the  kites 
are  enormous  as  well  as  artistic  productions,  and  resemble 
flying  dragons,  tigers,  cranes,  and  gigantic  bats,  all  of  a most 


China  : Past  and  Present 


294 

life-like  character.  Some  are  lit  up,  or  carry  lamps.  Kite- 
fighting consists  in  so  manoeuvring  that  the  string  of  one 
kite  is  sharply  dropped  or  hitched  up  so  as  to  cut  the  other 
as  nearly  as  possible  at  right  angles.  On  one  occasion  I 
held,  for  a few  moments,  a large  kite  which  appeared  to  be 
about  a mile  away  ; besides  cutting  my  hand,  the  monster 
nearly  carried  me  off  my  feet.  The  various  rattles,  whistles, 
and  other  musical  devices  forming  part  of  the  kites’  tails 
are  often  worth  a special  study ; but  the  tail  is  by  no 
means  a necessary  appendage  to  a Chinese  kite,  which  may 
be  of  all  shapes,  and  flies  equally  well  with  or  without  a tail. 
Kites  thirty  or  forty  feet  in  length  and  breadth  are  occasion- 
ally seen,  and  these,  of  course,  require  a powerful  “ anchor,” 
human  or  other. 

Whipping-tops  are  common  all  over  the  north.  I have 
only  seen  peg-tops  in  the  south — at  Canton,  where  they  are 
called  ninglok,  and  in  the  island  of  Hainan.  The  ch'e-me,  or 
teetotum,  is  used  chiefly  for  gambling  purposes  by  itinerant 
“ sweet  ” sellers,  etc. 

The  Italian  game  of  mora,  or  finger-guessing,  is  invariably 
played  all  over  China  after  festive  dinners,  and  the  loser  has 
on  each  occasion  to  toss  off  another  cup  of  wine.  The  ancient 
Egyptians  knew  this  game,  and  for  the  matter  of  that  they 
knew  of  the  game  of  draughts  too ; but  that  is  no  good 
reason  for  assuming  that  the  Chinese  derived  any  of  their 
notions  from  Egypt. 

The  Chinese  do  not  show  up  very  well  in  athletic  sports  ; 
such  Olympian  games  as  they  have  are  either  of  a military 
nature  or  are  derived  from  the  Tartars.  Mention  is  made 
about  1200  years  ago  of  the  “tug-of-war,”  exactly  as  played 
by  ourselves,  except  that,  instead  of  all  pulling  the  main 
rope,  the  adversaries  each  of  them  clung  to  a smaller  cord 
attached  to  the  chief  cable.  The  “ Red-cap  Mahomedans  ” of 
Peking  (a  banner  or  military  colony  brought  from  Turkestan 
over  a century  ago)  have  an  annual  gathering  in  the  West 
Ch‘ang-an  Street,  where1  pole-climbing,  song-singing,  and 
miscellaneous  athletic  sports  are  the  order  of  the  day.  No 
Chinaman  has  any  idea  of  boxing,  and  any  Englishman  can 
at  once  floor  a Celestial  by  a single  well-delivered  blow  in 
the  chest.  It  is  of  no  use  to  give  a Chinaman  “ one  in  the 


Let  me  like  a Soldier  fall  295 

mug,”  for  his  head  is  as  hard  as  iron.  As  with  all  Orientals, 
a Chinese  has  a singularly  weak  spleen,  and  it  is  dangerous 
to  hit  him  in  that  region.  Chinese  military  athletics  have 
been  amusingly  caricatured,  or  rather  correctly  described,  by 
the  witty  Abbe  Hue.  There  is  really  little  or  no  exagge- 
ration about  his  description.  I once  arranged  at  Wenchow 
for  a party  of  British  bluejackets  to  meet  in  a festive  way  an 
equal  number  of  Chinese  “braves  ; ” the  bluejackets  were  to 
exhibit  their  usual  cutlass,  single-stick,  and  other  exercises, 
while  the  Chinamen  in  turn  were  to  go  through  their  pirouet- 
ting, spear-thrusting,  etc.  Anything  more  ludicrous  I never 
witnessed,  but  at  least  it  must  be  confessed  that  such  capers 
must  conduce  to  bodily  activity.  The  Chinese  seem  to  think 
that  it  pays  best  by  fierce  yells,  rollings  of  the  eyes,  hissing, 
spitting,  and  brandishing  of  arms  to  frighten  the  enemy  from 
coming  on  at  all,  rather  than  to  beat  him  methodically  back 
when  he  is  actually  there.  They  also  seem  to  forget  that 
force  must  be  economized  if  a man  is  to  have  any  stay  in 
him,  and  that  every  caper,  every  gnashing  of  the  teeth,  every 
howl,  means  so  much  strength  dissipated.  With  bare  fists, 
half  a dozen  bluejackets  would  “knock  spots”  out  of  a 
hundred  of  the  best  Chinese  “ braves  ; ” but  it  must  not  be 
forgotten  (in  case  they  ever  try  it)  that  the  Chinese,  like  the 
Frenchmen,  know  how  to  kick  too  ; and  besides,  they  are  apt 
to  hit  under  the  belt,  gouge  out  the  eyes,  and,  generally,  fight 
as  foul  as  possible. 

The  chief  military  exercises,  largely  introduced  by  the 
Manchus,  are  horse-archery,  foot-archery,  practice  with  the 
halberd,  lifting  the  stone,  and  raising  a sort  of  exaggerated 
dumb-bell,  consisting  of  two  small  stone  wheels  upon  a long 
wooden  axle.  Horse-archery  consists  in  galloping  along  a 
straight  sunken  course  for  300  yards,  and  shooting  at  four 
targets  as  the  horse  passes  them.  The  bow  is  officially  placed 
at  twelve  “forces”  of  13^  English  pounds  each — i.e.  a total 
force  of  160  pounds  is  required  to  tighten  it  into  condition 
for  shooting  the  arrow.  But  this  is  only  at  the  grand 
examination  before  the  Emperor  ; at  the  earlier  examinations 
the  horse  bow  is  only  of  three,  and  the  foot  bow  of  five, 
“forces”  or  powers.  The  halberd  weighs  from  80  to  120 
pounds,  and  is  twirled  over  the  head  and  shoulders  with 


296  China : Past  and  Present 

great  address  and  activity.  The  stone  weighs  from  200  to 
300  pounds,  and  has  two  “ ears,”  or  sunken  hand-holes  in  the 
sides  whereby  to  lift  it ; the  operator  has  to  raise  it  up  to  his 
knee.  The  “ dumb-bell  ” is  raised  very  much  as  ours  is,  but 
the  chief  exercise  consists  in  holding  the  arm  upright  and 
allowing  the  instrument  to  pivot  rapidly  round  as  the  hand 
grasps  it  in  this  position.  Spear-thrusting  requires  little 
explanation  ; Chinese  spears  are  often  twenty  or  thirty  feet 
long,  and  usually  carry  a triangular  flag  at  the  upper  end. 

Wrestling  is  not  unknown  amongst  the  pure  Chinese,  but 
the  Mongols  are  its  chief  patrons  ; those  who  come  to  Peking 
annually  on  official  missions  are  bound  by  law  to  perform 
before  the  Emperor.  When  I was  at  Peking,  some  of  us 
occasionally  tackled  the  stray  Mongols  we  met  in  the  street, 
but  we  found  them  our  matches.  The  Japanese  carry 
wrestling  to  the  pitch  of  a fine  art ; nevertheless,  Archdeacon 
Gray,  of  Canton,  about  twenty-five  years  * ago,  took  off  his 
coat  to  one  of  their  professionals,  and  soon  made  him  bite  the 
dust ; the  gallant  and  venerable  archdeacon  in  question  had 
picked  up  a notion  or  two  in  Cumberland.  The  Chinese  have 
a word  for  “boxing,”  but  there  is  no  more  fancy  art  in  it  than 
there  is  in  the  street  scrimmages  of  Liverpool  rubbing-stone 
women.  Chinamen  fall  like  chaff  before  the  British  fist. 

As  marksmen  with  the  gun,  the  northern  Chinamen  are 
not  by  any  means  to  be  “sneezed”  at.  I have  often  met 
tiger  hunters  on  the  frontiers  of  Manchuria,  and  with  a few 
native  curs  and  an  old  rusty  gun  they  seem  quite  able  to  bag 
a first-class  “ Bengal  ” animal.  Duck  and  goose  shooting  is 
rather  amusing.  A swivel-gun  is  fixed  to  the  bow  of  a boat, 
and  the  craft  is  then  steered  in  the  direction  of  the  birds  ; 
when  the  right  direction  is  secured,  one  man  lets  fly  at  a 
flock,  and  certainly  manages  to  hit  a good  many  of  his  objec- 
tives at  once  in  this  way.  Still,  the  Chinaman  envies  the  facility 
with  which  the  European  brings  his  single  bird  down  on  the 
wing ; as  a rule  he  likes  pot  shots  on  the  ground.  There  is 
no  such  a thing  as  poaching  in  China ; any  man  can  go  on 
any  other  man’s  ground,  and  shoot  what  he  likes  at  all  times. 
The  Imperial  hunting-ground  is  no  exception  when  once  you 
are  in  it.  Most  game  is  secured  by  trapping,  and  in  the 

* This  was  first  published  in  1897.  See  John  Chinaman. 


Happy  is  the  Evening  Tide  of  Life  297 

winter-time  you  can  get  bustards,  pheasants,  deer,  boar,  etc., 
etc.,  almost  for  nothing.  On  the  Mongolian  steppes  we  used 
to  “hunt”  the  hwang-yang  (“yellow  goat,”  or  Antelope 
gutturosa) ; but,  though  we  saw  thousands  of  them,  we  never 
got  near  them,  not  even  near  enough  to  shoot  at  them.  The 
Manchus  were  used,  until  a century  ago,  to  hunt  big  game 
by  beating  up  fifty  or  sixty  miles  of  country  in  a circle  of 
soldiers,  until  a regular  menagerie  of  tigers,  wolves,  camels, 
deer,  boars,  etc.,  were  forced  into  the  centre,  when  a battue 
took  place ; but  the  last  four  Emperors  have  given  up  this 
sport.  The  Emperor  K‘ang-hi  was  a fine  old  sportsman.  It 
was  he  who  put  a stop  to  the  hawk-tribute  in  1682,  because 
it  involved  so  much  hardship.  The  following  literal  trans- 
lation of  a letter  to  his  Mongol  grandmother  at  Peking  will 
give  a notion  of  his  fishing  and  culinary  skill.  He  wrote 
from  the  Sungari  River : — 

“Your  subject  had  a very  delightful  journey  from  the 
Shan-hai  Kwan  (Pass)  to  the  city  of  Mukden.  The  beasts 
were  as  numerous  as  the  fish  were  lively,  and  each  time  I ate 
of  them  I thought  what  a pity  it  was  I could  not  hasten 
to  lay  a dish  before  my  sacred  grandmother,  the  Double 
Dowager.  After  reaching  Mukden,  I cast  the  nets  myself, 
and  caught  some  roach  and  perch,  which  I managed  to  cook. 
I dosed  one  course  with  mutton  fat,  and  pickled  the  other  for 
you.  I now  send  it  by  express,  with  my  best  love,  and  shall 
feel  amply  rewarded  if  you  find  it  toothsome.  Also  some 
wild  chestnuts  which  fell  during  our  picnic ; some  wild 
walnuts ; and  some  persimmon  cake  submitted  by  the 
Coreans.” 

[Since  the  above  first  appeared,  I have  found  that  the  Cathayan  and 
Turkish  Emperors  of  China  (over  a thousand  years  ago)  played  genuine 
polo — the  gn-u-chogan , or  “ball  stick,”  of  the  Persians.  Some  writers 
use  the  form  tchaugan,  in  its  Greek  form  t^vkAviov.  The  old  Chinese 
words  for  “ strike  ball,”  or  polo,  are,  in  Pekingese,  chi-chiij  in  more 
ancient  form  kik-kuk , or  tjik-tjukl\ 


BOOK  VIII 

POLITICAL 


CHAPTER  I 

A PLEA  FOR  RUSSIA 

How  many  are  there  of  those  who  inveigh  against  Russian 
“ perfidy  ” who  have  ever  been  to  Russia  or  have  even  seen 
a Russian  ? In  my  own  case,  if  chance  had  not  taken  me  to 
a remote  corner  of  the  world,  where  a number  of  Russian 
officials  and  merchants  were  settled  (temporarily,  like  myself), 
and  if  I had  not  been  led  to  study  Russian  in  order  to  kill 
time,  I should  never  have  visited  Russia ; and  if  I had  never 
visited  Russia  I should  never  have  modified  my  preconceived 
opinion  of  what  the  Russians  were.  I am  therefore  an  ex- 
ceptional case.  I have  had  the  unusual  good  fortune  to  live 
amongst  Russians  of  the  official  and  mercantile  classes,  to 
have  studied  Russian,  and  to  have  travelled  all  over  Russia  ; 
and  yet  I feel  myself  ignorant.  What,  then,  must  be  the 
condition  of  those  who,  at  best,  have  only  the  same  news- 
paper and  book  facilities  for  informing  themselves  that  I 
have,  and  who  have  never  had  even  my  limited  experience  ? 
I have  * never  seen  a single  Russian  except  as  above  stated, 
and  therefore  I presume  the  vast  majority  of  my  countrymen 
cannot  of  their  own  experience  know  anything  about  that 
interesting  people. 

Now,  then,  what  has  Russia  done?  Until  a hundred 
years  ago  the  whole  of  Siberia  was  an  unknown  waste,  the 
total  population  not  exceeding  that  of  the  City  of  London. 
The  wretched  Samoyeds,  Chukchi,  Kamchadales,  Buriats,  and 
Tunguses,  who  thinly  populated  certain  corners  of  it,  lived  a 
* I.e.  had,  in  1896. 


The  Good  Old  Ride,  the  Simple  Plan  299 

life  very  little  removed  from  that  of  brute  beasts.  Now,  all 
these  peoples  have  the  advantage  of  regular  markets ; many 
of  them  are  Christians,  though  the  Russians  do  not  press 
their  religion  forcibly  down  the  throats  of  foreigners.  High- 
roads run  from  the  Pacific  to  the  Atlantic  ; official  post-horses 
convey  the  traveller  safely  and  cheaply  from  every  town  of 
the  slightest  importance  to  the  main  road  joining  Irkutsk 
with  Nijni-Novgorod  ; steamers  cross  the  Baikal  and  ply 
regularly  up  and  down  the  Amur,  Ussuri,  etc.  ; the  new  rail- 
way * has  already  been  opened  as  far  as  Tiumen,  and  will  soon 
take  us  in  six  days  from  the  Urals  to  the  Pacific  ; the  wretched 
Usbeg  khanates  of  Bokhara,  Khiva,  etc.,  which  a generation 
ago  were  dangerous  hot-beds  of  Mahometan  fanaticism,  un- 
safe for  any  Christian  white  man  to  visit,  are  now  as  mild 
as  “sucking  doves.”  The  barbarous  Turkomans  have  been 
reduced  to  order ; trade  flourishes  in  the  Samarcand  region, 
and  indeed  all  along  the  Turkestan  and  Chinese  frontier ; the 
Affghanistan  and  Pamir  questions  have  been  provisionally  if 
not  permanently  settled,  and  Russia  injures  us  in  no  way 
whatever. 

As  to  her  desiring  a port  free  from  the  ice  in  winter,  why 
on  earth  should  she  not  have  it?  This,  of  course,  is  quite 
independent  of  the  question  whether  the  British  naval  position 
in  the  Far  East  is  likely  to  be  threatened  by  Russia’s  pur- 
chasing or  seizing  a port  which  would  interrupt  British  com- 
munications in  time  of  war.  For  purposes  of  her  own,  Russia 
has  now  a large  fleet  in  Chinese  waters ; why,  is  no  particular 
business  of  other  Powers  to  question.  Surely,  as  she  has  the 
fleet,  it  is  reasonable  that  she  should  have  some  place  to  float 
it  in.  At  present  | the  Chinese  have  given  her  permission  to 
winter  her  fleet  in  the  bay  of  Kiao  Chou,J  on  the  south  side 
of  the  Shan  Tung  peninsula ; but  there  seems  to  be  nothing 
to  prevent  the  fleets  of  other  Powers  from  going  there  if  they 
choose.  Besides,  the  Japanese  still  hold  Wei-hai  Wei  on  the 
north  side  of  the  same  peninsula,  as  security  for  the  proper 
carrying  out  of  their  agreements  with  China ; and  as  Russia 
openly  objected  to  one  clause  in  the  Shimonoseki  treaty,  and 
made  a naval  demonstration  with  a view  to  preventing  the 
permanent  occupation  of  Liao-tung  by  Japan,  surely  it  is  a 

* Now  completed.  t 1896.  J Afterwards  seized  by  Germany. 


300 


China : Past  and  Present 


corollary  of  Russia’s  first  action  on  behalf  of  China  that  China 
should  facilitate  its  completion  in  case  circumstances  require 
it.  Could  anything  be  more  monstrous  than  the  claim  of 
another  Power  that  the  action  of  Russia’s  Fleet  in  Chinese 
waters  must  be  confined  to  the  summer  season  ? China  has 
no  fleet  now.  The  German  Fleet  is  almost  beneath  notice.* 
The  French  Fleet  has  plenty  of  work  to  do  further  south. 
Unless  the  Russian  Fleet  be  at  hand  to  see  justice  done  to 
China,  what  is  to  prevent  the  Japanese  from  demonstrating 
in  the  Gulf  of  Liao-tung  whenever  affairs  take  a turn  against 
what  they  suppose  to  be  their  interests  ? Finally,  Russia  is 
a first-class  Power,  with  a navy  of  at  least  the  highest  rank 
in  the  second  class.  Apart  from  the  experiences  she  has  had 
in  Europe,  where  for  two  centuries  she  has  been  cooped  up  in 
the  Baltic  and  Black  Seas  (in  both  cases  frozen  in  as  well),  is 
it  reasonable  to  expect  a Great  Power  to  consent  to  the  self- 
effacement  involved  in  confining  her  naval  base  to  such  a 
port  as  Vladivostock  ? Moreover,  the  audacious  activity  of 
the  British  admiral  in  1 886,  when  one  fine  morning  the 
Russians  awoke  to  discover  that  he  had  entered  that  naval 
harbour  unobserved  with  a large  squadron,  and  was  quietly 
lying  at  anchor  under  their  very  noses,  notwithstanding  the 
supposed  torpedoes  which  were  guarding  the  entrance,  was  of 
itself  sufficient  to  rouse  the  Russians  from  their  lethargy, 
and  to  set  them  looking  for  a larger  field  for  their  naval 
evolutions  than  the  coast  between  Nagasaki  and  Possiet.  It 
is  a perfectly  fair  diplomatic  argument  that  if  Russia  per- 
manently strengthens  her  naval  base,  we  have  an  equal 
natural  right  to  purchase  or  conquer  counter-privileges  for 
ourselves  by,  for  instance,  arranging  with  China,  Corea,  or 
Japan,  for  the  transfer  of  an  island  or  a harbour  ; f but  so  long 
as  Russia  is  cautious  and  sagacious  enough  only  to  stipulate 
for  privileges  which  we  also  are  at  liberty,  under  the  most 
favoured  nation  clause,  to  enjoy,  so  long  is  it  silly  to  rail  at 
Russian  “perfidy  ” ; it  behoves  us  rather  to  exercise  the  same 
prudence  in  our  own  diplomacy,  and  to  take  quiet  but  firm 
measures  to  redress  the  lost  balance,  if  lost  it  be. 

How  many  people  in  England  have  studied  the  Russian 
character  for  themselves  ? I entered  Russia  for  the  first  time 

* This  was  so  in  1896  ; but,  of  course,  not  now.  f Wei-hai  Wei. 


The  Muscovy  “ Duck  ” 


301 


by  way  of  Teschen  in  Austrian  Silesia,  full  of  all  the  preju- 
dices which  I had  been  taught  in  my  youth  to  harbour  and 
cherish.  When  I first  saw  the  booted  officials,  underwent 
their  summary  dealings  with  my  passports  and  my  baggage, 
and  witnessed  generally  their  absolute  air  of  authority,  I felt 
that  my  worst  anticipations  were  about  to  be  realized,  and 
that  I was  in  the  land  and  the  clutches  of  human  ogres.  But 
I soon  found  that,  formalities  once  over,  the  Russian  railway 
officials  were  excellent,  kind-hearted  fellows.  I was  par- 
ticularly struck  with  the  fact  that  they  were  as  obliging  to 
the  poor  as  to  the  rich.  None  of  the  overbearing,  boorish 
snappishness  of  the  German  (though  I must  allow  that  of 
late  years  even  the  Germans  have  improved)  ; none  of  the 
peevish,  impatient  spitefulness  of  the  French,  or  the  arbitrary 
coldness  of  the  American  “conductors”  ; my  experience  was 
that  the  Russians  had  all  the  good  qualities  of  the  English — 
in  which,  of  course,  I include  Irish  and  Scotch — who  are 
universally  admitted  to  be  the  most  obliging  of  railway 
officials ; and  with  this  further  advantage,  that  in  Russia, 
“tips,”  though  of  course  acceptable,  are  not  a sine  qua  non. 
I have  been  over  nearly  every  railway  system  in  Europe  and 
America,  and  I unhesitatingly  affirm  that  the  Russian  railway 
arrangements  are  ahead  of  them  all,  so  far  at  least  as  the 
refreshment  department  is  concerned.  Halts  of  two  minutes 
in  every  twenty,  five  in  every  hour,  and  ten  or  twenty  every 
three  or  four  hours,  with  ample  time  for  “square  meals,”  may 
seem  excessive  to  some  ; but  it  must  be  remembered  that  all 
lines  are  single,  so  that  in  any  case  there  must  be  delays  for 
shunting  and  passing  ; distances  are  enormous,  and  appetites 
cannot  be  summoned  at  a moment’s  notice  ; business  generally 
is  not  so  urgent  as  it  is  in  more  populous  countries.  It  must 
also  be  remembered  that,  though  Russia  will  soon  count  her 
hundred  million,*  yet  her  area  is  so  great  that  this  makes  a 
very  small  number  of  persons  per  square  mile.  The  greater 
part  of  Russia  is  a flat,  scrubby,  marshy,  dismal  plain,  with 
towns  few  and  far  between.  Accordingly,  her  railways  are 
suitable  for  long  distances  : all  the  best  and  none  of  the  worst 
points  in  the  American  system  are  there.  Even  the  third- 
class  carriages  have  a proper  retiring-room,  lavatory,  and 

* Already  far  exceeded. 


302 


China : Past  and  Present 


supply  of  drinking  water.  The  prices  at  all  refreshment 
stations  are  fixed  by  law ; there  is  no  delay,  no  bargaining ; 
and  the  quality  is  good,  especially  that  of  the  tea,  which  is 
served  boiling  hot,  in  tumblers,  with  lemon  in  place  of  milk. 

At  the  time  I was  in  St.  Petersburg  the  Czar  Alexander  II. 
had  only  recently  been  assassinated,  so,  of  course,  suspicious 
characters  (which  all  strangers,  native  or  foreign,  naturally 
are)  were  watched  more  closely  than  usual.  But  after  once 
my  passports  had  been  exhibited,  I was  never  interfered  with 
in  the  slightest  degree — and  this  holds  good  for  the  whole 
of  Russia — until  I reached  Odessa,  where  the  Governor  readily 
acceded  to  my  request  (contrary  to  rule)  to  be  allowed  to 
depart  that  same  day,  without  awaiting  the  usual  lapse  of 
three  days  for  inquiries  to  be  made.  I was  never  asked  a 
police  question  of  any  sort  in  the  interior,  was  only  once 
called  upon  to  exhibit  my  passport,  and  everywhere  found  all 
classes  of  Russians  to  be  the  most  good-natured,  easy-going, 
obliging,  and  inoffensive  people.  Moscow  and  Odessa  are  as 
civilized  [in  every  way  as  St.  Petersburg ; that  is  to  say,  as 
to  telegraphs,  trams,  newspapers,  shops,  hotels,  and  creature 
comforts  generally  ; they  are  second  only  to  Paris,  London, 
Berlin,  and  Vienna.  Travellers  must  be  prepared  for  a 
certain  amount  of  roughing  it  in  other  towns ; and  unless 
they  speak  a little  Russian  they  will  certainly  not  enjoy 
themselves  very  freely.  But  Russia  is  not  to  be  blamed  for 
not  civilizing  herself  all  in  a generation.  Two  centuries  ago 
Russia,  only  just  emerging  from  a long  period  of  Tartar 
domination,  had  barely  succeeded  in  regaining  that  degree  of 
settled  and  material  civilization  which  she  had  already 
acquired  before  the  Mongol  conquests  began  ; but  it  must 
not  be  forgotten  that,  even  in  Elizabeth’s  time,  in  London 
itself,  wattle  houses  were  only  just  beginning  to  be  super- 
seded by  brick  and  stone ; reeds  and  straw  by  carpets  ; horn 
and  paper  by  glass  windows.  The  saying  that  “ you  have 
only  to  scratch  a Russian  to  find  a Tartar”  may  be  figura- 
tively true  so  far  as  the  masses  and  their  gross  habits  are 
concerned  ; but  it  is  absurd  to  suppose  for  an  instant  that 
the  Russians  are  anything  but  an  Aryan  race  like  ourselves. 
To  this  very  day  their  numerals  may  almost  be  described  as 
being  good  Sanskrit.  Nor  must  it  be  forgotten  that  until 


This  Wandering  Race  303 

Alexander  II.  freed  the  serfs,  nearly  the  whole  population 
consisted  a generation  ago  of  agricultural  “villeins,”  much 
after  the  style  of  the  conquered  English  of  the  eleventh 
century.  But  at  present  there  is  no  country  in  Europe  where 
more  is  being  done  by  the  Government  for  the  development 
of  the  masses,  the  improvement  of  intercommunications,  and 
the  encouragement  of  trade.  True,  there  is  official  corrup- 
tion ; but  what  was  English  public  life  a century  ago  ? What 
was  the  conduct  of  voters  a single  generation  back  ? How 
about  the  Panama  scandals  in  France,  and  “lobbying”  in 
the  United  States  ? The  vice  of  spirit-drinking  to  excess  is 
only  too  apparent  in  Russia  ; even  the  popes  or  priests  are 
no  more  ashamed  to  be  seen  drunk  than  were  English  states- 
men at  the  beginning  of  this  century.  But  revenue  con- 
siderations cannot  be  grudged  to  Russia  by  a nation  which 
supports  an  opium  monopoly  in  India,  and  which  spends 
over  ^200,000,000  a year  on  its  own  drink.  Moreover,  the 
climate  has  to  be  considered  ; inhabitants  of  all  cold  coun- 
tries, be  they  Mongols,  Russ,  Swedes,  Lapps,  Scotchmen,  or 
Esquimaux,  have  all  this  failing.  Finally,  the  recent  crusade 
against  the  Jews*  of  Russia  was,  put  in  more  favourable 
language,  simply  a determined  effort  on  the  part  of  the  late 
Czar  to  check  the  ruinous  habit,  growing  in  such  alarming 
proportions,  of  mortgaging  the  mujiks'  property  to  Hebrew 
liquor  farmers.f  Persons  who  undertake  the  defence  of  a 
rival  nationality  are  apt  to  be  carried  away  and  go  to  the 
other  extreme.  Therefore  I will  not  deny  that  the  Russians 
have  their  weak  points.  They  are,  comparatively  speaking, 
a slovenly  and  grimy  race,  “of  doubtful  linen  ; ” although,  as 
a matter  of  fact,  they  take  more  hot  baths,  man  for  man, 
than  do  the  British  people  hot  and  cold  put  together  ; and 
their  grime  is  largely  owing  to  their  calling,  their  poverty, 
and  their  climate.  Practically,  there  are  only  two  seasons, 
winter  and  summer ; and  summer  is  so  short  that  there  is 
hardly  time  to  shake  off  sheepskins  and  take  an  airing  before 
the  bleak  wind  forces  the  mujiks  to  put  them  on  again.  The 
majority  of  Russians  are  tricky  and  untruthful,  as  is  always 
the  case  with  people  who  for  centuries  have  been  ground 
down  by  oppressors  and  left  in  a condition  of  crass  ignorance. 

* Alas  ! since  then,  Kischeneff.  t Now  a Government  monopoly. 


304 


China:  Past  and  Present 


It  is  only  fair  to  observe,  however,  that  this  characteristic 
tends  to  disappear  in  soldiers,  seamen,  and  others  who  are 
subjected  to  regular  discipline  ; in  the  now  gradually  rising 
bourgeois  classes  ; and,  generally  speaking,  in  those  who  handle 
civilized  tools  in  any  form,  such  as  men  of  science,  engineers, 
manufacturers,  the  higher  class  of  artisans,  and  so  on.  Still, 
it  is  foolish  to  attempt  to  deny  the  national  defect : the 
utmost  we  can  do  is  to  palliate  it  by  the  reflection  that,  at 
all  events,  it  is  usually  coupled  by  a good-natured,  live-and- 
let-live,  tolerant  blarney,  and  deceives  no  man  who  has  his 
wits  about  him.  It  is  a fact  that  the  Russians,  as  a race,  are 
inclined  to  be  procrastinating,  unpunctual,  forgetful,  idle,  and, 
in  a word,  unbusinesslike.  On  the  other  hand,  there  could 
not  be  a greater  mistake  than  to  suppose,  as  is  generally 
supposed  in  England,  that  the  average  Russian  is  a truculent 
individual.  On  the  contrary,  the  Russians  are  one  of  the 
gentlest  and  most  inoffensive  of  peoples,  in  addition  to  which 
there  is  a natural  and  deep-seated  earnestness,  piety,  and 
devotion  of  character,  devoid  of  cynical  fickleness,  militant 
aggressiveness,  or  namby-pamby  Mrs.  Grundyism.  There 
is  something  extremely  natural  and  appropriate  about  Russian 
development,  which  leaves  upon  one  the  impression  that  a 
humble  and  timid  race  has  just  successfully  emerged  from  a 
dark  age  of  oppression  and  starvation  ; that  it  knows  its  own 
weaknesses  and  the  poverty  of  its  surroundings  ; that  it  eyes 
with  emulous  respect,  without  envy,  the  superior  advantages 
of  neighbouring  peoples,  and  is  resolved  to  plod  on,  wearily 
but  manfully,  until  it  obtains  a share  of  these  good  things 
for  itself.  There  is  nothing  of  the  self-complacent  Yankee, 
the  contemptuous  “Britisher,”  the  jealous,  spiteful  French- 
man, the  greedy,  underhand  German,  the  haughty  Spaniard, 
mean,  treacherous  Italian,  or  selfish  Dutchman,  about  the 
ideal  Russian.  I do  not  mean  to  say  that  the  above  enume- 
rated weak  points  are  the  essential  characteristics  of  the 
peoples  mentioned  ; nor  do  I assert  that  all  Russians  are 
free  from  these  failings.  I rather  style  them  the  points  which 
in  each  case  a psychological  caricaturist  would  select  to  express 
a feature  bred  of  race  differences.  There  is  nothing  mean  in 
the  Russian  thus  psychologically  caricatured  ; with  all  his 
dirty  linen,  unbusinesslike  ways,  chicanery,  untruthfulness, 


3°5 


Holding  by  the  Button 

forgetfulness,  and  corruption  generally,  he  is  friendly,  un- 
arrogant,  kindly,  loyal,  full  of  dog-like  gratitude,  earnest, 
unashamed  of  his  religion,  doggedly  patient  and  faithful,  and 
never  stingy  or  a coward.  British  military  and  naval  officers 
invariably  find  their  Russian  colleagues — rivals,  or  enemies, 
as  the  case  may  be — “ good  fellows.” 

I do  not  conceal  from  myself  that  these  characteristics  of 
the  main  body  of  Russians  are  often  conspicuously  absent 
from  the  diplomatic  body,  that  infinitely  small  minority — 
practically  the  same  in  all  European  countries — which  pulls 
the  strings  of  the  international  Punch  and  Judy  show,  or,  as 
Sir  Edward  Malet  puts  it,  represents  the  buttons  of  the 
garment  of  decency  which  covers  or  conceals  the  national 
jealousies  and  hates.  Diplomats,  clubs,  dress-coats,  official 
dinners,  and  all  the  paraphernalia  of  what  is  called  “ society,” 
are  almost  exactly  the  same,  whether  you  are  in  Constan- 
tinople, Washington,  or  Paris.  The  masses  have  nothing  to 
do  with  this  phase  of  national  idiosyncrasy,  or  rather  national 
obliteration.  The  ways  of  diplomats  are  everywhere  the 
same.  The  tax-payer  must  not  fondly  imagine  that  their 
sole  occupations  consist  in  poring  over  blue-books  or  yellow- 
books,  receiving  spies  in  secret  cabinets,  copying  acres  of 
despatches,  wrestling  with  champions  in  the  lying  art,  and 
forming  delicate  combinations  of  policy.  The  average 
diplomat,  be  he  Russian  or  English,  is  bored  to  death  for 
half  his  time,  more  especially  at  the  semi-civilized  and  hum- 
drum Courts.  His  chief  preoccupations  are  getting  furlough 
and  killing  time,  making  two  ends  meet,  trying  to  secure  act- 
ing posts  or  “ missions  to  report,”  and  endeavouring  to  evade, 
as  much  as  possible,  the  unpleasant  duty  of  copying.  The 
duties  of  diplomacy  come,  like  a game  at  football,  quite  inci- 
dentally into  his  daily  life,  nor  do  the  “ diplomatic  arts  ” he  is 
instinctively  impelled  to  use  in  order  to  win  the  game  and 
gain  “ kudos,”  worry  his  conscience  or  harass  his  sleep  any 
more  than  do  the  tricks  of  the  football-player.  Outsiders 
are  just  as  apt  to  exaggerate  the  unscrupulousness  of  the 
diplomat’s  efforts  on  behalf  of  his  country  as  they  are  to 
overestimate  the  importance  of  his  calculations.  To  watch 
how  the  cat  is  likely  to  jump,  how  the  ball  is  likely  to 
move,  take  advantage  of  it,  acquire  renown  and  pleasurable 

X 


China:  Past  and  Present 


306 

excitement  by  winning  the  game — this  is  all.  A smart  thing 
may  occasionally  be  done  by  unusual  luck  ; but,  after  all,  there 
is  not  much  in  diplomacy,  and  the  Press  of  rival  States  is  apt 
to  excite  its  readers  unduly  by  taking  too  serious  a view  of 
diplomatic  perfidy.  How  many  points  of  difference  are  there 
between  Russia  and  Great  Britain  ? So  far  as  ninety-nine 
hundredths  of  the  Russian  coasts  and  Russian  frontiers  are 
concerned,  none  whatever.  The  trade  with  Russia  is 
enormous : it  may  be  subject  to  shackles  which  we  do  not 
like  ; but  in  what  way  do  the  Russians  treat  our  traders  less 
generously  than  do  the  French,  the  Germans,  the  Americans, 
or  any  other  rival  nation  ? Moreover,  though  we  may  grumble 
at  the  treatment  our  merchants  receive  in  these  days  of  our 
Free-trade,  it  must  not  be  forgotten  that  our  own  Navigation 
Laws,  Corn  Laws,  and  Commercial  Tariffs  were  very  harshly 
directed  against  all  foreigners  until  Queen  Victoria’s  reign. 
Personal  points  of  difference  there  are  none.  Englishmen 
are  always  well  treated  in  Russia  ; one  hardly  ever  hears  of 
official  rudeness  or  breach  of  hospitality.*  Facilities  have 
been  readily  granted  to  English  missionaries  to  examine  the 
gaols  and  the  prison  life  ; English  or  American  explorers, 
such  as  Burnaby,  Schuyler,  and  Younghusband,  have  been 
courteously  received  even  in  districts  where  no  foreigner  could 
reasonably  be  expected  to  go  without  exciting  suspicion  ; 
and  Russian  officials  are  always  ready  to  stretch  a point  in 
order  to  humour  the  persistent  free-born  Briton.  What  par- 
ticular perfidy  has  Russia  shown  ? The  old  story  of  Peter 
the  Great’s  will  and  Constantinople  is  still  there.  Since 
Peter  the  Great  conceived  his  ideas  of  vaulting  ambition,  we 
have  annexed  numerous  Indian  States,  Burma,  Hongkong, 
a great  part  of  Malaya,  a million  square  miles  in  Africa, 
Fiji,  and  (to  go  to  the  Sultan’s  own  dominions),  in  a tem- 
porary sense,  Egypt.  Has  Russia  been  less  gentle  to  the 
Turk  than  we  have  been  ? Has  she  appropriated  more  of 
the  Sultan’s  dominions  ? Has  she  annexed  more  khanates 
in  Central  Asia  than  we  have  done  kingdoms  or  principalities 
in  India  ? Have  not  Khiva,  Bokhara,  Kokand,  and  the 
Turkomans,  improved  vastly  under  her  Christian  rule  ? In 
what  way  has  Russia’s  presence  in  Asia  really  injured  our 

* The  recent  case  of  Mr.  Braham  is  certainly  a “regrettable  incident.” 


The  Holy  Text  of  Pike  and  Gun  307 

interests  in  India  ? Russia  may  want  a port  in  Corea  free 
from  the  ice.  We  ourselves  should  also  be  much  the  better 
off  for  a naval  station  farther  north  than  Hongkong.*  But 
Russia,  during  the  scare  of  1885  consequent  on  the  Penjdeh 
incident,  never  occupied  any  Corean  territory  as  we  did  Port 
Hamilton.  Russia,  on  the  whole,  treated  China  very  justly 
and  generously  in  the  Ili  question  of  1880,  nor  has  Russia 
attempted  to  take  undue  advantage  of  Chinese  weakness  in 
those  parts  since  her  defeat  by  Japan.  Russia  has  made  a 
very  reasonable  settlement  with  us  in  the  Pamir  region. 
Certainly  the  Russian  Press  is  often  full  of  virulent  articles 
against  Great  Britain  ; but  are  not  all  the  presses  of  Europe, 
the  British  Press  included,  in  a chronic  state  of  diatribe  one 
against  the  other?  The  Russian  Government,  which  is  sup- 
posed to  be  so  absolute,  is  only  too  glad  to  allow  the  Press 
full  liberty  in  criticising  foreign  countries — if  possible,  to  the 
advantage  of  Russian  patriotic  sentiment — so  long  as  it  will 
leave  the  Administration  alone  to  deal  with  the  urgent 
questions  of  the  day  at  home. 

There  seems  to  be  no  reason  whatever  why  we  should 
not  be  friends  with  Russia  politically,  as  we  are  socially, 
offering  her  a helping  hand  in  every  reasonable  way,  and 
making  it  to  be  her  interest  to  lend  us  a helping  hand  too. 
Sooner  or  later  the  rotten  Turkish  Empire  must  go;  the 
wonder  is  that  Christian  Europe  has  tolerated  so  long  a 
barbarous  Tartar  misgovernment  in  its  midst.  Russia  had 
two  centuries  of  Tartar  experience  under  the  grinding  tyranny 
of  the  Mongols,  and  when  the  Turks  have  cleared  out  “bag 
and  baggage  ” as  a political  Power,  the  wonder  will  only  be 
why  they  were  not  driven  away  before.  Of  course,  it  is  only 
as  a political  Power  that  they  are  doomed  to  extinction. 
The  industrious  Mussulman  peasants  will  find  as  perfect 
protection  under  the  Russian,  English,  or  French  flags,  as  do 
now  the  remnants  of  the  Mongol  hordes  in  Kazan  and  the 
Caucasus ; the  Cypriots  ; and  the  Moors.  With  a powerful 
Government  at  our  head,  and  with  six  or  seven  years  of 
steady  popular  support  in  prospect,  there  is  no  reason  what- 
ever why  the  whole  Eastern  question  should  not  be  settled 
in  a dispassionate,  friendly  way,  both  with  Russia  and  with 

* She  and  we  have  now  both  got  our  needs. 


China:  Past  and  Present 


308 

France.  Nor  is  there  any  reason  why  Russia  and  England 
should  not  come  to  an  understanding,  with  or  without  the 
co-operation  of  China  and  Japan,  regarding  the  future  of 
Corea. 

To  sum  up,  there  is  no  ingrained  hostility  whatever 
between  the  Russian  and  the  English  peoples.  Russian 
civilization,  though  later  than,  and  consequently  behind  the 
English,  is  doing  as  much  for  the  improvement  of  Asia  as 
is  English  civilization.  Life  and  property  are  as  safe  for 
Englishmen  in  Russia  as  for  Russians  in  the  British  Empire  ; 
there  is  no  political  antagonism  necessary.  Though  the 
unconditional  presence  of  Russia  at  Constantinople  or  in 
Corea  might  threaten  our  commercial  interests,  there  is  no 
reason  why  a fair  arrangement  should  not  be  come  to,  under 
which  all  Powers  concerned  may  share  proportionately  in  the 
settlement.  The  Press  of  Great  Britain  has,  by  the  prudence 
and  self-restraint  of  its  utterances,  placed  itself  and  the 
country  in  a very  favourable  position  in  view  of  the  Vene- 
zuela and  Transvaal  difficulties  ; * it  is  to  be  desired  that  the 
asperities  of  national  feeling,  so  far  as  they  exist  on  either 
side  in  ignorance,  may  be  gradually  softened  down  by  the 
practice  of  the  same  moderation  in  Russian  matters.  Such 
moderation  and  good  feeling  are  certain  to  be  reciprocated, 
and  the  result  will  inevitably  tend  to  bring  about  that  great 
desideratum , a thoroughly  straightforward  understanding 
between  Great  Britain  and  Russia. 


CHAPTER  II 

THE  BALANCE  OF  POWER 

Any  one  who  attentively  reads  M.  de  Pressense’s  last 
interesting  paper  in  the  Nineteenth  Century  will  perceive  on 
mature  reflection  that  it  amounts  in  effect  to  this:  Russia 
and  France  have,  in  his  opinion,  just  succeeded  in  forming 

* This  was  written  early  in  1896,  after  the  Jameson  “raid.” 


Short  or  Codlin  ? 


3°9 


a counterbalance  to  the  Triple  Alliance,  and  the  only  un- 
comfortable part  of  the  arrangement  is  that  the  weight  of 
Great  Britain  thrown  on  either  side  would  disturb  the 
equipoise ; hence  both  alliances,  or  both  branches  of  the 
precarious  balance,  uneasy  at  their  own  hazardous  position, 
are  equally  apt  to  view  the  deciding  factor,  Great  Britain, 
with  hostile  feelings,  so  long  as  they  feel  the  possibility  that 
the  latter  may  in  a given  emergency  be  a foe  instead  of  a 
friend.  Thus  there  is  permanent  danger  to  the  British 
Empire,  which  may  at  any  moment  be  torn  to  pieces  owing 
to  her  obduracy  in  not  taking  beforehand  one  side  or  the 
other.  This  being  so,  M.  de  Pressense  further  enters  into 
the  question,  Which  side  ought  Great  Britain  for  her  own 
safety  to  take  ? Shall  it  be  Short  or  Codlin  ? 

Of  course  these  great  questions  of  State,  before  they 
become  acute  are,  in  a large  measure,  solved  in  petto  by  the 
statesmen  in  power  for  the  time  being  in  each  State.  There 
are  diplomatists  to  act  as  buttons  to  the  garment  which,  we 
are  told,  decently  covers  the  jealous  contortions  of  that 
half-naked  monster,  the  European  Concert:  then  there  is 
the  public  Press  alternately  to  stimulate  and  repress  public 
opinion;  there  are  financiers,  socialists,  adventurers,  and 
others  with  axes  of  their  own  to  grind,  to  agitate  the  slacken- 
ing strings  ; and  last,  but  not  least,  there  are  now  and  again 
restless  monarchs,  with  much  autocratic  power,  who  can  do 
a great  deal  of  mischief,  despite  the  wishes  of  their  ministers 
and  their  people.  But  although  the  governing  powers  and 
the  Press  are  always  in  evidence,  and  may  seem  to  mono- 
polize the  leading  rdles  of  the  human  stage,  it  must  not  be 
forgotten  that,  in  these  times  of  universal  popular  education, 
there  is  a large  substratum  of  “ general  public  ” which  thinks 
for  itself,  and  when  the  time  comes  for  action,  or  for  voting, 
decides  for  itself.  Just  as  in  religion  the  priest  and  the 
parson  may  exhort  and  denounce  to  their  hearts’  content 
before  respectful  audiences  assembled  according  to  custom 
in  places  appointed  for  sermonizing,  so  in  politics  this  or 
that  leader  may  confidently  air  his  views  before  a regulation 
audience  by  the  prescriptive  right  of  personal  repute  or  of 
office.  But,  after  all,  most  persons  in  every  congregation 
who  have  any  thinking  capacity  at  all  go  home  in  these  days 


3io 


China : Past  and  Present 


and  make  a practical  religion  for  themselves.  And  the  same 
way  in  politics  : there  is  a vast  body  of  plain  unpretentious 
individuals,  possessing  no  prescriptive  right  to  speak  as 
literary  men  or  as  politicians,  who,  when  it  comes  to  taking 
a resolution,  know  perfectly  well  what  they  will  not  do  ; and 
these  men  in  Great  Britain  form  the  latent  power  which 
creates  and  overthrows  ministries. 

First,  let  us  review  in  a few  words  the  position  of  Great 
Britain  during  the  sixty  years  of  Queen  Victoria’s  reign.  The 
increase  in  population,  railway  development,  sea-borne  trade, 
area  governed,  etc.,  etc.,  between  1837  and  1897,  has  been 
on  a scale  absolutely  unparalleled  elsewhere  in  ancient  or 
modern  times.  There  is  nothing  on  the  surface  of  the 
British  character  to  account  for  this  clearly ; and  moreover 
that  character  is  a complex  one,  consisting  as  it  does  of  the 
dogged,  cold,  exclusive  English  temperament ; the  equally 
dogged  but  clannish  Scotch,  the  vivacious,  intelligent,  but 
capricious  Irish  ; all  welded  into  one  active  whole.  Taking 
ourselves,  however,  in  this  mixed  sense,  we  are  decidedly 
inferior  to  the  French  in  lucidity,  precision,  and  wit ; to  the 
Germans  in  physique,  patience,  discipline,  and  thoroughness ; 
to  the  Americans  in  inventiveness  and  versatility;  to  the 
Spaniards  in  sobriety;  to  the  Russians  in  humanity;  and 
to  the  Italians  in  finesse.  What  is  it,  then,  in  the  national 
character  which  accounts  for  Great  Britain  being  the  only 
country  free  from  passports,  political  spies,  police  bullying, 
trade  protection,  religious  domination  ; the  only  country  in 
which  administrative  power  effaces  itself  by  instinct  in  place 
of  asserting  itself ; where  would-be  subverters  are  protected 
as  tenderly  as  those  who  wish  to  preserve  the  existing  state 
of  things  ? It  is  difficult,  and  perhaps  unnecessary,  to  define 
what  it  is  that  infallibly  produces  the  same  characteristics 
everywhere  under  British  rule  ; but  it  may  be  doubtful  if  the 
Scotch  and  Irish  contributions  would  either  of  them  succeed 
so  well  in  forming  part  of  the  successful  compound  were  it 
not  that  the  dispassionate  English  hand  has  always  been  the 
one  at  the  helm.  Germans  have  their  own  colonies,  but  will 
not  go  there  ; Frenchmen  protect  everything  in  their  colonies 
except  their  own  credit  balances ; the  Americans,  in  spite  of 
millionaire-creating  resources,  somehow  fail  to  make  the  two 


The  Envy  of  Less  Happier  Lands  31 1 

ends  of  government  meet.  It  is  only  in  Great  Britain  and 
her  dependencies  that  full  scope  is  given  to  all  energies  ; 
where  Europeans  of  all  kinds  have  absolutely  equal  rights 
with  Englishmen  themselves ; in  short,  where  a man  can  do 
what  he  likes,  and  say  what  he  likes,  free  of  administrative 
censoriousness  and  meddlesome  interference.  Even  in  the 
United  States,  executive  power  is  often  irritating  almost  to 
the  point  of  seeming  tyrannical. 

It  is  naturally  galling  to  other  nationalities,  oppressed  by 
conscription,  police  prying,  financial  collapses,  Press  inquisi- 
tions, and  what  not,  to  see  so  much  national  prosperity 
attained  at  such  a little  cost  to  individual  liberty ; and  to 
this  feeling  of  universal  envy  is  superadded  one  of  personal 
dislike,  when  the  somewhat  contemptuous  attitude  of  calm 
indifference  unconsciously  displayed  by  Englishmen  abroad 
is  taken  into  consideration.  In  other  words,  England,  though 
almost  the  only  place  where  all  men  live  on  equal  terms,  or  at 
least  have  equal  chances,  is  an  object  of  jealousy  to  every  one 
outside.  Luckily,  however,  England  has  looked  after  her 
defences  with  increased  energy  of  recent  years : powerful 
rivals  have  had  their  own  special  difficulties  to  keep  them  in 
check,  and  we  have  so  far  survived  the  ordeal  without  any 
considerable  diminution  of  prosperity  and  power. 

But  at  present  things  are  in  a very  parlous  state  in 
Europe.  France,  though  the  wealthiest  country  in  the  world 
in  productivity,  is  taxed  in  money  and  men  to  the  utmost  of 
her  capacity ; she  would  probably  be  more  restless  than  she 
is,  had  she  not  practically  ceased  to  breed.  Germany  is  a 
poor  country  with  rich  pretensions  ; at  the  rate  she  is  breeding 
she  will  soon  be  unable  to  sustain  her  population  without 
more  elbow-room.  Italy  is  prematurely  played  out  and 
bankrupt ; without  a long  period  of  national  rest  and  prudent 
finance  she  can  never  secure  ease  and  prosperity  for  the 
overweighted  units  of  her  population.  Austria,  divided  as 
she  is  into  three  distracted  nationalities — one  affiliated  to 
Germany,  another  to  Russia,  and  one  standing  alone — con 
tinues  to  exist  as  an  empire  only  by  force  of  habit.  Turkey, 
at  least  in  Europe,  cannot  possibly  be  tolerated  as  an 
independent  State  for  another  generation,  no  matter  what  is 
said  to  the  contrary.  Another  administrative  carcase,  in  the 


312 


China  : Past  and  Present 


shape  of  China,  will  soon  * be  ready  for  the  vultures  hanging 
around  her,  unless  she  can  manage  to  galvanize  a little  life 
into  herself.  The  United  States  have  many  irons  in  the  fire  : 
Cuba  and  Spain,  Hawaii  and  Japan,  various  disputes  with 
ourselves,  the  financial  question,  and  the  “coloured  rights” 
difficulty.  In  this  sea  of  political  trouble  Great  Britain  drifts 
about  like  the  rest  of  them,  and  the  question  is  suggested  to 
her  by  M.  de  Pressensd  : “ What  shall  she  do  to  be  saved  ? ” 

I have  intentionally  left  out  Russia,  for  Russia  has  nothing 
whatever  to  fear  from  external  foes,  except,  perhaps,  from 
Germany.  She  might  possibly  be  wounded  in  the  Black  Sea 
or  at  Vladivostock,  but  in  neither  case  would  the  life  pulsations 
of  the  Empire  be  seriously  affected.  Russia  requires  nothing 
but  peace ; looking  back  upon  her  past  history,  she  quite 
understands  that  her  development  has  been  most  unhappily 
retarded  by  unnecessary  wars  ; and  apart  from  the  fact  that 
the  Czar  Alexander  III.  was  by  temperament  personally 
inclined  towards  peace  and  quiet  for  their  own  sakes,  it  was 
in  his  reign  that  circumstances  combined  to  force  clearly 
upon  leading  Russians  generally  the  conviction  that  in  the 
peaceful  development  of  their  own  resources  lay  the  only  true 
road  to  happiness  and  success. 

For  the  present  purposes  let  us  leave  out  of  consideration 
the  past.  In  the  relations  of  Russia  and  England,  in  con- 
nection with  Turkey  and  Central  Asia,  mistakes  may  have 
been  made,  and  probably  were  made,  on  both  sides,  for  which 
both  sides  have  been  equally  to  blame.  Let  us  merely  con- 
sider the  present  and  the  future.  There  is  absolutely  no 
point  in  which  we  cannot  treat,  independently  of  all  other 
nations,  direct  with  Russia  upon  matters  concerning  our  joint 
interests  with  her.  There  is  really  no  cause  for  hostility  or 
suspicion.  So  far  as  the  North  Sea  and  the  Baltic  Sea  are 
concerned,  there  is  every  prospect  of  trade  development 
between  the  two  countries  on  mutually  advantageous  terms. 
England  is  Russia’s  best  customer  for  food  products  ; and 
even  if  Russia’s  protective  system  were  an  ungenerous  one  to 
us — which,  on  the  whole,  it  is  not — it  is  to  Russia’s  interest 
as  much  as  to  ours  that  the  trade  should  be  on  fair  give-and- 
take  principles.  The  way  in  which  Captain  Wiggins  and 

* 1898. 


3i3 


The  Roof  of  the  JVorld 

Mr.  Popham  have  been  encouraged  to  assist  in  developing 
the  Siberian  river  trade  holds  out  every  hope  that  increased 
national  friendliness  will  be  one  of  the  results.  In  the  Black 
Sea  we  can  now  hardly  be  said  to  have  any  interest  beyond 
that  of  shipping.  The  future  of  Turkey  is  an  insoluble  riddle 
at  present,  and  much  depends  upon  the  fate  of  the  Austrian 
Empire.  No  wars  or  alliances  can  well  modify  one  result : 
whether  the  German  element  of  Austria  does  or  does  not 
merge  itself  into  Germany,  what  remains  of  the  Austro- 
Hungarian  Empire  must  in  the  end  gravitate  towards  the 
East ; and  whether  Austria  shares  with  Russia,  or  abandons 
to  Russia,  the  approaches  to  the  Black  Sea,  it  is  certain  that 
Great  Britain  will  never  be  established  anywhere  on  the 
Constantinople  side  of  the  Sea  of  Marmora.  In  a word,  if 
Russian  statesmen  will  only  be  reasonable  to  British  trade 
prospects  in  and  near  the  Black  Sea,  there  is  no  reason  why 
England  should  attempt  to  thwart  Russia’s  policy  in  Turkey, 
whatever  arrangements  she  may  make  with  Austria. 

In  Central  Asia  the  recent  settlement  of  the  Pamirs 
question  practically  closes  all  difficulties  except  that  of 
Persia  ; or,  at  any  rate,  it  prevents  any  reopening  of  difficulties 
so  long  as  both  parties  maintain  the  sincere  desire  to  be 
friendly.  And  as  to  Persia,  that  is  no  pressing  matter ; we 
cannot  map  out  the  future  of  the  world  for  our  grandsons. 
In  any  case,  there  is  no  reason  why,  if  we  come  to  a general 
understanding  with  Russia  all  round,  that  question  should 
not  be  included  in  the  bargain.  Though  no  one  thinks  much 
of  Tibet  now,  it  is  certain  that  before  very  long  there  will  be 
a Tibetan  question,  in  connection  with  which  Russia,  in  her 
present  reasonable  mood,  may  be  fairly  expected  to  regard 
the  Bramaputra,  and  all  the  other  rivers  which  flow  south  to 
the  sea,  as  beyond  her  sphere  of  action.  The  most  difficult 
question  of  all  is  Russia’s  naval  position  in  the  China  seas  ; 
and  this  one  might  have  become  more  acute  had  it  not  been 
for  the  sudden  rise  of  Japan,  which  State  must  now  be  counted 
with,  along  with  us,  as  a possible  determined  rival.  It  has 
been  suggested  that  the  German  occupation  of  Kiao  Chou 
points  to  an  understanding  with  Russia ; but  in  the  present 
capricious  state  of  German  policy,  when  no  man,  even  in 
Germany,  knows  what  the  morrow  may  bring  forth,  it  is 


China : Past  and  Present 


314 

extremely  unlikely  that  Russia  would  be  instrumental  in 
encouraging  such  a leap  in  the  dark,  though  it  be  one  certain  in 
any  event  to  weaken  Germany’s  naval  position  at  home,  and 
one  which  can  scarcely  be  said  to  threaten  Russia.  If  we  look 
back  at  Russia’s  dealings  with  China,  we  see  that  her  relations 
have  always  been  friendly  and  fair.  In  the  Amur  boundary 
question,  200  years  ago,  the  Russians  and  the  Manchus  were 
equally  conquerors  and  explorers.  It  is,  indeed,  said  that  the 
Russians  once  removed  the  boundary  stones  in  a tricky  way  ; 
but  that  is  also  a very  old  Chinese  trick,  and,  in  any  case,  one 
of  which  local  officers  on  a remote  frontier  might  easily  on 
either  side  be  guilty.  On  the  whole,  the  history  of  the  Russo- 
Chinese  trade  relations  up  to  our  own  times  points  to 
prudence,  loyalty,  and  even  considerate  gentleness  on  the 
Russian  side.  It  is  often  said  that  the  Russians  did  a smart 
thing  in  filching  Primorsk  from  the  Manchus  after  our  last 
war  with  China.  Perhaps  they  did ; but  there  was  no 
violence ; it  was  all  a matter  of  fair  negotiation.  In  the  Ili 
question,  eighteen  years  ago,  the  Russians  restored  certain 
territory,  and  honourably  swallowed  the  leek  in  a way  which 
no  one  expected  to  see.  Here,  again,  they  had  “smartly” 
and  successfully  negotiated  with  an  incapable  Manchu  envoy 
in  Russia.  But  his  work  was  disavowed ; Ili  was  demanded 
in  accordance  with  Russia’s  promise,  and  was  duly  given 
back.  In  the  same  way  with  Bokhara,  which,  as  a vassal 
State,  is  now  much  more  helpless  than  was  China  in  1880: 
Russia  has  honourably  abandoned  to  her  the  States  of  Roshan 
and  Shignan,  in  accordance  with  old  claims  justified  by 
Bokhara. 

I do  not  for  a moment  mean  to  take  a brief  for  Russia, 
whose  statesmen  are  probably  individually  neither  worse  nor 
better  than  the  rest  of  mankind.  But  what  I do  say  is  that 
her  Asiatic  policy  generally  seems  to  have  been  honourable 
“ as  a whole,”  due  allowance  made  for  “ psychological  ” con- 
siderations. Russia’s  whole  attitude  in  the  world  is  far  from 
being  an  aggressive  one ; of  all  the  Christian  missionaries  in 
China,  Mongolia,  etc.,  the  Russian  are  the  only  ones  who 
“ mind  their  own  business,”  and  are  not  actively  “ militant.” 
Nothing  could  be  more  conservative  and  tenacious  than  the 
Orthodox  Church,  but  it  only  holds  fast  to  what  it  has  already 


Purchase  not  Friends  by  Gifts  315 

got,  and  forces  no  stranger  into  its  fold  except  by  con- 
siderations of  self-interest ; in  short,  it  is  a mere  political 
engine,  worked  with  the  same  moderation  which  characterizes 
Russia’s  action  all  round. 

For  purposes  of  her  own,  with  which  we  have  no  immediate 
concern,  Russia  has  thought  it  advisable  to  ally  herself  with 
France.  The  underhand  “ reptile  ” Press  of  Germany  is 
always  harping  upon  the  “ irreconcilable  divergence  of 
interests  ” between  ourselves  and  Russia  ; but  there  is  no 
reason  to  suppose,  whatever  France’s  motives  may  have  been, 
that  Russia,  in  consenting  to  an  alliance  with  her,  coveted 
France’s  assistance  against  ourselves,  or  felt  in  any  way  the 
need  of  France’s  support  for  her  safety  against  our  attacks. 
True,  Russia  has  dropped  seeds  in  Egypt,  Abyssinia,  Alaska, 
and  Siam,  which  are  intended  to  grow  and  serve  for  future 
use  as  occasion  may  require ; but  those  are  mere  diplomatic 
moves  of  a perfectly  legitimate  character.  However  much 
we  may  wish  that  Russia  would  accommodate  us  more,  it 
must  be  admitted  that  her  policy  is  free  from  dirty  tricks 
and  violent  surprises  ; in  short,  regarding  her  Government  as 
a human  being,  in  dealing  with  Russia  we  feel  that  we  have 
to  do  with  a gentleman.* 

We  have  no  reason  to  fear  Russia ; Russia  has  no  reason 
to  fear  us.  Our  position  may  be  exposed  to  danger,  chiefly 
external ; but  it  must  not  be  forgotten  that  Russia  is  also 
exposed  to  danger,  chiefly  internal.  She  desires  peace  as 
much  as  we  do.  So  far  as  England  is  concerned,  Russia  can 
afford  to  be  indifferent  to  the  French  alliance;  but  she  requires 
it  in  order  that  she  may  develop  her  resources  free  from  the 
bugbear  of  Germany  on  her  flank.  We  have  no  need  of 
France’s  alliance,  either  to  protect  ourselves  against  Russia  or 
against  Germany.  Consequently  there  is  no  interest  to  com- 
pensate us  for  tying  ourselves  down  and  throwing  our  weight 
in  the  Franco-Russian  scale.  Were  we  to  do  so,  and  were 
peace  preserved,  we  should  find  nothing  we  want  from  Russia 
which  France  could  help  us  to  get,  and  nothing  we  want  from 
France  which  Russia  could  aid  us  to  get  without  playing  false 
to  France ; whereas,  if  war  broke  out,  we  could  take  care  of 
ourselves.  On  the  other  hand,  there  are  several  things  France 

* The  mysterious  Russian  policy  in  Manchuria  now  hardly  supports  this  view. 


China : Past  and  Present 


316 

wants  from  us,  and  it  is  certain  that  if  she  could  she  would  take 
them  from  us  now  by  force  with  Russia’s  assistance,  without 
going  out  of  her  way  to  prove  to  us,  as  M.  de  Pressens£ 
endeavours  to  do,  that  it  is  for  our  own  interest  to  “ make 
advances,”  and  give  her  what  she  wants  of  our  own  accord. 
But  peace  would  probably  not  be  preserved  in  this  way  ; the 
formal  adhesion  of  England  to  the  Franco-Russian  alliance 
would  mean  such  a preponderance  of  naval  and  military 
power  that  the  Triple  Alliance  (which  means  Germany  for 
this  purpose)  would  be  reduced  to  intolerable  insignificance. 
In  that  case  Germany  could  not  afford  to  keep  the  peace. 
There  is  no  reason  why  we  should  not  settle  our  differences 
with  France  independently  of  Russia  (who  has  really  little 
concern  with  them),  just  as  we  can  settle  our  differences  with 
Russia  independently  of  France. 

Our  differences  with  France  are  many.  There  is  the 
west  coast  of  Newfoundland  fishery  question.  If  a local 
bargain  were  made,  France  would  probably  willingly  barter 
the  right  to  make  herself  disagreeable  on  the  coast  of  New- 
foundland for  a counter  right  we  possess  to  pull  down  any 
fortifications  she  may  erect  on  her  islands  of  St.  Pierre  and 
Miquelon.  But  neither  Canada  nor  the  United  States  would 
agree  to  this.  Then  there  is  the  Egyptian  question,  in  which 
Russia  only  has  a moderate  interest ; but  even  that  moderate 
interest  would  not  be  made  any  greater  by  Russia’s  aiding 
France  to  obtain  complete  command  of  the  Suez  Canal  both 
by  land  and  by  sea.  The  West  African  difficulty  looks 
serious,  but  at  bottom  it  is  more  a question  of  amour  propre 
than  general  utility.  The  French  have  not  the  same  calm 
and  practical  way  of  dealing  with  such  matters  that  the 
Russians  have.  A leading  Frenchman,  M.  le  Myre  de  Vilers, 
made  a speech  the  other  day  in  which  he  boasted  of  France’s 
“paralyzing”  British  hopes  in  the  Indian  Ocean.  This 
expression  puts  the  whole  French  attitude — I mean,  of  course, 
the  attitude  of  the  intransigeants , or  unreasonables — in  a 
nutshell.  As  a colonial  power  France  has  been  a failure 
almost  everywhere : her  few  great  steamer-lines  are  all  sub- 
sidized ; her  trade  is  heavily  protected  ; she  has  hundreds 
of  soldiers  to  “ protect  ” each  colonist ; and  her  colonies  do 
not  afford  a career  for  her  young  men.  Yet  the  sight  of 


The  Devil  gives  this  Jealousy  to  Man  317 

British  colonial  success  is  so  galling  to  her  that  a large 
portion  of  the  French  people  consider,  with  M.  de  Vilers, 
that  they  are  amply  rewarded  if  they  can  only  “ paralyze  ” 
the  action  of  their  successful  rivals  without  obtaining  any 
tangible  advantage  for  themselves.  The  Russians,  on  the 
other  hand,  are  doing  solid,  useful  work  wherever  they  go — 
sending  out  colonies,  building  railways,  and  introducing 
public  order  : there  is  nothing  empty  or  showy  about  Russian 
occupation.  It  must  be  admitted  that  the  French  are  exceed- 
ingly liberal  in  creating  steamer-lines  without  trade,  “docks” 
or  warehouses  without  cargo,  roads  without  traffic,  and  so  on  ; 
in  their  colonies,  moreover,  there  is,  coupled  with  a certain 
feverish  individual  tendency  to  bully,  a generous  public 
capacity  for  safeguarding  the  rights  of  the  indigenes.  In 
short,  sentiment,  theory,  and  science — all  admirable  qualities 
in  their  way — are  the  leading  features  of  French  rule,  which 
too  often  cripples  trade,  frightens  away  capital,  unsettles 
the  natives,  and  never  pays  its  way,  even  in  Algeria.  On 
the  other  hand,  wherever  Russians  open  out  a country  we 
find  them  associating  in  an  easy-going,  careless  way  with  the 
natives,  scrupulously  protecting  their  religions  and  customs, 
encouraging  trade  communications,  and,  in  a word,  absorbing 
the  region  into  the  Russian  administrative  system  ; in  fact, 
the  Russians  have  a mission,  and  are  practical  colonists  like 
ourselves,  only  that  they  move  on  a different  line,  or  rather, 
on  a different  gauge.  So  long  as  a majority  of  influential 
persons  in  France  persists  in  taking  a spiteful  view  of  colonial 
policy,  so  long  will  there  be  friction  between  the  legitimate 
expansion  of  Great  Britain  and  the  fictitious  showiness  of 
French  efforts,  which  may  be  compared  with  those  of  a sculler 
who  has  not  the  remotest  prospect  of  winning  the  race,  but 
who  claims  the  right  to  occupy  part  of  the  course,  and  to 
take  his  chance  of  picking  up  something  by  a foul.  This 
state  of  affairs  would  not  matter  much  were  it  not  that  Russia, 
in  order  to  protect  herself  against  German  aggression  whilst 
her  whole  resources  are  devoted  to  developing  her  internal 
wealth,  had  found  it  useful  to  enlist  the  general  countenance 
of  France,  which  arrangement  necessitates  on  the  part  of 
Russia  occasional  counter  favours  to  France  in  directions 
where  her  own  interests  are  not  touched.  In  this  way  Russia 


China : Past  and  Present 


318 

can  make  herself  disagreeable  to  us  in  many  parts  of  the 
world  without  our  being  able  to  retaliate  with  the  same  light 
hand.  Russia  wants  nothing  from  us  in  any  part  of  the 
world  ; she  does  not  even  want  money,  so  long  as  she  can 
keep  France  in  a good  hopeful  humour.  Thus  it  falls  out 
that,  though  there  is  nothing  whatever  to  make  the  solid 
Russian  interests  clash  with  ours,  or  to  prevent  perfectly 
above-board  and  honourable  dealings  between  ourselves  and 
Russia,  she  is  often  forced  in  her  own  interests  to  abet  the 
unreasonable  pretensions  of  France.  The  remedy  would,  of 
course,  be  to  conciliate  France  in  such  a way  that  she  would 
have  no  interest  in  thwarting  us,  or  in  inducing  Russia  to  aid 
her  in  doing  so.  This,  in  fact,  brings  us  round,  though  by  a 
different  route,  to  M.  de  Pressense’s  position  : “ Are  you  strong 
enough  to  stand  alone  and  risk  our  combining  to  destroy 
you  ? Are  you  sure  that  we  are  not  strong  enough  even  to 
do  this  without  running  the  risk  of  forcing  you  into  the  arms 
of  the  Triple  Alliance  ? ” 

There  are  several  answers  to  this  question.  First : “If 
you  are  really  so  strong,  why  proclaim  it  from  the  housetops, 
and  invite  us  to  share  your  strength?  Why  not  force  the 
world  to  keep  the  peace  by  exposing  your  strength  ? ” Any 
great  Power  may  plunge  all  Europe  into  a murderous  general 
war  by  rash  or  deliberately  violent  action  ; and  if  such  great 
Power  be  determined  to  do  so,  or  to  risk  doing  so,  then  Great 
Britain  has  no  choice  in  the  matter,  whether  she  be  driven  to 
it  by  intrigue  or  by  force.  The  only  thing  we  can  do  is  to 
look  unceasingly  to  our  naval  defences  in  the  first  instance  ; 
and,  if  possible,  to  strengthen  also  our  second  line,  fight- 
ing for  our  lives  when  the  time  comes.  In  the  event  of 
a coalition  against  us,  things  would  undoubtedly  go  hard  ; 
but,  after  all,  if  things  are  to  come  to  that  pass,  a man 
can  only  die  once — and  he  must  die  once — whilst  the 
slaughter  of  millions  is  only  the  hastening  of  individual 
events  under  circumstances  of  unusual  excitement.  Life  is 
not  worth  having,  at  least  to  many  of  us,  except  under  the 
conditions  of  freedom  to  which  we  have  been  accustomed, 
and  we  had  better  all  perish  than  accept  dishonourable  con- 
ditions. Besides,  we  might  succeed  in  turning  the  tables 
upon  our  enemies  if  we  stood  up  to  them  with  a stout  heart. 


This  Happy  Breed  of  Men  319 

Nations  imbued  with  these  sentiments  do  not,  however,  easily 
perish.  Apart  from  what  we  can  do  ourselves,  we  have  kins- 
men beyond  the  seas  ; and  although  there  are  many  points 
of  difference  between  us  and  the  United  States,  they,  as  well 
as  our  own  kinsmen,  are  not  likely  to  stand  by  whilst  a 
Frenchman  aided  by  a Prussian,  or  a Russian,  holds  a sword 
to  our  throats.  Again,  as  I have  said  before — allowance 
made  for  human  weaknesses  and  diplomatic  guile — the 
Russians  require  peace  for  their  own  development : the 
masses  are  only  just  emerging  from  savagery  and  semi- 
starvation : a general  war  with  risk  of  revolution  would  by 
no  means  suit  Russia’s  calculation  even  from  a purely  in- 
terested point  of  view,  and  apart  from  all  moral  considerations. 
But  there  is  another  important  point  to  be  considered.  In 
our  ignorance  of  the  Russians  as  a people,  we  are  apt  to 
picture  them  a cruel,  treacherous,  greedy  race,  without  any 
high  moral  sentiment  whatever.  When  I was  in  Russia  I 
watched  all  classes  very  carefully,  and  to  my  surprise  I found 
that  the  Russians,  especially  the  ignorant  and  uninformed, 
held  the  same  false  idea  of  us : they  seemed  to  consider  that 
we  tyrannized  and  tortured  Ireland,  just  as  we  supposed — 
perhaps  rightly  once — they  humbled  Poland  ; they  honestly 
felt  that,  pleasant  fellows  though  we  might  be,  with  plenty 
of  cash  to  spend,  we  were  as  a race  brutal,  grasping,  domineer- 
ing, cunning,  unscrupulous,  meddling,  hypocritical — in  short, 
almost  everything  that  is  bad,  except  cowards.  On  the  other 
hand,  I found  that  the  Russians  by  temperament  were  with- 
out exception  the  gentlest,  most  easy-going  and  humane 
nation  in  Europe — and  I have  seen  them  nearly  all.  Their 
defects  are  many  ; but  the  leading  feature  in  the  Russian 
character,  high  and  low,  which  stands  above  faults  of  which 
they  have  their  full  share,  is  an  enthusiastic,  generous 
humanity,  easily  moved  to  sadness  and  tears ; full  of  ex- 
pansive gratitude  for  kindness  ; free  from  meanness,  pettiness, 
and  cunning  greed.  In  short,  it  struck  me,  the  more  I con- 
templated the  Russian  character,  that  they  were  the  only 
people  in  Europe  who  possessed  several  of  the  better  cha- 
racteristics of  ourselves.  The  Russians  are  not  so  fond  of 
fair  play,  not  so  truthful,  not  so  energetic,  not  so  manly  as 
we  are ; but,  on  the  other  hand,  they  are  less  hypocritical, 


320 


Chirm:  Past  and  Present 


more  truly  modest ; gentler,  more  tender,  more  truly  religious, 
more  humane,  and  less  brutal  and  violent  in  every  way. 
This  being  so,  I decline  to  believe  that  the  Russian  nation 
as  a body,  or  the  Russian  Government  as  its  representative — 
which  shares  the  virtues  and  vices  of  that  body — would 
ever  lend  itself  heart  and  soul  to  an  aggressive  general  war 
for  mere  purposes  of  spite  and  plunder ; and  in  this  matter, 
far  inferior  though  the  Russians  are  to  their  new  allies  in 
intelligence,  wit,  vivacity,  and  many  other  noble  qualities, 
they  are  by  temperament  superior  to  the  French. 

Finally,  even  in  France  it  is  by  no  means  every  one  that 
shares  the  spiteful  sentiments  of  the  extreme  colonial  party 
and  the  gallery  Press.  The  hard-headed,  solid  masses, 
though  easily  moved  to  foolish  enthusiasm,  in  their  calmer 
moments  must  see  that  Great  Britain  is  doing  them  no  harm 
in  any  part  of  the  world,  and  is  not  threatening  them  in  any 
way.  Even  in  Egypt,  our  occupation  has  been  of  great 
advantage  to  French  investors.  French  financiers  have  not 
succeeded  in  establishing  an  equilibrium  at  home  : could  they 
have  done  the  work  we  have  done  in  Egypt  ? What  privileges 
do  British  subjects  enjoy  in  any  part  of  our  Empire  which 
the  French  cannot  share?  That  France  is  at  the  head  of 
civilization  in  many  respects  no  one  can  deny.  No  Christian 
missions  are  more  disinterested  or  more  devoted  than  those 
of  France.  In  literature  and  art,  in  refinement,  polish  of 
manners,  industry,  charity,  public  enterprise,  science,  good 
taste,  luxury,  and  in  many  other  admirable  things,  she  is 
unsurpassed,  if  not  unequalled.  No  country  is  more  pleasant 
to  live  in,  and  she  has  no  surplus  population  clamouring  for 
an  outlet.  There  is  really  no  reason  why  her  interests  should 
clash  with  ours,  if  she  would  only  be  content  with  her  natural 
sphere.  As  the  admired  entertainer  and  caterer  of  Europe, 
she  has  no  call  to  cut  a figure  abroad.  Our  gloomy  climate 
has  no  charms  for  half  the  year  : it  is  only  by  labour  or  out- 
door sports  that  we  can  pass  the  time  without  ennui.  The 
population  has  far  outgrown  the  food  resources  of  the  land. 
Emigration  is  an  absolute  necessity.  When  we  do  emigrate 
and  undertake  the  administration,  we  are  the  only  nation 
that  shares  and  shares  alike  with  all  nationalities.  We  retain 
no  exclusive  privileges  for  British  subjects.  Why,  then,  should 


As  a Moat  defensive  to  a Home  321 

our  action  be  “ paralyzed  ” ? Why  should  not  France  en- 
deavour to  meet  us  at  all  points  in  an  equitable  spirit  ? Why 
not  encourage  us  ? 

As  to  leaguing  with  the  Dual  Alliance  for  the  destruction 
of  the  Triple  Alliance,  or  vice-versa , it  is  conceivable  that  the 
violence  of  either  might  drive  us  in  self-defence  to  adopt  one 
or  the  other  course ; but,  since  there  is  a balance  of  power, 
why  not  leave  it  thus  balancing  ? England  has  never 
threatened  either  France  or  Germany,  and  is  pre-eminently 
the  Power  whose  interests  lie  exclusively  in  peace.  What 
harm  is  there  in  her  lying,  like  the  United  States  * for  instance, 
beyond  the  sphere  of  the  balance  ? Why  should  she  not 
negotiate  successfully  her  matters  of  mutual  interest,  either 
with  each  of  the  two  Alliances  as  wholes,  or  with  each  Power 
of  either  Alliance  as  units?  It  may  be  true  that  her  outside 
position  gives  her  power  to  do  harm  by  giving  a preponderance 
to  one  of  the  two  balances ; but,  on  the  other  hand,  either 
alliance,  or  any  member  of  either,  has  the  power  to  precipitate 
war  if  it  chooses.  Why,  then,  should  England  be  particularly 
suspected  ? Seeing  that  the  vast  military  forces  of  the 
Continental  Powers  are  now  balanced,  surely  England  is  the 
one  Power  par  excellence  fitted  by  Nature  to  stand  off,  when 
it  is  remembered  that  she  possesses  no  aggressive  military 
force  at  all  ? The  naval  forces  of  the  two  Alliances  are  also 
balanced.  Why  should  England’s  preponderance  in  naval 
force  be  grudged  her,  seeing  that  it  is  practically  her  only 
defence  ? 

Germany’s  present  position  is  singular.  It  is  remarkable 
that  the  most  patient,  scientific,  orderly,  and  philosophic 
people  in  the  world  should  allow  the  popular  voice — which 
in  Germany  is  far  from  being  the  voice  of  rashness  and 
ignorance — to  be  overborne  by  the  votes  f of  Imperialism;  or 
rather,  as  M.  de  Pressense  puts  it,  of  Prussian  particularism, 
of  an  unusually  domineering  and  unsympathetic  kind.  It  is 
perhaps  a great  loss  to  the  world  that  the  noble  Emperor 
Frederick  had  not  a longer  life,  for  it  is  he  of  the  three 
who  was  truly  der  weise  Kaiser.  Under  his  sage  and  moderate 
guidance  the  best  qualities  of  the  newly  aroused  German 
race  would  almost  certainly  have  been  developed,  after  their 

* Since  1898  the  United  States’  position  has  changed.  t Scarcely  so  in  1903. 

Y 


322 


China:  Past  and  Present 


centuries  of  dormancy  under  foreign  political  tyranny,  in  the 
direction  of  constitutionality,  un  menacing  to  the  rest  of 
Europe.  Excuse  may  readily  be  found  for  the  rough,  not 
over-scrupulous  genius  of  a Bismarck,  during  the  transition 
period  when  Germany  was  emerging  from  a chrysalis  state. 
The  unlooked-for  attack  upon  hopeless  and  defeated  China, 
almost  within  a year  of  the  date  when  an  equally  unexpected 
show  was  made  of  protecting  that  Power  from  dismemberment, 
instances  the  possible  uses  to  which  the  German  navy  might 
in  future  be  put  if  the  Reichstag  were  to  give  the  Prussian 
Junker  clique  a perfectly  free  hand.  No  man  knew  then  what 
the  morrow  might  bring  forth  in  Germany,  and  no  man  knows 
now  what  any  ambitious  action  of  Germany  might  not  bring 
forth  in  Europe,  or  in  China.  The  aggressive,  restless  activity 
which  kept  Napoleon  III.  perpetually  under  the  eye  of  Europe, 
and  finally  brought  about  his  fall,  seems  to  be  occasionally 
imitated  nowadays  by  Germany.  In  justice  to  the  present 
ruler,  however,  and  to  his  Council,  it  must  be  admitted  that 
the  success  of  the  alarming  Kiao  Chou  coup  does  not  seem  to 
have  permanently  turned  their  heads,  but  rather  to  have 
sobered  them  down  a little  since  the  year  1898  began,  and  to 
have  led  to  a more  considerate  attitude  towards  China. 

Sentiments  adverse  to  militant  aggressiveness  abroad  are 
indeed  held  by  many  Germans,  if  not  by  the  majority  of  them, 
at  least  in  nearly  all  the  States  but  Prussia  ; but  political 
liberty  is  in  some  respects  at  a lower  ebb  in  Germany  now 
than  it  is  in  very  Russia.  Even  private  letters  received  from 
Germany  are  worded  with  caution.  The  Germans  as  indi- 
viduals have  always  been  a timid  race,  though  never  lacking 
in  collective  courage  to  fight  for  their  liberties.  They  seem 
so  overawed  by  the  police,  and  by  military  privilege,  that  the 
great  thinkers,  the  scholars,  the  millionaires,  the  territorial 
nobles,  suggest  the  attitude  of  a class  of  school-boys  with  their 
eyes  furtively  turned  up  at  the  master’s  cane.  In  Russia,  as 
we  all  know,  the  arm  of  Government  is  evident  enough,  and  in 
the  hands  of  indiscreet  officials  often  becomes  tyrannical  and 
unjust ; but  there  at  least  we  have  ignorant  masses  to  deal 
with,  and  a conscientious  paternal  master.  Alexander  III. 
died  one  of  Nature’s  gentlemen,  according  to  Lord  Salisbury’s 
official  eulogium.  The  Czar  Nicholas  II.  has  also  used  his 


Amicus  es  in  “ Germamim  ” Modum  323 

personal  influence  with  a prudence  and  correctness  which 
compel  respect.  If  the  ruler’s  agents  occasionally  fail  him,  it 
is  not  always  the  fault  of  the  Czar,  nor  even  of  his  ministers. 
At  least  the  Government  chief  strains  every  nerve  to  improve 
the  position  of  his  shaggy  flocks  : no  question  of  personal 
ambition,  undue  submission  to  foreign  allies,  or  family  pique 
comes  in  here ; and,  as  in  the  case  of  M.  de  Witte,  the  hum- 
blest Russian  may  aspire  to  become  a high  officer  of  State. 

But  the  Government  of  Germany  is  not  either  by  any 
means  the  German  nation.  The  Germans,  of  course,  vary,  and 
a Prussian  is  not  the  same  as  a Bavarian  or  a Saxon.  Yet, 
taking  them  all  round,  the  Germans,  left  to  their  own  better 
judgment,  free  from  police  espionage  and  hectoring,  are  a 
quiet,  reasonable,  sentimental,  plodding  people  ; rather  more 
sensuous  in  their  pleasures  than  we  are  ; not  so  gentle  as  the 
Russians  ; but  more  timid,  and  nearly  as  kind-hearted  ; rough 
and  ungracious  in  manners ; either  religious  enthusiasts  or 
religiophobes  ; somewhat  sour-tempered  ; greedy,  unless  un- 
restrained ; less  humorous  than  the  Russians,  less  witty  than 
the  French  ; careful,  exact ; and,  if  harsh,  generally  as  strong 
in  character  as  in  physique.  The  nature  of  the  German  is 
envious  rather  than  jealous  ; he  has  none  of  the  frank,  gene- 
rous hospitality  of  the  Russian  ; he  is  essentially  a selfish 
man  ; rancorous,  underhanded ; but  not  vengeful  in  the 
Corsican  sense.  A great  many  of  these  less  beautiful  character- 
istics are  also  ours  ; but  what  the  German  often  seems  to  lack 
is  our  sense  of  fair  play,  and  our  individual  spirit.  He  has 
plenty  of  gregarious  courage  under  discipline,  and  the  German 
officer  is  full  of  fire  and  “honour”  when  a luckless  civilian 
insults  him;  but,  man  for  man,  the  calculating  German  has 
not  the  generous  Clan  of  either  Russian  or  Frenchman.  He 
is  the  sort  of  man  in  his  evil  moments  to  hit  you  when  you  are 
down,  which  a Russian  will  rarely  do  at  any  time.  It  will  be 
noticed  that  the  shape  of  the  average  German’s  head  is 
totally  different  from  that  of  any  other  people  in  Europe. 
His  character,  in  short,  is  one  which  easily  degenerates  into 
aggressive  acquisitiveness,  or  relapses  into  patient  docility, 
according  to  the  influences  which  work  upon  it,  and  accord- 
ing to  the  prospects  of  gain  without  risk,  or  punishment 
without  escape,  which  may  seem  to  him  imminent.  The 


324 


China : Past  and  Present 


recent  behaviour  of  Germans  in  the  Austrian  Reichstag  is  a 
sorry  instance  of  what  civilized  human  beings  of  the  Pan- 
German  type  may  become  under  the  provocative  influence  of 
race  hatreds  and  disappointed  expectations. 

Yet  there  is  no  reason  why  we  should  not  be  as  successful 
in  conciliating  the  Germans  as  in  conciliating  the  French  and 
the  Russians  : there  is  no  solid  German  interest  which  clashes 
with  ours,  except  the  interest  of  commerce.  German  com- 
merce enjoys  exactly  the  same  privileges  in  English  colonies 
that  British  commerce  does.  When  Germany  was  not  yet 
in  a position  to  protect  herself  abroad,  she  never  on  any 
occasion  ran  any  risk  of  injustice  at  British  hands;  indeed, 
her  policy  was  always  the  comfortable  one  of  taking  refuge 
under  the  wing  of  the  British  pioneer,  who  never  once  failed 
her.  In  the  Far  East  British  officials  were  always  as  ready 
to  protect  unrepresented  Germans  as  to  protect  their  own 
nationals.  And  since  the  volume  of  German  trade  has  in- 
creased, things  have  not  changed  : even  though  (largely 
through  the  fault  of  self-sufficient  Englishmen  themselves) 
German  traders  have  by  their  superior  suppleness  encroached 
upon  the  British  trade  preserves,  and  to  a certain  extent 
aroused  the  alarm  and  jealousy  of  British  traders,  yet  there 
has  never  been  any  change  in  British  policy.  German  trade  is 
as  safe  abroad  as  ever  it  was.  Germans  prefer  the  freedom  of 
England  to  the  inquisitorial  domination  of  their  own  colonial 
administration.  German  merchants  are  fully  represented  in 
English  banks,  English  municipalities,  English  steamer  com- 
panies ; German  employes  are  as  much  appreciated  as  ever  in 
English  commercial  houses.  In  short,  if  we  put  aside  the 
inevitable  commercial  jealousy,  which,  after  all,  is  no  greater 
between  German  and  English  houses  than  between  rival 
English  houses  themselves  ; if  we  leave  out  of  consideration 
the  evil  but  transient  national  effect  produced  by  rash  and 
inconsiderate  diplomacy,  there  remains  nothing  to  justify  the 
persistent  harbouring  and  cultivating  of  national  resentment. 
That  we  have  successful  colonies  and  Germany  has  not  is  no 
just  ground  for  complaint,  for  we  had  them  long  before  she 
became  a Weltmacht ; and  she  is,  and  always  will  be,  able 
to  utilize  them  freely,  just  as  if  they  were  her  own,  for  all 
commercial  purposes.  As  a colonist  the  German  (under  his 


Oh,  Angel  Liberty  / Where  art  thou  fled?  325 

own  rule)  is  even  more  unsuccessful  than  the  Frenchman  : he 
seems  to  find  it  impossible  to  conceive  any  form  of  govern- 
ment but  the  domineering  type.  Let  us  hope  that  Herr  von 
Biilow  is  serious,  and  that  a new  start  on  honestly  liberal 
principles  will  be  made  at  Kiao  Chou.  The  picture  of  Heli- 
goland as  it  now  is — native  populace  forbidden  to  stand  in 
groups  ; dancing  and  concert  rooms  only  open  twice  a week  ; 
2000  natives  superciliously  treated  by  the  police  and  military  ; 
bathing  visitors  coming  across  from  Hamburg  rarely  and  for 
days,  instead  of  regularly  and  for  months — all  this  (though 
Heligoland  is  not  exactly  a colony)  is  typical  of  the  German 
official’s  impracticable  ideas,  and  contrasts  sadly  with  the 
good  old  days  when  six  unarmed  British  bluejackets  formed 
the  sole  “force”  of  the  island  ; when  the  town  swarmed  all 
the  season  with  cheerful  German  families  enjoying  a whole 
summer’s  liberty  ; when  the  inoffensive  inhabitants  spent  their 
lives  in  groups  examining  the  sea  with  their  telescopes,  pre- 
paring the  skins  of  sea-fowl,  taking  service  as  pilots,  and 
enjoying  absolute  freedom. 

Just  as  there  is  no  chance  whatever  of  our  joining  Germany 
and  her  allies  (with  neither  of  whom  we  have  any  bone  to 
pick)  in  order  to  protect  ourselves  against  France  and  Russia, 
so  there  is  no  chance  of  our  joining  the  Dual  Alliance  in  order 
to  inflict  an  injury  upon  Germany.  That  is,  in  each  case, 
unless  we  are  wilfully  forced  to  do  so.  Let  German  trade  go 
on  increasing : we  may  be  jealous  ; but  we  shall  do  our  best 
in  a legitimate  way  to  redress  the  balance.  War  can  never 
break  out  between  Germany  and  ourselves,  except  by  the 
deliberate  act  of  Germany  herself ; and  this  is  an  extremely 
improbable  event,  so  long  as  the  resolutions  taken  in  the 
Fatherland  are  left  to  the  good  sense  of  the  German  people 
themselves,  and  so  long  as  they  have  the  courage  to  resist 
unwise  caprices  which  may  drag  them  into  hostilities,  and 
perhaps  the  rest  of  Europe  too.  Socially,  Germany  is  more 
class-bound  even  than  Russia.  In  Russia  there  is  an  honest 
desire  to  develop  the  country  and  do  no  harm  to  any 
one  beyond  it ; and  in  any  case  Absolutism  has  the  excuse 
that  95  per  cent,  of  the  populace  are  illiterate.  But  in 
Germany  we  have  the  singular  spectacle  of  the  best-educated 
and  in  many  respects  most  capable  nation  in  the  world  led  at 


China:  Past  and  Present 


326 

the  heels  of  masterful  personalities.  Have  the  people  of 
Bavaria,  Saxony,  and  the  other  kingdoms  and  duchies  of  the 
Empire  no  right  to  speak?  Have  not  the  people  of  these 
States  as  well-founded  a stake  in  the  Empire  as  the  oligarchy 
of  Prussia?  Where  is  the  joyousness  in  life  if  it  is  to  be  at 
the  mercy  of  the  inquisitor  and  the  policeman  for  ever? 
Security  is  not  a sufficient  plea,  for  life  in  a prison  might  be 
justified  on  the  same  grounds. 

The  future  of  Europe  really  lies  with  the  German  people, 
quite  as  much  at  least  as  it  lies  with  the  supposed  autocracy 
of  the  Czar  and  the  supposed  desire  for  revenge  of  the  French. 
If  the  German  people  would  only  shake  themselves  up*  and 
insist  upon  their  Government  confining  its  action  within 
constitutional  bounds,  there  would  be  no  question  of  pre- 
ponderance and  alliances,  and  the  evil  suspicions  which  now 
force  the  Continental  nations  to  waste  all  their  resources  upon 
armaments  might  gradually  fade  away,  and  leave  the  course 
open  for  an  era  of  arbitration. 


CHAPTER  III 

THE  FAR  EASTERN  QUESTION 

To  better  understand  the  existing  situation  in  the  Far  East, 
it  is  necessary  to  go  back  for  several  centuries,  and  to  inquire 
how  the  present  Manchu-Tartar  dynasty  seated  itself  upon 
the  Imperial  throne.  The  history  of  organized  Imperial  China 
is  very  clearly  recorded  for  at  least  2000  years ; but  the 
whole  of  this  long  period,  anterior  to  250  years  ago,  must, 
for  the  purposes  of  this  article,  be  comprised  within  one  or 
two  lines : that  is  to  say,  the  northern  half  of  the  Empire  has 
been  quite  as  frequently  and  as  long  under  Tartar  rule  as 
under  native  rule.  Owing,  however,  to  the  Chinese  possessing 
a monopoly  of  the  settled  arts — by  which  are  meant  literature, 
and  the  capacity  thence  arising  for  organizing,  recording, 

* The  elections  of  June,  1903,  bear  witness  to  a great  “shaking-up.” 


Flying  Game  their  Smoking  Nostrils  trace  327 

financing,  and  so  on — it  has  invariably  happened  that  the 
ruling  Tartar  races  have  become  merged  into  the  conquered 
Chinese  people ; or,  at  any  rate,  have  been  so  softened  by 
settled  civilization  as  to  lose  much  of  their  primitive  warlike 
vigour,  and  their  capacity  for  domination.  In  this  way  the 
Mongol  Tartars,  formidable  under  Genghis  and  Kublai, 
ultimately  became  so  degenerate  that,  530  years  ago,*  they 
in  their  turn  were  easily  driven  out  by  the  native  Chinese,  led 
by  an  ex-priest  of  great  ability,  who  founded  a very  powerful 
dynasty.  This  native  dynasty  was  in  turn  supplanted  by 
that  of  the  Manchus,  about  250  years  ago.*  It  will  now  be 
advantageous  to  explain  who  the  Manchus  are. 

During  the  whole  of  the  above-mentioned  truly  historical 
period  of  2000  years,  the  greater  part  of  the  country  which 
we  now  call  Manchuria  has  been  occupied  by  one  and  the 
same  race,  usually  generically  styled  Tungusic.  Subject  to 
very  modern  Chinese  immigrations,  it  still  is  so.  It  is  certain 
that  the  Coreans  once  occupied  the  southern  parts  of 
Manchuria,  which  are  now  more  than  half  Chinese,  and  it  is 
even  a question  whether  they  are  not  a branch  of  the  same 
primitive  people  as  the  Manchus.  That,  however,  is  an 
ethnological  question  far  beyond  our  present  scope ; if  they 
are,  their  language  has  changed  so  much  that  they  are  now 
almost  totally  unrecognizable  by  the  light  of  it.  All  the 
other  Tungusic  tribes  have  from  time  immemorial  been 
hunters,  and  are  still  largely  so  ; not  nomads,  moving  about 
with  their  flocks  and  herds  after  fresh  pastures  like  the 
Mongols ; but  wandering  hunters,  seeking  fish,  game,  or  furs, 
according  to  season,  and,  when  settled,  keeping  pigs  rather 
than  cattle  or  sheep.  These  tribes  have  always  been  of 
widely  varying  degrees  of  civilization.  The  hunters  of  the 
Amur  and  Ussuri  rivers  are,  in  their  habits,  still  very  like 
what  they  were  2000  years  ago.  Those  lying  farther  south 
naturally  imbibed,  from  contact  with  their  neighbours,  a good 
deal  of  Chinese  and  Corean  civilization.  At  times  they  were 
not  unimportant  factors  in  the  border  politics  of  those  two 
nations  ; they  founded  kingdoms  of  their  own  : either  adopted 
Chinese  letters  pure  and  simple,  or  invented  writing  systems 
adapted  therefrom  ; and  on  several  occasions  actually  ruled 

* This  paper  originally  appeared  in  1898. 


China : Past  and  Present 


328 

as  Emperors  of  North  China,  or  forced  the  Emperors  of 
China  to  pay  tribute  to  them,  and  to  recognize  them  as  equals  ; 
and  all  this  took  place  before  the  Mongols  were  ever  heard  of, 
even  by  name. 

During  the  century  and  a half  of  Mongol  rule  in  China, 
say  from  1210  to  1360,  the  Tunguses  seem  to  have  been 
treated  with  oblivious  contempt,  after  being  driven  away 
north  by  their  successors,  and  they  are  hardly  so  much  as 
mentioned  in  Mongol-Chinese  history.  Almost  the  same 
thing  happened  during  the  first  200  years  of  the  native 
Chinese  dynasty,  which,  as  above  explained,  succeeded  the 
Mongols.  But,  about  the  beginning  of  the  seventeenth  century, 
the  Dukes  of  Ninguta — the  site  of  a powerful  Tungusic 
capital  over  a thousand  years  ago — began  to  give  trouble,  and 
before  very  long  these  dukes  coalesced  into  one  petty  State 
called  “Manchur.”  Thus  the  very  word  Manchu  is  barely 
300  years  old,  nor  is  it  at  all  certain  what  it  means.  However 
that  may  be,  the  first  powerful  Manchu  ruler,  Nurhachi, 
developed  a genius  for  military  organization  ; he  conquered 
and  annexed  all  the  neighbouring  Tungusic  tribes;  extended 
his  expeditions  as  far  as  the  Amur,  Ussuri,  and  Yalu  Rivers  ; 
and,  having  discovered  for  the  first  time  in  history  that  nearly 
all  these  tribes  spoke  dialects  of  one  and  the  same  language, 
conceived  the  idea  of  creating  a great  Manchu  nation.  He 
died  in  1626. 

It  was  during  this  period  of  internal  development  that  the 
Manchus  came  to  blows  with  China,  largely  owing  to  one  of 
the  annexed  tribes,  which  was  as  much  Mongol  as  Tungusic, 
having  appealed  to  the  Emperor  for  protection.  The  Chinese 
were  utterly  defeated,  exactly  in  the  same  miserable  way  that 
the  Japanese  defeated  them  in  1894-5.  Growing  bolder  with 
success,  the  victorious  Manchu  chieftain  advanced  over  much 
the  same  line  that  the  Russian  (Kirin-Mukden)  railway  is 
now  about  to  take.*  Most  of  the  Eastern  Mongol  tribes  had 
meanwhile  been  either  subdued  or  brought  over  by  marriage 
alliances,  and  in  1622  the  Manchu  ruler  had  been  in  a position 
to  move  definitely  farther  south,  and  to  make  the  old  Corean 
city  of  Mukden,  then  an  outlying  Chinese  garrison  town,  his 
capital.  Part  of  his  advance  was  along  the  line  of  the  recent 

* It  is  now  complete. 


Heroes  and  God- like  Patriots 


329 


Japanese  march;  in  fact,  just  before  his  death,  he  gained  a 
victory  over  the  Chinese  almost  exactly  where  the  Japanese 
did,  near  the  mouth  of  the  Yalu  River  ; and,  hearing  that  the 
enemy  was  fortifying  Port  Arthur  (Lu-shun  K‘ou),  sent 
6000  men  to  take  it.  It  is  curious  how  history  repeats  itself: 
it  will  be  remembered  it  was  at  Port  Arthur  alone  that  the 
Japanese  indulged  in  a massacre  ; the  Manchus  did  the  same  ; 
the  exact  words  are : “ Took  Port  Arthur,  butchered  all  the 
Chinese  soldiers,  and  destroyed  the  fortifications.” 

The  second  Manchu  ruler,  Abakhaye,*  at  first  held  the 
modest  title  of  Khan — an  ancient  Tungusic  royal  title,  which 
seems  to  have  actually  originated  in  Manchuria  and  been 
carried  westwards  thence; — but  in  1628  he  styled  himself 
“Emperor,”  having  discovered  that  the  Tungusic  Tartar 
Emperors  of  North  China,  driven  out  by  the  Mongols,  were, 
in  fact,  practically  of  his  own  ancestral  tribe.  Before  carrying 
out  his  designs  upon  China,  he  forced  the  King  of  Corea  to 
accept  his  protection  ; and  then  by  degrees,  after  hard  fighting, 
closed  in  southwards,  and  massed  his  forces  on  the  Chinese 
frontier.  His  son’s  supreme  opportunity  arose  in  1644,  when 
a rebellion  had  broken  out  in  China.  Peking  was  taken  by 
Chinese  marauders  from  the  west,  and  the  Emperor  of  the 
Ming  dynasty  (who  was  the  last  of  the  direct  line)  committed 
suicide.  In  a weak  moment  one  of  the  Chinese  generals 
introduced  Manchu  aid  in  order  to  drive  the  rebels  out ; and, 
of  course,  when  the  protectors  arrived  in  the  capital  they 
discovered  reasons  for  remaining  there.  In  other  words, 
they  declared  the  Chinese  dynasty  at  an  end,  and  themselves 
the  rightful  successors.  From  this  step  to  the  conquest  of 
China,  with  the  assistance  of  interested  Chinese  brought  or 
bribed  over  to  their  side,  it  was  simply  a question  of  time. 

The  moral  of  the  whole  story  is  this.  If,  when  the 
Japanese  had  gained  possession  of  the  Liao-tung  peninsula 
in  1894-5,  they  had  boldly  marched  upon  Mukden  and 
Peking,  it  is  possible  that,  having  possession  of  the  two  historic 
capitals,  they  might  have  bought  over  and  secured  the  adhe- 
sion of  sufficient  Chinese  statesmen  to  give  them  the  Empire. 

One  account  gives  his  personal  name  as  Hoangdaiji.  It  is  possible  that 
Abakhaye  may  be  merely  the  Manchu  form  of  his  Chinese-reign  period : T‘ien - 
tiling,  “heavenly  clever,’’  from  abkai,  “heaven.” 


330 


China  : Past  and  Present 


In  any  case,  when,  a few  months  later,  they  secured  by  treaty 
the  possession  of  Liao-tung,  they  were  in  almost  as  command- 
ing a position  as  the  Manchus  were  in  1644,  just  before  the 
conquest.  It  can  hardly  be  wondered  at  that  the  Russians 
did  not  like  this  ; and  that,  once  they  had  got  the  Japanese 
out,  and  had  discovered  how  utterly  weak  the  Chinese  were, 
they  should  endeavour  to  carry  into  effect  their  long-cherished 
dream  of  opening  up  Manchuria  to  their  own  trade.  The 
result  of  recent  events  is  that  Russia  now  occupies,  in  respect 
of  the  Manchu-Chinese  Empire,  almost  exactly  the  same 
threatening  position  that  the  Manchus  occupied  250  years 
ago  in  respect  of  the  native  Chinese  Empire.  The  Manchus 
were  invited  in  to  drive  out  the  rebels.  The  Russians  have, 
in  a way,  invited  themselves  in  to  drive  out  or  keep  out  the 
Japanese  or  other  possible  marauders  (as  they  pretend). 
The  Manchu  Emperor  now,  as  the  Chinese  Emperor  then,  is 
the  last  of  the  direct  line,  and  has  no  children.  In  fact,  his 
own  succession  is  irregular,  and  twenty  years  ago  a censor 
foretold  the  collapse  of  the  Empire  on  this  account.  Then, 
i.e.  250  years  ago,  as  now,  Port  Arthur  was  occupied,  and 
Corea  was  forced  to  accept  the  protection  of  the  new  northern 
power.*  The  main  difference  is  that  the  Manchus  had  no 
rivals,  or  had  already  mastered  their  only  possible  rivals — the 
Mongols.  But,  unfortunately  for  Russia,  she  not  only  has 
rivals,  but  awkward  partners  to  deal  with  ; and  whereas  the 
Manchus  soon  annihilated  the  rebels  they  were  asked  to  drive 
out,  Russia  neither  has,  nor  is  able  to,  put  the  Japanese  to 
flight.  If  left  to  herself,  there  would  be  absolutely  no  difficulty 
in  the  way  of  her  moving  on  Peking,  securing  the  archives, 
chasing  away  the  Emperor,  and  taking  over  the  vacant  throne  ; 
but,  of  course,  that  does  not  mean  the  subjugation  of  the 
really  Chinese  provinces.  Before  we  discuss  the  shares 
expected  by  awkward  rivals  and  partners,  let  us  first  inquire 
how  Russia  came  to  be  in  Manchuria,  into  which  country  she 
scarcely  durst  set  foot  four  years  ago. 

Many  persons  must  have  noticed  in  The  Times  of  about 
three  weeks  agof  a letter  from  Captain  Younghusband,  which 

* So  far,  however,  Russia  has  not  succeeded  in  ousting  Japanese  influence 
from  Corea. 

t 1898. 


Sic  Vos  non  Vobis 


33i 


was  reproduced  in  some  of  the  provincial  papers.  He  travelled 
with  Messrs.  James  and  Fulford  through  all  three  provinces 
of  Manchuria  just  twelve  years  since,*  and,  in  comparing  its 
present  activity  with  the  hopeless  lethargy  of  1886,  he  adds 
that  he  can  describe  without  exaggeration  the  Russians  as 
being  at  that  time  rather  afraid  of  the  Chinese  ; knew  next  to 
nothing  of  Manchuria  ; had  no  mercantile  houses  there  ; and, 
in  short,  had  fewer  material  interests  to  protect  than  we  had. 
All  this  is  confirmed  in  official  language  by  the  Russians 
themselves.  The  Ministry  of  Finance  last  yearf  published  a 
work  in  two  volumes  upon  Manchuria,  in  which  the  author, 
Mr.  Pozdnyeyeff,  states,  after  sketching  the  very  modest 
efforts  of  Russians  to  learn  something  about  the  country,  that 
the  results  of  those  three  Englishmen’s  labours  have  become 
(to  translate  his  own  words)  “ one  of  our  principal  sources  of 
information  about  Manchuria  . . . and  references  to  them 
may  be  found  on  almost  every  page  of  the  present  book.” 

The  following  is  a short  prkis  of  the  official  Russian 
account,  which,  I may  add,  is  fully  corroborated  by  the 
Chinese  annals.  In  1643  certain  Cossack  adventurers  sailed 
down  the  Amur  as  far  as  the  mouth  of  the  Sungari — the 
town  of  Khabaroffka  is  called  after  one  of  them  who  wintered 
there  in  1651.  The  chief  Russian  stronghold  was  at  Yaksa, 
also  called  Albazin,  after  the  Tungusic  prince  Albazi,  to 
whom  it  belonged.  Stepanoff  was  killed  in  1658,  whilst 
endeavouring  to  explore  the  river  Sungari,  and  “ for  two 
whole  centuries  ” (to  use  again  the  original  words)  “ the 
Russians  do  not  appear  on  this  river  ; only  in  1858,  upon  the 
conclusion  of  the  Aigun  treaty  with  China,  did  Count  Mura- 
vieff  obtain  the  right  of  free  sailing  and  free  trading  on  the 
Sungari  for  Russian  ships  and  subjects.”  The  Russians  were 
able  to  hold  out  at  Albazin  until  1685,  but  here  also  (to  use 
the  author’s  language)  “ the  struggle  ended  fatally  for  the 
Russians.”  In  1685-6  the  Manchus  repeatedly  defeated 
them  in  skirmishes,  and  at  last  took  the  town,  which  by  the 
treaty  of  Nertchinsk  in  1689  was  totally  abandoned  and 
destroyed  ; the  Russian  inhabitants  were  taken  off  to  Peking, 
where  their  descendants  have  been  kindly  treated  to  this  very 
day  under  the  care  of  orthodox  Russian  priests.  According 
* In  1887.  t 1897. 


332 


China : Past  and  Present 


to  the  treaty,  the  whole  Amur  river  on  both  banks,  from  the 
river  Gorbitsa  to  the  sea,  belonged  to  China,  a range  of 
mountains  forming  the  frontier ; and  from  that  day  until 
1852,  the  Russians  had  no  more  to  do  with  Manchuria  than 
with  Timbuctoo.  Their  trade  was  limited  to  Kiachta,  and 
the  old  Eastern  road  to  Peking,  from  Tsuruhaitu  via  Tsitsihar, 
ceased  to  be  used.  In  that  year  (1852),  the  Governor-General 
Muravieff  discovered  that  the  Chinese  had  never  asserted 
their  dominion  between  the  above-mentioned  frontier  range 
and  the  Amur.  Having  secured  a ukase  from  the  Czar, 
authorizing  him  to  sail  down  the  Amur,  he  started  from  the 
river  Shilka  in  1854,  and  the  next  year  quietly  occupied  all 
the  territory  on  the  left  bank.  In  1857  China  was  at  war 
with  England  and  France  ; Canton  was  taken  before  the 
year  was  out,  and  in  May,  1858,  we  captured  the  Taku  forts 
— the  sea  gates  of  Peking.  Russia  accordingly  took  advan- 
tage of  the  situation  to  obtain  from  China  a formal  recogni- 
tion of  her  annexations  on  the  Amur.  By  the  Aigun  treaty, 
the  whole  left  bank  was  confirmed  to  Russia,  and  even  the 
right  bank,  from  the  mouth  of  the  Ussuri  to  the  sea  : the 
important  tract  between  the  Ussuri  and  the  ocean  was  “left 
for  future  discussion.”  It  need  hardly  be  said  that  after  the 
entry  of  the  British  into  Peking,  the  Russian  envoy,  Count 
Ignatiefif,  succeeded  by  the  treaty  of  Peking  in  securing  this 
for  Russia  too.  She  was  now  for  the  first  time  in  recognized 
possession  of  Tungusic  territory,  and  commanded  the  whole 
coast  down  to  the  Corean  pale.  As  already  stated,  “free  trade” 
(to  no  foreigners  except  Russians)  was  nominally  allowed  by 
the  Chinese  on  the  Amur,  Sungari,  and  Ussuri ; but,  notwith- 
standing this,  Chebotareff  was  imprisoned  and  killed  at 
Sansing  in  1859,  when  he  was  endeavouring  to  avail  himself 
of  treaty  privileges  thus  granted  ; and  the  various  scientific 
and  trading  expeditions  sent  by  Russians  up  to  the  year  1880, 
met  with  so  little  success  that  for  fifteen  years  (to  use  once 
more  the  original  words)  “no  Russian  merchants  cared  to 
seek  their  fortune  by  trading  on  the  Sungari.”  It  was  only 
in  1895,  after  the  Japanese  had  broken  China’s  spirit  once 
again,  that  Count  Cassini,  the  Russian  envoy,  prevailed  upon 
the  Peking  Government  to  take  the  necessary  steps  to  secure 
treaty  rights. 


333 


An  Island  named  Zipangu 

It  will  thus  be  seen  that,  for  two  whole  centuries,  Russia 
was  unable,  in  spite  of  her  proximity,  to  make  any  headway 
whatever  in  Manchuria.  It  was  only  after  the  British  and 
the  Japanese,  in  turn,  had  prepared  the  way  for  her  that  she 
was  able  to  assert  herself ; and  she  made  no  effective  explora- 
tions, even  in  the  two  southern  provinces,  until  British  officers 
had  shown  her  the  way.  So  that,  apart  from  her  Siberian 
railway,  and  the  need  of  an  outlet  for  it,  she  has  no  prior 
claim  at  all  to  commercial  privileges  in  that  country  ; and,  as 
Captain  Younghusband  suggests,  we  should,  whilst  duly 
appreciating  her  service  to  the  world  in  opening  up  a hitherto 
neglected  “ buffer  ” region,  be  very  careful  to  keep  planted 
the  foothold  we  have  already  got  there,  and  not  allow  Russia 
to  elbow  us  out,  or  to  establish  preferential  trade  regulations 
against  our  prior  interests  and  our  clear  treaty  rights. 

To  return  for  one  moment  to  the  Manchu  conquests 
of  250  years  ago.  The  eighteen  regulation  provinces  (or 
China  proper)  were  soon  pacified,  and  in  due  course  Manchu 
authority  was  asserted  over  Tibet,  Kashgaria,  and  Annam  ; 
to  a certain  extent  also  over  Nepaul,  Loochoo,  and  even 
Burma  and  Siam.  At  no  period  had  the  Manchus  any 
dealings  with  Japan,  the  recollection  of  the  thrashing  Kublai 
Khan’s  navies  and  armies  had  received  at  Japanese  hands 
probably  deciding  the  later  dynasty  of  Tartars  to  leave 
the  brave  islanders  severely  alone.  The  Manchu  power 
reached  its  zenith  a hundred  years  ago,  when  all  the 
countries  above  named  (except  perhaps  Burma)  were  tribu- 
tary. Up  to  this  time  the  Manchu  dynasty  had  been  one  of 
the  best,  if  not  the  very  best,  the  Chinese  ever  had,  and  no 
one  is  more  ready  to  recognize  this  fact  than  are  intelligent 
Chinamen  themselves.  It  practically  took  over,  untouched, 
the  whole  administrative  system  of  its  predecessors,  the  only 
serious  social  change  being  that  the  Manchu  plaited  hair  cue, 
or  “pigtail”  (as  it  is  usually  irreverently  called),  was  in- 
exorably imposed  upon  the  whole  of  the  male  inhabitants. 
The  population  of  China  proper  increased  thirteen-fold 
between  1645  and  1795.  Though  official  corruption  was  as 
rife  then  as  now,  still  there  was  always  a huge  balance  in  the 
treasury.  The  Imperial  revenues  collected  came  almost 
entirely  from  the  land-tax  and  the  salt  dues.  There  were 


334 


China:  Past  and  Present 


other  less  important  sources,  such  as  licences  and  customs  ; 
but  it  was  tacitly  understood  that  most  of  these  minor  taxes 
and  collectorates  should  be  for  local  use,  or  be  perquisites  in 
the  hands  of  palace  favourites  who  farmed  them  for  their  own 
benefit  and  remitted  a portion  of  their  gains  to  the  palace. 
The  whole  effective  Manchu  population,  never  a large  one, 
was  collected  at  Peking,  or  at  a dozen  or  so  of  great  pro- 
vincial centres,  in  the  form  of  settled  garrison  troops,  living 
with  their  families.  Some  of  these  centres  were  in  Manchuria 
itself;  but  the  essential  point  to  remember  is  that,  except  in 
Peking  and  in  Manchuria,  the  civilized  Manchus  have  always 
lived  in  military  encampments,  separated  from  the  Chinese, 
very  much  as  British  troops  live  in  cantonments  in  India. 
Thus,  apart  from  fitful  injury  to  the  Manchu  Empire  caused 
by  famines,  wars,  and  rebellions,  there  has  always  been  a 
persistent  canker-worm  gnawing  at  its  vitals  in  the  shape  of 
250,000  Manchu  military  families  with  nothing  to  do,  drawing 
comfortable  pay  in  money  and  rice,  and  thus  eating  up  half 
the  cash  resources  of  the  country.  Manchus  and  other 
Tunguses  not  enrolled  in  these  250,000  or  so  of  military 
families  have  either  remained  in  Manchuria  as  hunters,  or 
have  mixed  with  the  Chinese  in  Peking  and  Manchuria. 
The  Manchu  language  is  almost  obsolete. 

The  eighteen  regulation  provinces  of  China  are  governed 
in  the  following  way.  Each  province  has  a governor,  and 
each  group  of  two  or  three  provinces  has  a governor-general 
(often  called  “ viceroy  ”),  sharing  the  control  with  the  gover- 
nor, but  not  at  all  his  superior.  In  one  or  two  cases  there  is, 
for  special  reasons,  a governor-general,  but  no  governor  ; or  a 
governor,  but  no  governor-general.  In  any  case,  below  these 
supreme  officers,  be  they  single  or  double,  each  province  has 
a treasurer  and  a judge,  and  as  a rule  the  governors-general 
and  governors  act  on  the  joint  proposition  of  these  two  high 
functionaries.  Each  province  has  from  ten  to  fifteen  prefects, 
governing  territories  as  large  as  Holland  or  Belgium  ; and 
each  prefecture  has  under  it  from  five  to  ten  districts,  each 
as  large  as  a French  department.  There  are  very  many 
more  details  in  the  Chinese  civil  administration ; but  practically 
the  above  represents,  in  skeleton  form,  the  true  centralized 
working  body  for  executive  purposes.  All  these  officials 


Corruption , like  a General  Flood  335 

may  be  either  Chinese  or  Manchu.  The  Six  Boards  at 
Peking  and  the  Cabinet  Council  (corresponding  to  our 
Departments  of  State  and  Privy  Council)  transmit  their  own 
or  the  Emperor’s  directions  to  the  governors  and  governors- 
general,  who  despatch  them  through  the  treasurer  and  judge 
to  the  prefect,  and  thence  to  the  magistrates.  The  district 
magistrates  are  thus  the  true  working  units  ; and  nearly  all 
matters,  judicial,  financial,  or  executive,  pass  through  their 
hands.  The  amount  of  correspondence  is  enormous,  but  very 
methodical. 

The  way  finance  is  conducted  is  as  follows  : — Each  province 
raises  from  ,£100,000  to  ,£1,000,000  a year  in  revenue,  and, 
of  course,  this  sum  is  pretty  regular  in  amount,  and  well 
known  at  Peking.  The  Board  of  Revenue  Control  at  the 
capital  sends  down  its  appropriations  for  the  coming  year  to 
each  province  in  the  late  autumn.  The  first  and  most  serious 
charge  is  always  the  appropriation  for  the  Peking  Manchus, 
which  item  absorbs  nearly  a quarter  of  the  total  cash  revenue. 
The  Board  says,  for  instance:  “You  will  send  £"50,000  out 
of  your  land-tax  for  the  Peking  Manchus  ; £20,000  out  of 
your  salt  gabelle  for  the  palace  ; £50,000  out  of  your  foreign 
customs  for  the  frontier  armies;  £5000  from  your  likin  in 
aid  of  such  and  such  a province,”  and  so  on.  One  or  two 
Chinese  provinces  send  nothing,  and  require  support.  The 
three  Manchurian  provinces  are  largely  supported  by  the 
eighteen  Chinese,  being  in  a disorganized  pauper  condition. 
The  total  Imperial  revenue  accounted  for  is  about  70,000,000 
taels.* 

The  above  is  a sketch,  meagre  perhaps,  but  as  adequate 
for  immediate  purposes  as  space  will  allow,  of  the  financial 
condition  of  China  at  the  time  decay  first  began  to  set  in. 
The  expenditure  was  chiefly  military ; all  the  money  was 
expended  upon  Manchu  soldiers  (250,000  men),  Chinese 
provincial  armies  (620,000  men),  official  salaries,  official 
couriers,  and  palace  requirements.  With  the  exception  of 
about  one-tenth  of  the  whole  revenue,  annually  spent  in 
keeping  the  Yellow  River  in  order  (most  of  which  went  in 
squeezes),  there  was  never  any  pretence  whatever  on  the  part 
of  the  central  Government  of  doing  anything  for  the  people. 

* See  special  chapter  on  “ Revenue." 


China:  Past  and  Present 


336 

Each  province  provided  for  itself,  and  each  district  did  like- 
wise. Public  works,  education,  sanitation,  roads,  fisheries — 
all  such  matters  were  locally  arranged  by  the  people  for 
themselves.  Hence  the  entire  absence  of  political  cohesion. 
Peking  was  the  great  “squeezing”  centre,  and  the  capital  of 
each  province  was  the  same  thing  on  a smaller  scale.  All 
the  Government  did  was  to  preserve  order  and  pull  the 
strings  ; the  only  difference  between  the  Manchu  Government 
and  the  worse  ones  which  preceded  it  was  that  it  preserved 
better  order,  kept  eunuchs  down,  was  very  economical,  and 
endeavoured  to  restrain  tyranny  and  extortion  within  the 
narrowest  possible  limits.  Above  all,  the  first  four  Emperors, 
who  together  reigned  150  years,  were  able,  conscientious 
men,  fully  imbued  with  a sense  of  their  responsibility  to 
mankind. 

But  with  the  fifth  Emperor,  who  was  a morose,  dissolute 
man,  decay  began  to  set  in  ; a great  secret  society  rebellion 
cost  China  1 00, 000, 000  taels  (asmuch  for  Chinaas^ioo,ooo,ooo 
for  ourselves)  in  three  years.  With  the  sixth  Emperor,  a 
man  of  obstinate,  unaccommodating  character,  began  the 
troubles  with  Europeans  ; and  it  was  forty-five  years  ago,  in 
consequence  of  financial  dislocation,  that  the  new  system  of 
taxation  called  likin  was  first  devised.*  This  is  how  it  began. 
Under  the  seventh  Emperor,  a poor,  debauched  creature,  the 
great  Taiping  rebellion  had  devastated  half  the  provinces  ; 
the  land-tax  receipts  were  diminished  by  two-thirds,  and  to 
this  day  they  have  not  recovered  lost  ground.  The  salt 
revenues  were  seriously  reduced  for  the  same  reason.  Hence, 
after  the  second  war,  we  had  no  means  to  recover  our  in- 
demnity, except  by  ourselves  taking  charge  of  the  maritime 
customs.  When  the  indemnity  was  paid,  the  Chinese  Govern- 
ment, noticing  the  great  advantage  of  keeping  accurate 
accounts,  maintained  the  foreign  staff  for  the  public  benefit ; 
and  from  that  day  to  this,  under  the  splendid  management 
of  Sir  Robert  Hart,  the  foreign  collectorate  has  gone  on  ever 
extending  its  scope,  until  now  the  revenue  thus  collected  by 
it  almost  equals,  at  present  gold  rates,  the  total  silver  revenue 
handled  by  the  Peking  Government  forty  years  ago.  But, 
as  the  land  and  salt  revenues  had  been  so  seriously  diminished, 

* See  chapter  on  “Likin”  {China,  Murray,  1901). 


What  is  called  a Reverse  of  Fortune  337 

the  provincial  governors  were  unable  to  remit  the  usual  sums 
to  Peking,  or  pay  the  expenses  of  their  own  Governments. 
Hence  the  likin  system  gradually  evolved  itself.  This  word 
means,  “one  per  thousand,”  and  was  in  its  origin  a trifling 
tax  collected  on  produce  passing  inland  barriers.  As  the 
treaties  provided  for  a tax  on  foreign  goods  of,  on  the  average, 
five  per  cent.,  and  as  the  Peking  Government  naturally  re- 
tained control  over  all  moneys  for  which  they  received 
honest  accounts,  the  likin  system  provided  for  the  disappointed 
provincial  Governments  a handy  means  for  securing  a per- 
centage on  foreign  trade,  and  for  retaliating  upon  Peking  by 
keeping  the  secrets  of  this  new  revenue,  as  far  as  possible,  in 
their  own  hands.  Of  course,  in  time  the  nominal  “ one  per 
mille ” easily  became  one  per  cent.,  or  even  ten  per  cent.; 
and  one  station,  taxing  two  or  three  leading  staples,  became 
100  stations,  taxing  every  conceivable  object  of  necessity, 
foreign  and  native. 

Until  the  Japanese  war  broke  out,  Peking  and  the 
provinces  managed  to  struggle  along  pretty  well,  in  spite  of 
this  financial  nagging,  and  China  always  resisted  the  tempta- 
tion to  accept  foreign  loans,  to  which  she  only  rarely  had 
recourse,  and  even  then  only  for  trifling  amounts,  usually 
under  non-imperial  guarantee.  But  the  Japanese  war,  besides 
again  disorganizing  China’s  finances,  saddled  her  with  an 
indemnity  of  200,000,000  taels,  or,  at  the  very  least,  thrice 
the  amount  of  her  total  annual  revenue  ; and  in  order  to  pay 
off  this  she  has  had  to  pledge,  partly  under  Imperial  guarantee, 
the  whole  of  the  only  safe  asset  she  has — the  foreign  customs 
revenue.  This  state  of  affairs  not  only  leaves  the  Peking 
Government  without  its  trusty  nest-egg,  but  it  makes  the 
task  of  the  provinces,  which  used  to  receive  a share  of  the 
foreign  customs  revenues,  and  from  which  remissions  of 
money  are  expected,  additionally  hard.  Of  course  the  first 
thought  was  to  increase  likin ; but  there  were  serious 
difficulties  in  the  way.  In  the  first  place  likin  is  recognized 
even  by  the  higher  Chinese  governing  class  to  be  an  evil 
device  ; it  is  not  very  much  liked  at  Peking,  because  Peking 
has  never  succeeded  in  obtaining  true  accounts  of  the  collec- 
tion ; it  is  extremely  popular  amongst  subordinate  Chinese 
officials  in  the  provinces,  for  it  provides  a number  of  snug 

z 


China : Past  and  Present 


338 

billets  and  an  extensive  squeezing-ground,  in  place  of  the 
old  land-tax,  salt  farms,  and  native  customs,  all  of  which 
have  fallen  off  in  value  or  have  escaped  from  provincial 
control  into  the  hands  of  syndicates ; and,  finally,  likin  has 
become  so  universal  and  grinding  that  it  is  a serious  drag 
upon  trade  of  all  kinds,  and  causes  frequent  rioting.  In 
short,  the  likin  question  creates  dangerous  strife  between 
Peking  (or  the  Manchus)  and  the  provinces  (or  the  Chinese), 
and  unless  it  be  abolished,  or  very  carefully  handled,  it  may 
ultimately  produce  a revolution.  The  troubles  at  Sha-shii,  of 
which  news  came  a few  days  ago,  seem  to  be  an  instance  in 
point. 

There  are  two  possible  solutions.  One  is  to  abolish  likin 
throughout  the  length  and  breadth  of  the  land,  and,  by  way 
of  compensation,  increase  the  duties  collected  at  the  foreign 
customs.*  This,  of  course,  would  give  an  immense  impetus 
to  trade;  but  without  an  Aus^leic/t,  or  agreement  as  to 
shares,  the  provinces  would  not  easily  consent  to  trust  Peking 
with  so  much  new  power.  Moreover,  British  trade  is  two- 
thirds  of  the  whole ; and  even  if  we  consented,  other  Powers, 
although  doing  but  an  infinitesimal  share  of  business,  might 
charge  too  high  a price  for  consenting  to  modify  the  tariff.! 
Another  plan  is  to  place  likin  under  the  control  of  the  foreign 
customs.  This  would  also  have  a good  effect  upon  trade, 
and  the  provinces  would  have  a better  hold  on  the  proceeds. 
I believe  this  latter  course  is  about!  to  be  adopted  as  an 
experiment  in  one  set  of  provinces  along  the  Great  River, 
part  of  the  likin  figuring  amongst  the  securities  for  the  last 
Anglo-German  loan.  It  is  a weighty  experiment,  and  there 
are  already  rumours  of  a coalition  between  governors  with  a 
view  to  resisting  any  extension  of  this  new  idea  in  the 
direction  of  their  own  provinces — that  is,  the  interior  parts 
of  them. 

China  is  really  in  a woeful  plight.  After  witnessing  the 
cowardice  of  his  soldiers  in  the  recent  war,  the  Emperor 
ordered  the  useless  provincial  Chinese  armies  to  be  gradually 
abolished,  with  a view  to  rigid  economy ; but  here,  again, 
there  is  a difficulty.  In  the  first  place,  such  sinecure  troops 

* This  is  what  Sir  James  Mackay  is  now  trying  to  do  (1902). 

t This  is  precisely  what  some  of  them  are  trying  to  do.  t It  has  been  (1903). 


Needlessly  sets  Foot  upon  a Worm  339 

as  exist  are  disposed  to  revolt  or  turn  bandits  when  deprived 
of  their  accustomed  pay ; and,  in  the  next  place,  most  of 
them  exist  only  on  paper,  and  a good  portion  of  their  pay 
has  for  generations  back  gone  into  the  pockets  of  the 
mandarins.  The  different  Manchu  garrisons,  now  almost  as 
degenerate  as  the  Chinese  provincial  troops,  and  habituated 
to  a slothful  life,  are  totally  useless  except  for  the  purpose  of 
protecting  their  city  cantonments  from  Chinese  attacks  : they 
cannot  be  abolished ; for,  unless  petted  and  paid,  they  would 
naturally  ask : “ What  is  the  use  of  supporting  the  dynasty 
and  being  a Manchu  ? ” For  the  last  century  all  serious 
fighting  has  accordingly  been  done  by  specially  hired  bands 
called  “braves” — mostly  roughs.  The  Navy  has  been  de- 
stroyed or  captured  by  the  Japanese,  and  there  is  no  money 
left  with  which  to  buy  a capable  new  one.  As  for  railways 
and  reforms,  no  Chinese  trader  will  trust  the  mandarins  with 
loans  of  money.  As  to  the  tributary  States,  they  have  been 
lopped  off  one  after  the  other.  Japan  has  taken  Loochoo  ; 
France,  Annam ; Great  Britain,  Burma ; Siam  ceased  to 
recognize  Chinese  suzerainty  immediately  after  our  first  war. 
Corea  has,  under  foreign  pressure,  declared  her  independence. 
Nepaul  keeps  up  old  forms,  but  is  practically  ours.  The 
Manchu  residents  in  Tibet  are  little  more  than  honoured 
prisoners  of  State.  Finally,  as  a comble  de  malheur , Germany, 
in  piping  times  of  peace,  plants  herself  on  Chinese  soil  almost 
under  the  very  nose  of  Confucius’s  sacred  descendant ; whilst 
Russia,  taking  alarm,  first  of  all  secures  permission  to  carry 
her  railway  through  Manchuria ; then  marches  troops  into 
Manchuria  on  the  plea  that  she  is  entitled  by  agreement  to 
protect  her  railway  engineers ; and,  at  last,  occupies  China’s 
best  fortress  as  a terminus  for  her  railway,  adding  800  square 
miles  of  Hinterland  to  it  without  so  much  as  asking  per- 
mission. France,  meanwhile,  not  to  be  behindhand,  secures 
a naval  station  in  the  south.  England  emerges  from  the 
general  scrimmage  with  some  very  important  concessions, 
which,  however,  are  all  purely  defensive  in  character,  and 
contain  no  menace  to  the  world  at  large.  It  may  be  pre- 
sumed that  Japan,  which  is  still  lying  low,*  will  yet  have  to 

* True  enough,  since  the  further  disaster  of  the  “ Boxer  ” revolt,  Japan  has 
allied  herself  with  England. 


340 


China:  Past  and  Present 


be  reckoned  with.  Meanwhile  she  has  secured  a kind  of 
reversionary  right  to  Fuh  Kien  province. 

We  must  now  turn  to  Corea,  and  inquire  how  the  Chinese 
war  with  Japan  arose.  Ever  since  the  Manchus  established 
themselves  in  China,  Corea  has  paid  regular  tribute  to  Peking, 
and  been  a most  faithful  vassal.  There  was,  until  fifteen  years 
ago  (1883),  absolutely  no  interference  on  the  part  of  China  in 
her  internal  administration  : all  she  had  to  do  was  to  send 
as  tribute  a few  local  articles  of  nominal  value  at  fixed 
periods,  for  which  she  received  a liberal  return  ; and  to  apply 
for  recognition  when  a demise  of  the  Royal  crown  took  place 
and  a successor  inherited. 

But,  300  years  ago,  fifty  years  previous  to  the  Manchu 
conquests,  Japan  had  overrun  Corea  in  a war  of  pure  con- 
quest ; and  though,  with  Chinese  assistance,  she  was  ultimately 
driven  out,  she  never  abandoned  her  foothold  in  the  port 
of  Fusan,  which  has  always  remained,  under  the  daimids  of 
Tsushima,  as  a port  of  commercial  intercommunication.  It 
was  the  persecution  of  missionaries  and  the  ill-treatment  of 
shipwrecked  sailors  that  first  attracted  unfavourable  atten- 
tion to  Corea  in  our  time.  In  18 66,  first  the  Russians,  and 
then  the  French  made  unsuccessful  advances  to  her ; the 
Americans  followed  up  with  a punitory  expedition  in  1871  ; 
but  it  was  not  until  1876  that  the  Japanese  were  successful 
in  making  the  first  treaty.  Their  example  was  followed  by 
the  Americans,  acting  for  themselves  and  the  Chinese,  in 
1882.  The  diplomatic  question  now  arose,  “How  can  a 
vassal  nation  conclude  independent  treaties,  especially  with 
its  own  suzerain  ? ” Like  all  diplomatic  questions,  it  was 
solved  by  the  strongest  ; for,  after  all,  International  Law  is 
only  a set  of  conventions  accepted  by  nations  of  about  equal 
strength.  The  British,  French,  and  Germans  all  eagerly 
followed  suit  with  treaties,  and  then  the  Russians  appeared 
upon  the  scene.  Corea  at  once  became  the  centre  of  diplo- 
matic conflict,  each  country  taking  the  view  of  independence 
or  vassaldom,  which  suited  its  own  interests  best.  Intrigues, 
murders,  and  revolutions  succeeded  each  other  with  alarming 
rapidity ; until  at  last,  in  an  evil  moment,  China,  contrary 
to  her  agreement  made  in  1884-5  with  Japan,  decided  in 
1894  to  send  troops  into  the  country  to  quell  an  insurrection. 


Magna  compellat  voce  Cuculum  341 

Now  came  Japan’s  opportunity  to  pay  off  old  scores.  She 
had  been  quietly  organizing  her  army  and  navy  into  a high 
state  of  perfection,  whilst  China  had  deluded  herself  into  the 
belief  that  her  army  (eaten  up  as  it  was  by  incompetence 
and  corruption)  would  be  more  than  a match  for  the  Japanese 
troops.  As  to  the  Chinese  Navy,  which  the  English  officer, 
Admiral  Lang,  had  just  brought  up  to  a very  creditable 
degree  of  efficiency,  she  had  suicidally  ruined  its  bright 
prospects  in  the  year  1890,  when,  in  consequence  of  a fatuous 
insult  offered  to  that  admirable  officer,  Li  Hung-chang 
allowed  him  to  resign  rather  than  apologize  for  the  petty 
insolence  of  the  self-sufficient  native  subordinates,  who  had 
grossly  insulted  him  by  denying  him  the  right  to  fly  his  flag 
during  the  absence  of  Admiral  Ting,  the  titular  chief.  De- 
prived of  English  supervision,  of  course  the  splendid  navy, 
upon  which  millions  had  been  spent,  went  utterly  to  the  dogs, 
and,  when  the  hour  of  trial  came,  naturally  fell  an  easy  prey 
to  the  Japanese.  Every  one  knows  how,  after  utterly  routing 
the  Chinese  rabble  armies  by  land,  the  Japanese  possessed 
themselves  of  the  Liao-tung  peninsula,  and  part  of  Shan 
Tung  ; took  by  storm  the  naval  strongholds  of  Port  Arthur, 
Ta-lien  Wan,  and  Wei-hai  Wei ; and  dictated  terms  of  peace 
to  Li  Hung-chang  at  Shimonoseki.  This  was  the  first  time 
in  history  that  the  Manchus  had  been  reduced  to  the  humili- 
ation of  despatching  an  envoy  to  sue  for  peace  in  a foreign 
land.  Besides  ceding  Formosa,  and  paying  an  indemnity  of 
200,000,000  taels,  China  had  to  agree  to  the  occupation  by 
Japan  of  nearly  the  whole  Liao-tung  peninsula,  including  the 
treaty  port  of  Newchwang. 

But  now  came  in  turn  Russia’s  opportunity.  The  death 
of  the  high-minded  Czar  Alexander  III.  towards  the  end  ot 
1894  seemed,  for  a little  time,  to  have  paralyzed  Russian 
activity ; but  this  was  only  for  a moment.  Prince  Lobanoff 
soon  brought  his  forces  into  line.  It  was  evident  that  the 
presence  of  a rising  and  ambitious  Power  like  Japan,  planted 
between  China  and  Corea  in  such  a position  as  to  enable  her 
to  absorb  the  latter  at  her  leisure,  and  also  to  exercise  a 
domineering  influence  over  the  former,  was  an  intolerable 
check  to  Russia’s  new  and  great  hopes,  based  upon  the  con- 
struction of  a Siberian  railway.  Not  only  would  Russia  be 


342 


China : Past  and  Present 


unable  to  get  at  China  by  sea  without  running  the  gauntlet 
of  Wei-hai  Wei  and  Port  Arthur,  but  she  would  be  unable 
to  march  troops  into  Corea  without  being  forestalled  by  Japan, 
whose  base  in  Liao-tung  would  be  infinitely  nearer  to  the 
Corean  capital  than  the  Russian  base  at  Vladivostock.  There 
was  nothing  particularly  alarming  for  England  in  all  this  ; 
in  fact,  it  was,  in  one  respect,  rather  a tactical  advantage  than 
otherwise:  but,  if  we  take  a calm  and  unprejudiced  view  of 
Russian  aspirations,  we  cannot  fairly  wonder  at  her  looking 
round  for  allies  in  order  to  check  such  potential  develop- 
ments at  the  outset.  Of  the  motives  of  Germany  and  France 
in  joining  Russia’s  protest  nothing  is  positively  known,  and 
it  is  probable  that  they  had  hardly  mentally  marshalled  them, 
or  quite  understood  them  themselves,  except  that  in  a general 
way  they  hoped  to  extract  advantage  therefrom,  largely  at  our 
expense  ; and,  besides,  had  felt  a sort  of  pique  at  witnessing 
so  signal  a triumph  on  the  part  of  a non-Christian  Power, 
whose  unexpected  vigour  had  jarred  their  nerves  a little. 
As  for  England,  it  is  generally  understood  that  Russia  offered 
at  the  time  to  go  hand-in-hand  with  her,  even  before  she  had 
recourse  to  France  or  Germany  ; but  I know  nothing  of  that ; 
still  less  am  I competent  even  to  guess  what  our  guiding 
motives  were  in  declining  the  offer — if  it  is  true  we  did  so.  I 
can  only  surmise  that  many  Englishmen  would  feel  inclined, 
on  abstract  grounds,  to  leave  to  a plucky  little  victor  the 
fruits  of  his  hard-earned  successes,  apart  from  the  fairly 
obvious  fact  above  mentioned,  that  it  was  not  at  all  clearly 
our  interest  to  check  the  rise  of  the  only  vigorous  and  healthy 
native  Power  in  Asia ; and  one,  too,  quite  able  to  offer  both 
naval  and  land  opposition  of  a solid  kind  to  any  future  over- 
weening pretensions  on  the  part  of  Russia.*  In  any  case,  it 
is  futile  now  to  discuss  what  might  have  been.  It  is  more 
to  the  point  to  discuss  the  facts  as  they  are,  since  Count 
Muravieff  the  second — a name  of  unhappy  omen  for  China — 
has  got  into  harness. f 

After  the  Japanese  war  things  remained  quiet  for  some 
time,  and  it  was  generally  felt  that  no  serious  political 
explosions  would  take  place  until  after  the  new  Czar’s 

* These  considerations  have  since  evidently  prevailed. 

t He  died  under  circumstances  pointing  to  anything  but  a personal  success. 


\ Insects  sting  for  aught  they  seek  to  save  343 

coronation  and  the  Queen’s  Jubilee.  China’s  behaviour  was 
exceedingly  disappointing  during  this  period  of  grace,  and 
her  statesmen  did  not  appear  to  have  learnt  a single  prac- 
tical lesson  from  their  disasters.  If  she  had  set  to  work 
vigorously  to  reorganize  her  finances  and  get  her  rabble 
armies  into  effective  working  order,  especially  upon  her 
frontiers,  she  might  have  been  able  to  resist  further  aggres- 
sion, and  thus  to  earn  the  sympathy  and  goodwill  of  the 
Powers : but,  instead  of  that,  she  continued  to  connive  at 
treaty  evasions  ; her  provincial  governors  winked  at  the  per- 
secution of  missionaries  by  ignorant  mobs ; she  annoyed 
France  in  Tonquin  ; she  made  no  drastic  attempt  whatever 
at  financial  reform  ; her  envoy  in  London  tried  to  kidnap  a 
man  at  the  Legation  ; she  was  not  even  able  to  prevent  her 
rowdy  troops  from  outraging  the  military  instructors  invited 
from  Germany.  Thus  she  lost  sympathy,  where  she  ought 
to  have  tried  to  earn  it,  all  along  the  line.  Meanwhile 
Russia  was  not  slow  to  take  advantage  of  circumstances. 
Having  already  received  one  fright,  it  was  clear  to  Russia 
that  her  communications  with  the  open  sea  would  be  once 
more  cut  off  in  Asia,  as  they  had  been  in  Europe,  unless 
measures  were  at  once  taken  to  secure  an  outlet  for  the  rail- 
way. Besides,  if  China  was  unable  to  protect  her  rich  pro- 
vinces from  the  incursions  of  the  Japanese,  it  was  evident 
that  she  was  still  more  unable  to  protect  the  poor  and  neg- 
lected buffer  States  of  Manchuria, — either  from  the  Chinese 
bandits  that  overran  them,  and  even  menaced  the  frontiers 
of  Russia  ; or  from  the  Russians  themselves.  Manchuria 
was,  in  short,  what  the  robber  Turkoman  States  of  Khiva, 
Kokand,  and  Bokhara  had  been  until  a quarter  of  a century 
ago — ripe  for  invasion. 

If  we  eliminate,  therefore,  for  a moment  our  own  inte- 
rested, though  possibly  very  just  point  of  view,  and  endeavour 
to  regard  the  matter  dispassionately  with  Russian  eyes,  it 
must  be  evident  that  Manchuria  stood  in  need  of  reform  ; 
that  no  European  Power  but  Russia  could  possibly  open  up 
North  Manchuria  by  land ; that  no  other  Power  but  Russia 
abuts  on  North  Manchuria,  or  has  any  possible  claim  on  the 
ground  of  self-protection  to  occupy  it ; that  the  Chinese  have 
hitherto  neglected  to  accord  to  Russians  their  bare  treaty 


344 


China:  Past  and  Present 


rights  in  Manchuria  ; that  it  is  manifestly  desirable  to  open 
up  and  restore  social  order  in  Manchuria ; that  Russia  is  the 
sole  owner  of  the  Pacific  coasts  of  Manchuria  ; and,  finally, 
that  she  has  already,  at  enormous  sacrifices,  brought  her  rail- 
way from  Europe  to  the  very  gates  of  Manchuria.  By  our 
treaties  with  China  we  have,  on  the  other  hand,  the  right  to 
travel  and  trade  in  all  the  Manchurian  provinces  just  as  we 
have  in  China  proper.  We  were  the  first  to  explore  Man- 
churia. Of  all  European  nations  we  have  far  the  largest 
share  of  the  sea  trade  with  South  Manchuria  ; * but  it  must 
at  the  same  time  be  remembered  that  there  is  also  a con- 
siderable sea-going  trade  in  seaweed  and  fish  wares  between 
this  latter  region  and  Vladivostock,  so  that  the  Russians  have 
some  sea  rights  too  to  vindicate. 

Thus  we  have  a clear  issue.  So  long  as  Russia  does  not 
attempt  to  deprive  us  of  our  (up  to  this  date  largely  nominal) 
right  of  travelling  and  trading  in  the  two  North  Manchurian 
provinces  ; so  long  as  she  does  not  attempt  to  establish  pre- 
ferential rights  of  her  own  ; so  long  as  she  does  not  attempt 
to  similarly  prejudice  our  trade  with  South  Manchuria,  and 
to  interferet  with  the  Chinese  customs  collectorate  there  under 
our  efficient  and  cosmopolitan  control,  manifestly  it  cannot 
but  be  for  our  advantage,  and  for  the  advantage  of  all 
nations,  that  Russia  should  have  a free  hand  in  the  opening 
up  of  Manchuria  by  means  of  railways. 

It  may  be  argued  that  the  Russians  have  already  attempted 
to  prejudice  our  North  Manchuria  trade  by  inserting  a clause 
to  the  effect  that  their  imports  and  exports  shall  only  pay 
two-thirds  of  the  sea-going  rates  ; and  certainly  this  is  the 
thin  end  of  the  wedge : but  it  must  be  remembered  that 
Russian  overland  exports  to  Tientsin  had  already  enjoyed 
this  privilege  under  former  treaties,  so  that  the  matter  is  not 
so  serious  but  that  it  may  perhaps  be  adjusted  by  conciliatory 
diplomacy.  It  must  not  be  forgotten,  too,  that  France  has 
preferential  overland  tariffs  on  the  Tonquin  frontier;  and  if 
I am  not  mistaken,  we  in  Burma  tax  the  Chinese  frontier 
trade  in  a special  way  also  ; so  that  upon  this  point  we  cannot 
proceed  to  condemn  without  deliberation  and  caution.  What 
we  have  a right  to  demand  is  that  the  duties  leviable  at  the 
* The  Japanese  and  Americans  now  rank  with  us.  f She  is  interfering. 


Prone  to  distrust,  because  apt  to  deceive  345 

Russo-Chinese  port  of  Ta-lien  Wan  in  no  way  favour  Russian 
trade  or  any  other  trade  at  our  expense ; that  Russian  trade 
at  the  military  port  of  Port  Arthur  be  not  surreptitiously 
conceded  to  or  appropriated  by  Russians  on  better  terms 
than  to  or  by  ourselves  ; and  that  no  attempt  be  made  by 
Russia  to  circumscribe  the  movements  of  our  missionaries 
and  traders  in  any  part  of  Manchuria,  so  long  as  it  remains 
Chinese  territory.  It  appears  that  already  passports  are 
necessary  to  enable  any  person  to  land  at  Port  Arthur  or 
Ta-lien  Wan  ; — a most  illiberal  policy  at  the  outset.  There  is 
no  doubt  that  Russia,  who  knows  well  her  own  inability  to 
compete  with  us  in  enterprise,  will  try  to  jostle  us  out  of  our 
rights  in  all  these  particulars.  Small  blame  to  her.  It  is  for 
us  to  stand  up  boldly  in  defence  of  our  rights. 

Any  stipulations  giving  to  Russian  subjects  a monopoly 
of  mining  or  other  concessions  in  North  Manchuria  would 
seem  to  be  a clear  breach  of  our  treaty  with  China.  There 
is  nothing  to  prevent  the  Chinese  from  declining  to  give 
any  specific  concession  to  any  particular  individual  ; which 
negative  course  has  the  same  practical  effect ; is  less  offensive, 
and  breaks  no  treaty  : but  here,  again,  it  must  be  remembered 
that  railway  concessionists  for  long  lines  in  the  United  States, 
Canada,  and  even  in  Russia,  have  usually  received  very 
special  privileges.  In  any  case,  we  cannot  well  prevent  it ; 
our  only  remedy  is  to  secure  compensation  ; and  we  should 
be  very  careful  to  defend  any  concessions  or  interests  already 
ours  ; such,  for  instance,  as  the  management  of  the  Shan-hai 
Kwan  railway,  connecting  Tientsin  with  Mukden,  which  I 
believe  is  in  the  hands  of  a British  engineer,  whom  the 
Russians,  it  appears,  have  persistently  endeavoured  to  oust.* 
The  Germans  in  Shan  Tung,  and  the  French  in  the  South, 
imitating  Russia,  have  tried,  apparently  with  some  success,  to 
establish  similar  spheres  of  influence.  The  Hinterland,  or 
“spheres  of  influence”  doctrine  is  quite  a new  one — what 
may  be  called  a fin-de-sikle  refinement : but,  after  all,  our 
claim  that  the  Inspector-General  of  Customs  shall  always  be 
an  Englishman  so  long  as  our  trade  is  the  largest,  together 
with  our  stipulation  that  no  part  of  the  Yangtsze  valley 
shall  be  suffered  to  fall  under  the  control  of  a foreign  Power 

* The  Russians  were  “tough”  on  this  matter  up  to  1902. 


China:  Past  and  Present 


346 

— these  two  concessions  are  really  suspiciously  like  monopolies 
of  influence  dressed  up  in  another  external  form.  But  they 
are  of  little  use  unless  we  are  prepared  to  defend  them  by 
force.  The  fact  is,  in  these  days  of  rivalry  and  of  national 
struggle  for  life,  we  cannot  expect  to  have  everything  our  own 
way.  We  must  give  and  take,  and  above  all  we  must  keep 
our  eyes  open.  Napoleon  I.  shocked  the  old  school  of 
military  sticklers  by  revolutionizing  their  obsolete  science 
of  tactics  and  bowling  them  over  in  the  field  ; in  the  same 
way  the  vigorous  and  not  over-scrupulous  intellects  of  the 
end  of  the  nineteenth  century  are  changing  the  face  of 
diplomacy,  which,  it  must  be  confessed,  was  gradually 
becoming  milk-and-watery  in  its  quality.  There  is  no  use 
our  turning  up  the  whites  of  our  eyes,  and  groaning  at  the 
wickedness  of  mankind.  If  we  do  not  (to  use  the  American 
expression)  want  to  “ get  left,”  we  must  be  on  the  alert ; we 
must  have  our  fist  ready  when  another  puts  his  fist  in  our 
face.*  We  must  be  up-to-date,  and  we  must  be  prepared  to 
fight  for  our  really  vital  interests  if  we  do  not  want  to  be 
ultimately  cut  up  like  another  China  ; for  certainly  no  scruples 
would  stand  in  the  way  of  any  Power.  But  we  must  first  be 
quite  clear  what  we  want  to  fight  for,  and  whether  it  is  worth 
fighting  for.  Secondly,  it  is  futile  to  growl  and  make  ourselves 
disagreeable  unless  we  are  prepared  to  bite  as  well  as  growl. 
Better  keep  silent  altogether. 

Apart  from  the  purely  commercial  and  missionary 
question,  there  is  that  of  the  balance  of  power  in  the  Far 
East,  and  notably  that  of  naval  preponderance.  It  was 
pretty  evident  whilst  the  Japanese  war  was  going  on  that  this 
question  must  soon  become  acute.  It  became  still  more 
manifest  when  the  Shanghai  newspapers  about  two  years  ago 
published  the  alleged  Russo-Chinese  Agreement  concerning 
the  Manchurian  Railway  and  the  proposed  cession  of  Kiao 
Chou  to  Russia.  But  a year  later  the  world  was  surprised 
one  fine  morning  to  see  Germany  installed  in  Kiao  Chou 
instead  of  Russia.  Within  a few  days  of  that  momentous 
event,  which  was  quite  a new  departure  in  international 
morality,  Russia  took  temporary  charge  of  Port  Arthur  and 
Ta-lien  Wan.  Prince  Oukhtomsky  distinctly  tells  us  that 

* Mr.  Joseph  Chamberlain  has  well  asserted  this  principle  in  diplomacy. 


The  Sailor  s Noble  Heart  beats  high  347 

she  was  surprised  by  Germany’s  action,  and  did  this  against 
her  own  inclinations.  Japan’s  occupation  of  Wei-hai  Wei 
had  still  six  months  to  run  out,  and  no  doubt  her  hands  were 
somewhat  tied  by  the  fact  that  she  was  bound  to  leave  it  on 
receipt  of  her  war  indemnity,  or  to  run  the  risk  of  losing  the 
balance  of  her  indemnity  if  she  elected  to  remain  by  way  of 
a tit-for-tat.  That  little  difficulty  has  been  turned  for  the 
moment  by  our  undertaking,  with  Japanese  approval,  to 
occupy  the  place  so  long  as  the  Russians  occupy  the  Liao- 
tung peninsula ; and  there  can  be  little  doubt  that,  unless  we 
had  done  so,  France  or  Germany,  or  even  Russia,  would  have 
found  a pretext  for  doing  so  in  our  stead.  The  first  part  of 
the  double  event  (i.e.  the  payment  of  the  balance  and  the 
change  of  occupancy)  was  arranged  to  come  off  on  the  7th  of 
May,  and  the  Japanese  are  to  leave  on  the  7th  of  June,  by 
which  date  the  hands  of  Japan  must,  of  course,  be  freer. 
Meanwhile  Russia  has  endeavoured  to  coax  Japan  out  of  her 
kennel  by  abandoning  the  comparatively  meatless  bone  of 
Corea — for  the  moment  only.* 

The  question  of  naval  bases  has  been  copiously  discussed 
by  gallant  admirals  in  the  Times,  and,  of  course,  it  is  one  for 
military  and  naval  specialists  to  decide.  I will,  therefore,  not 
presume  to  say  more  than  that,  as  a mere  “ man  in  the  street,’’ 
I think,  in  view  of  the  scant  attention  paid  to  our  interests 
and  remonstrances  by  Russia,  we  have  done  well  in  occupying 
that  place,  at  least  until  we  have  time  to  look  round  us  ; and 
that,  having  ourselves  behaved  with  great  frankness  and 
loyalty  to  her,  we  have  now  ample  cause  to  suspect  both  the 
value  of  her  assurances  and  the  purity  of  her  motives.  It 
requires  no  specialist  to  see  that  it  must  be  better  to  have  a 
friendly  haven  to  run  into  than  not  to  have  one ; even  if  we 
leave  it  unfortified  like  we  left  Heligoland.  We  have  certainly 
as  much  right  to  forcibly  check  Russia’s  commercial  move- 
ments by  sea  as  she  has  to  forcibly  interfere  with  our 
commercial  freedom  of  movement  in  Manchuria,  if  it  is  to 
come  to  using  forcible  measures  at  all.  Of  course,  I cannot 
venture  to  express,  nor  am  I competent  to  express,  any 
specific  opinion  upon  what  we  may  have  failed  to  do  or 
might  have  done  at  any  stage ; but  it  must  be  plain  to  all 

* The  future  struggle  for  supremacy  between  Japan  and  Russia  will  probably 
be  fought  out  in  or  around  Corea. 


Chinn : Past  and  Present 


348 

from  the  official  correspondence  published,  that  we  held  out 
a frank  and  loyal  hand  to  Russia,  and  approached  the  question 
in  a conciliatory  and  friendly  spirit. 

It  has  always  been  the  policy  of  the  Chinese  Government, 
and  notably  of  the  Manchu  Government,  to  “ set  one  Barbarian 
against  the  other,”  and  there  can  be  no  possible  doubt  that, 
during  the  recent  negotiations,  her  wily  statesmen  have  hoped 
to  succeed  in  setting  Europeans  by  the  ears,  and  then  to 
wriggle  themselves  out  of  a tight  place  without  risking  their 
skins.  China’s  past  record  proves  conclusively  that  she  can 
be  depended  on  neither  to  keep  a treaty  as  a friend  nor  to 
fight  as  an  ally  ; and  however  much  we  may  feel  momentarily 
indignant  at  the  aggressiveness  of  German  or  Russian  action, 
it  is  absurd  for  Christian  Powers  to  cut  each  other’s  throats 
for  the  sake  of  self-seeking  Chinese  mandarins  who  hate  us 
all  with  equal  intensity ; for  fatuous  statesmen  who  veer  with 
every  breeze,  and  who  are  viewed  by  their  own  industrious 
people  with  suspicion  and  even  contempt.  No  doubt  the 
behaviour  of  Russia,  France,  and  Germany  in  ejecting  Japan 
encouraged  in  the  Chinese  mind  a subsequent  hope,  first,  that 
England  or  Russia  would  eject  Germany,  and  secondly,  that 
England  and  Japan  or  Germany  would  eject  Russia  in  turn. 
The  present  apparent  friendliness  of  China  for  England 
probably  only  means  that  for  the  moment  China  feels  that 
England  is  less  immediately  dangerous  to  her  than  Russia, 
and  that  her  customs  revenue  is  a much  safer  asset  in  English 
hands  than  in  Russian.  She  would  look  on  with  glee  at  a 
war  between  the  Powers  on  her  behalf,  and  give  no  thanks  to 
the  victor  if  she  could  avoid  it.  Her  weak  concessions  to 
Germany  and  Russia  would  probably  have  been  less  readily 
made  had  she  not  felt  sure  that  other  Powers  would  at  once 
intervene  and  pull  the  chestnuts  out  of  the  fire  for  her,  instead 
of  doing  what  they  have  done,  i.e.  secured  similar  concessions 
for  themselves.  In  fact,  China’s  guile  has  in  this  instance 
overstepped  its  calculations  and  run  into  its  own  noose ; 
China  is  permanently  saddled  with  no  fewer  than  five  mort- 
gages, whilst,  so  far,  the  mortgagees  seem  disposed  to  settle 
their  claims  in  consultation  with  each  other,  without  consulting 
her  any  further  at  all.* 

* As  acme  of  foolishness,  her  statesmen  at  Peking  after  this  united  all 
Christendom,  as  well  as  Japan,  against  China  in  the  “Boxer”  war. 


I do  love  these  Ancient  Ruins  349 

It  is  a wretched  end  for  a great  and  ancient  empire  to 
come  to,  and  the  lessons  it  ought  to  teach  us  are  that  we  must 
trust  solely  to  our  own  strength  and  sagacity,  and  not  to  the 
pledged  word  or  vaguely  expressed  intentions  of  foreign 
governments,  if  we  are  to  maintain — I will  not  say  our 
political  and  commercial  position  in  the  Far  East — but  our 
existence  at  all.  China,  i.e.  the  Manchu  Government  of 
China,  has  been  in  the  first  instance  ruined  by  its  own  empty 
pretensions  and  want  of  defensive  power  to  resist  Japan  ; 
secondly,  it  has  been  betrayed  by  its  friends  who  pretended 
to  save  it  from  Japan. 

It  was  England,  through  General  Gordon,  that  saved  the 
Manchu  dynasty  from  destruction  35  years  ago;*  but  China 
has  shown  little,  if  any,  gratitude  since  that  time ; she  now 
clutches  convulsively  at  the  friend  who  saved  her  once  before, 
in  the  hope  that  that  friend  will  do  so  again  : but  she  has 
nothing  to  offer ; neither  soldiers  who  will  fight,  officials  who 
will  reform,  nor  a government  which  will  stand  fast  by  its 
own  engagements  to  its  allies.  Under  these  circumstances, 
it  is  difficult  to  see  what  more  we  can  do  than  has  already 
been  done  ; that  is,  watch  every  opportunity  for  protecting 
our  own  interests ; back  up  our  claims  by  a show  of  force, 
and  the  use  of  force,  when  we  are  clear  what  our  just  claims 
are  ; refrain  from  noisy  denunciations,  and  still  more  from  the 
dangerous  game  of  bluff ; and  be  fully  prepared  to  strike 
hard  when  we  clearly  recognize  danger,  and  are  resolved  to 
defend  any  particular  interest.  We  may  appear  to  have  met 
with  rebuffs,  and  to  have  failed  here  and  there ; but  we  are 
not  omnipotent  in  the  world.  We  have,  at  least,  the  con- 
solation of  having  played  fair  ourselves ; and,  if  we  have  been 
disconcerted  by  false  cards  played  by  those  whom  we  trusted 
to  abide  by  the  rules  of  the  game,  at  least  we  have  cleared  the 
air  of  all  illusions,  and  now  understand  what  we  must  expect 
from  our  adversaries,  t 

* I.e.  in  1863. 

t These  words  apply  also  to  what  has  since  happened  in  Africa  and  China. 


350 


China:  Past  and  Present 


CHAPTER  IV 

THE  GERMAN  SPHERE  OF  INFLUENCE  IN  CHINA 

T HE  action  of  Germany  in  seizing  Kiao  Chou  was  at  once 
recognized  by  many  to  be  the  death-blow  to  Chinese  inde- 
pendence, and  the  Empire  is  now  almost  inevitably  doomed 
to  a gradual  dissolution.  This  paper,  however,  has  nothing 
to  do  with  moral  or  political  considerations : as  the  Chinese 
themselves  say : — “ That  which  exists  not  in  reason  may 
perhaps  exist  in  fact.”  In  indubitable  fact  the  Germans  have 
summarily  planted  themselves  in  the  oldest  and  most  sacred 
part  of  China ; created  a sphere  of  influence  there ; and 
intend  to  hold  it  (subject  to  such  conflicting  established  rights 
as  they  cannot  wear  or  whittle  away)  against  all  comers. 
The  strong  men  of  the  earth,  inspired  to  do  likewise,  are 
everywhere  on  the  war-path  ; the  weak  ones  are  going  to  the 
wall ; and  those  who  will  not  prepare  to  join  in  the  scramble 
and  fight  for  their  future  livelihood  must  simply  resign  them- 
selves to  being  human  anvils  instead  of  human  hammers. 

Any  stick  is  good  enough  to  thrash  a dog  with,  and  any 
pretext  seems  good  enough  nowadays  to  justify  action  against 
the  unfortunate  Chinese.  Suffice  it  to  say  without  further 
moralizing  that  the  latest  move  of  the  Germans  has  been  to 
establish  temporary  political  influence  on  the  headwaters  of 
the  River  I,  a navigable  stream  which  communicates  with  the 
Grand  Canal  at  two  widely  separate  points.  This  action 
practically  confirms  the  effective  strategical  occupation  of  the 
peninsula,  for  there  is  no  stream  west  of  the  I which  does  not 
flow  into  either  the  Canal,  the  Yellow  River,  or  the  Gulf  of 
Pechili,  and  which  therefore  is  not  beyond  the  sphere  of  the 
peninsula.  Great  Britain  in  occupying  Wei-hai  Wei,  having 
explicitly  abandoned  all  interference  with,  has  thus  implicitly 
recognized  the  German  sphere,  and  the  eastern  half  of  Shan 
Tung  province  is  now  definitely  “ sealed  to  ” Germany  in  fact 
as  well  as  in  principle.  In  asserting  her  railway  rights  in  the 
direction  of  the  capital  Tsi-nan  Fu,  her  next  move  in  a 
westerly  direction  must  inevitably  bring  her  into  close  touch 
with  Confucius’s  town  of  K‘ufu,  the  Mecca  of  China,  the 


I am  a Kind  of  Burr : I shall  stick  35 1 

residence  and  burial-place  of  the  seventy  odd  lineal  descendants 
of  the  Sage,  and  the  most  ancient  capital  of  China  of  which 
we  have  semi-historical  cognizance,  quite  2500  years  before 
Confucius  the  First  existed.  Nothing  could  more  profoundly 
move  the  Chinese  imagination  (as  distinguished  from  the 
Manchu  or  dominating-class  feeling)  than  the  occupation  of 
K'iifu  by  a foreign  Power  ; but  on  the  other  hand  perhaps 
nothing  could  be  more  wholesome,  or  a more  drastic  antidote 
to  the  impenetrable  fatuity  of  the  Chinese  nation,  which  has 
survived  four  or  five  nomad  conquests,  and  thinks  it  can  live 
down  the  European  conquest  in  the  same  way. 

The  population  of  Shan  Tung  is  now  officially  rated  at 
about  36,000,000  or  37,000,000  souls  ; but  it  is  quite  certain 
that  until  comparatively  modern  times  the  province  seldom 
supported  one-seventh  of  that  number.  Just  before  the  death 
of  Kublai  Khan  in  1294,  there  were  10,402,760  households  in 
the  whole  of  China  ; and  a century  later  the  founder  of  the 
succeeding  Chinese  dynasty  officially  announced  a population 
in  1391  of  56,774,568  souls,  living  in  10,684,435  households. 
Precisely  what  a “ household  ” includes,  and  what  it  excludes, 
is  uncertain  ; but  in  1651  the  new  Manchu  dynasty  discovered 
that  it  possessed  10,630,000  “ taxable  units,”  which  I take  to 
be  practically  identical  with  “ households.”  The  deduction 
is  that,  until  the  piping  times  of  peace  which,  in  Europe  as 
well  as  in  China,  have  in  modern  times  so  vastly  increased 
the  numbers  of  settled  communities,  the  total  population  of 
the  latter  can  rarely  have  exceeded  60,000,000  souls,  the  fair 
proportion  of  which  for  Shan  Tung  province  would  be  about 
5,000,000.  Hence  the  grinding  poverty  of  individuals  to-day, 
and  a struggle  for  life  made  infinitely  keener  by  the  after  effects 
of  the  Taiping  rebellion  forty  years  ago ; by  the  silting-up  of 
the  Grand  Canal  ; and  by  the  sudden  change  in  the  course  of 
the  Yellow  River  which  took  place  in  1851,  just  as  the  said 
rebellion  was  breaking  out.  The  “ spirit  ” of  the  province  is 
broken  past  retrieve,  for  all  that  native  unaided  energies  can  do. 

The  public  revenue  of  Shan  Tung,  so  far  as  it  is  possible 
to  ascertain  it,  amounts  to  something  between  four  and  five 
million  taels,  which,  at  the  present  low  silver  rates,  means  the 
absurdly  low  figure  of  £500,000  or  £600,000.  Distributed 
over  36,000,000  people,  this  would  give  a taxation  of  about 


352 


China:  Past  and  Present 


threepence  a head  for  each  man,  woman,  or  child  ; or  (allow- 
ing that  the  taxes  actually  wrung  from  the  people  average 
all  round  double  what  they  nominally  are),  say,  sixpence  a 
head.  Even  this  latter  sum  is  not  at  all  oppressive,  notwith- 
standing that  sixpence  a day  would  be  good  labourers’  pay 
almost  anywhere  in  China ; and  that,  as  I have  myself  fre- 
quently experienced,  it  is  quite  possible  to  feed  well,  if 
coarsely,  on  Chinese  food  for  twopence  a day.  Hence  it  is 
plain  that  there  must  be  something  more  than  usually  rotten 
in  the  administration  of  a province  where  one  day’s  wages 
is  the  utmost  that  can  be  extracted  per  annum  (“  squeezes  ” 
included)  from  each  individual.  At  present  the  revenue 
admittedly  collected  is  about  as  follows  : — 

Taels. 


Land-tax  (poll-tax  and  other  merged  corvJes  and  charges  included) 
Value  of  taxes  in  grain  (chiefly  millet  sent  to  Peking) 

Native  customs  (at  Chefoo  ; and  at  Lin-tsing  on  the  Grand  Canal)  . 

Taxes  of  all  kinds  on  salt  (including  likin) 

Foreign  customs  (at  Chefoo  ; Kiao  Chou  not  yet  computated)  . 
Likin  (excluding  charges  on  salt  and  opium,  and  divided  into  sea, 

river-canal,  and  land  likin) 

Charges  of  all  kinds  on  native  opium  (Sir  R.  Hart  officially  estimates 
at  a potential  Taels  600,000  !)....... 

Miscellaneous  undefined,  and  subsidies  from  other  provinces 


2,800,000 

500.000 

1 80. 000 

300.000 

425.000 

125.000 

75,000 

150.000 


Between  ,£500,000  and  ,£600,000  ; or  Taels 


4>555>°oo 


In  all  these  matters  there  is  ample  room  for  reform.  A 
few  years  ago  it  was  officially  reported  that  for  land-tax 
purposes  the  tael  (only  worth  1200  to  1500  copper  “cash”) 
had  been  for  years  computed  at  5600  to  5900.  As  to  the 
taxes  in  grain,  the  “Viceroy  in  charge  of  Grain  Transport” 
has  been  denounced,  with  all  his  host,  as  a complete  failure 
for  many  years  past : the  young  Emperor  went  so  far  as  to 
abolish  him  altogether ; it  was  even  proposed  to  get  rid  of 
the  whole  grain  system  ; but  the  Dowager-Empress  has 
knocked  this  and  other  important  reforms  summarily  on  the 
head.  This  Grain  Viceroy  has  his  headquarters  at  Ts’ing- 
kiang  on  the  Grand  Canal,  but  within  the  so-called  British 
sphere,  and  (with  his  colleague  close  by,  the  Manchu  Customs 
Commissioner  at  Hwai-an),  forms  one  of  the  greatest  obstacles 
to  free  circulation  and  trade.  The  native  customs,  wretchedly 
managed  though  they  are,  produce  double  what  they  did 
five  years  ago,  when  the  excellent  Governor  Li  Ping-heng 


Salt  for  their  Porridge  353 

instituted  his  reforms.  Though  a conservative  and  wooden- 
headed official,  and  unfortunately  not  in  favour  with  the 
Germans,  Li  Ping-heng  * is  an  honest  man,  and  was  by  no 
means  guiltily  responsible  for  the  murderous  attacks  upon 
German  missionaries  within  his  province.  The  Germans 
made  a false  move  in  insisting  upon  his  disgrace,  and,  as 
honest  men  are  comparatively  rare  in  China,  they  ought  to 
repair  the  error,  or  at  least  to  lie  passive  under  its  repair. 
On  the  other  hand,  Liu  Ping-chang  (the  British  degradee), 
who  is  a bad  man,  seems  to  be  coming  into  favour  again,  and 
should  be  suppressed.!  As  to  the  salt  revenue,  the  ^50,000 
raised  from  the  source  covers,  not  only  the  supply  of  36,000,000 
people  in  the  province  itself,  but  that  of  at  least  4,000,000 
others  occupying  the  old  bed  of  the  Yellow  River  in  the 
northern  parts  of  Ho  Nan,  An  Hwei,  and  Kiang  Su  provinces. 
In  other  words,  one  million  shillings  are  paid  by  40,000,000 
people,  i.e.  each  individual  pays  in  taxes  about  a farthing  a 
year  (including  all  squeezes)  for  his  salt,  over  and  above  the 
price!  of  the  salt  itself.  It  is  evident  that  the  Germans  can 
do  a great  deal  in  the  way  of  reform  here,  especially  as  the 
southern  half  of  the  salines  (at  Kiao  Chou  and  Jih  Chou)  have 
already  been  within  their  effective  occupation.  At  present 
“ river  likin  ” is  levied  on  the  salt  at  five  places,  and  of  course 
most  of  the  receipts  under  this  head  are  peculated. 

As  to  foreign  customs,  there  can  be  no  great  improvement 
upon  the  administration  of  Sir  Robert  Hart ; but  if  the  Kiao 
Chou  trade  gains  real  life,  the  new  customs  branch  established 
there  ought  to  produce  something  considerable,  especially  in 
taxes  upon  foreign  opium.  Chinese  steamers  already  run  from 
Chefoo  to  Lai-chou  Fu  on  the  north  coast,  with  the  western 
part  of  which  district  there  is  communication  by  canal  from 
Kiao  Chou.  This  canal  was  begun  by  Kublai  Khan  in  1280. 
It  will  be  noticed  that  the  duties  on  foreign  trade  at  one 
single  port,  and  that  port  (Chefoo)  at  the  remotest  and  most 
mountainous  corner  of  the  province,  produce  as  much  revenue 
as  the  whole  of  the  salt  trade  (including  parts  of  other 
provinces)  and  the  whole  of  the  general  likin  put  together  ! 

Notwithstanding  the  misery  it  causes,  not  to  mention  the 

* Perished  during  the  “ Boxer  ” troubles, 
t He  was,  in  fact,  shortly  after  this  suppressed.  J Raised  since  the  ‘ ‘Boxer”  wars . 

2 A 


China:  Past  and  Present 


354 

utter  disorganization  of  trade,  likin  only  produces  half  a 
farthing  per  capita  per  annum  ! There  could  not  be  more 
eloquent  testimony  than  this  to  the  incapacity,  corruption, 
and  hopeless  conservatism  of  mandarin  government.  If  the 
Germans  were  to  appropriate  the  native  customs,  opium,  salt, 
and  likin  offices  at  once;  hand  over  1,200,000  taels  to  the 
Chinese  Government  instead  of  the  600,000  now  yielded  ; and, 
after  paying  their  own  expenses  of  management,  expend  the 
balance  in  public  works  for  the  benefit  of  the  province  ; not 
only  would  this  initial  outlay  of  £150,000  be  more  than  liberal 
compensation  to  the  Chinese  Government  for  the  shock  to  its 
nerves,  but  it  would  be  a mere  trifle  out  of  pocket  compared 
with  the  Germans’  own  expenses  on  the  single  port  of  Kiao 
Chou ; moreover  the  profits  obtainable  for  the  benefit  of  the 
province  would  after  two  or  three  years  be  enormous ; trade 
would  be  facilitated,  and  would  flow  into  new  channels  ; the 
people  would  be  relieved  from  irritating  delays  and  inde- 
fensible squeezes ; the  German  exchequer  would  have  no 
difficulty  in  recouping  itself ; and  the  whole  world,  in  short, 
would  be  benefited. 

But  though  money  is  thus  to  be  made  out  of  Shan  Tung, 
that  province  also  has  its  vested  responsibilities.  In  the  first 
place,  90,000  taels  a year  at  least  (if  not  more)  have  to  be 
paid  towards  the  interest  on  and  amortization  of  foreign 
loans  ; and  about  230,000  taels  a year  towards  the  support  of 
the  three  Manchurian  provinces.  These  two  items  entitle 
England  and  Russia  to  a “ moral  and  intellectual  ” voice  in 
the  matter  of  local  finance.  The  following  is  a revised  list 
of  annual  expenditures  up  to  date  * : — 

Taels. 

Remittances  of  all  kinds  in  cash  to  Feking.  .....  982,000 

,,  „ ,,  ingrain  ,,  (money  value)  . . . 500,000 

„ ,,  ,,  in  cash  for  Manchuria 230,000 

,,  ,,  ,,  in  aid  of  other  provinces,  customs  pay, 

arsenals,  etc.  ......  242,000 

,,  ,,  ,,  in  aid  of  Yellow  River  conservation  . . 672,000 

Unexplained  (local  administration,  etc.) 1,319,000 

Local  army 700,000 

4.645.000 

Repayment  of  loans  . . 90,000 

4.735.000 

* Since  the  “ Boxer  ” troubles,  900,000  taels  must  be  added  on  account  of  the 
war  indemnities. 


A Good  Old-gentlemanly  Vice  355 


From  an  administrative  point  of  view,  Shan  Tung  is 
divided  into  ten  prefectures  of  the  first  class,  each  prefecture 
having  from  seven  to  seventeen  districts  subordinate  to  it. 
There  are  two  prefectures  of  the  second  class,  each  with  three 
districts.  Thus  there  are  117  districts  in  the  whole  province. 
To  clearly  understand  what  this  means,  it  must  be  recollected 
that  the  province  is  as  extensive  as  the  whole  realm  of  France  ; 
each  prefecture  is  as  large  and  as  populous  as  the  once  so- 
called  provinces  (Burgundy,  Picardy,  etc.)  of  France  ; and 
each  district  is  as  large  as  a modern  French  department,  and 
possesses  a walled  city  for  its  capital.  In  other  words,  the 
task  of  taking  over  the  administration  of  a single  populous 
Chinese  province  would  not  be  inferior  in  magnitude  to  the 
task  of  incorporating  the  whole  of  an  average  European 
monarchy. 

The  following  are  the  civil  salaries  of  the  chief  Shan  Tung 
officials,  as  given  in  the  Red  Book  : — 


Taels. 

Viceroy  in  charge  of  Yellow  River  (abolished  in  1902)  ....  3,000 

Governor  of  the  Province  .........  15,000 

Grand  Examiner  (Education) 4,000 

Provincial  Treasurer  ) (these  twQ  are  the  reaI  worki  mors)  , 8, coo 

Provincial  Judge  3 6,099 

Grain  Commissioner  4,000 

Salt  Commissioner 2,000 


Total,  specifically  enumerated 

Say  twelve  prefects  at  3000  \ in  charge  of 

Say  120  magistrates  at  1500  towns  and 

Say  500  smaller  fry  at  500  ) markets 

Add  for  clerks,  deputies,  officials  not  in  charge  of  towns,  staff-officers,  etc 


42,099 

36,000 

180.000 

250.000 

500.000 


1,008,099 


It  will  readily  be  seen  that  there  is  no  difficulty  in  account- 
ing roughly  for  the  1,300,000  unexplained  expenditure  on 
civil  administration  : to  reduce  the  above  sums  roughly  to 
sterling,  it  will  be  necessary  in  each  instance  to  divide  by 
eight.  On  the  other  hand,  “squeezes,”  perquisites,  and  other 
dark  matters  probably  have  the  reverse  effect  of  turning  the 
above  tael  estimates  once  more  into  the  same  numbers  of 
sterling  pounds.  The  first  duty  of  good  German  adminis- 
tration would  therefore  be  to  redress  the  balance  between 
nominal  taels,  credited  to  the  public  chest,  and  actual  sterling 


China : Past  and  Present 


356 

wrung  from  the  people  for  the  benefit  of  a thousand  rapacious 
officials,  from  the  highest  down  to  the  police. 

The  “ army  ” of  Shan  Tung  appears  to  cost  about  700,000 
taels  a year,  and  in  its  present  condition  it  is  a completely 
negligible  quantity,  as  can  readily  be  guessed  from  the  way 
in  which  the  “trained"  troops  behaved  when  a handful  of 
Germans  seized  Kiao  Chou.  Such  as  it  is,  however,  it  is  at 
the  present  moment  in  process  of  reconstruction,  so  that  in 
any  case  it  would  be  unprofitable  to  attempt  precise  defi- 
nitions. Previous  to  the  Taiping  rebellion  there  used  to  be 
about  20,000  men,  of  which  total  2000  were  Manchus,  and 
1 8,000  Chinese;  but  even  if  any  of  these  “ regulars  ” have 
more  than  a nominal  existence,  all  effective  military  service 
has,  since  the  Taiping  rebellion,  been  done  by  hired  “braves," 
who,  by  reason  of  their  readiness  to  leave  their  families  and 
fight,  receive  much  higher  pay  than  the  effete  garrison 
soldiers  staying  idly  at  home.  The  gradual  result  has  been, 
on  the  one  hand,  that  braves  have  in  part  filled  up  the  per- 
manent soldier  billets,  whilst,  on  the  other  hand,  the  braves 
have  themselves  lost  what  little  fighting  capacity  they  ever 
had,  and  have  degenerated  into  mere  “ soldiers.”  Notwith- 
standing this  waste  and  incapacity,  there  are  (besides  the 
Governor,  who  is  also  titular  General  for  the  province)  three 
brigade-generals,  and  a perfect  army  of  colonels,  majors, 
captains,  lieutenants,  sergeants,  etc.,  dotted  over  the  province 
in  charge  of  squads,  companies,  or  batteries  at  the  various 
cities  and  market  towns,  where  they  are  supposed  to  perform 
police  or  guard  duty.  Nearly  every  single  one  of  these 
officers  is  both  a peculator  and  an  ignoramus,  regarding  his 
post  from  a purely  mercenary  point  of  view.  Of  course  it 
would  be  an  excellent  thing  if  the  jealousies  of  the  Powers 
would  subside  so  far  as  to  give  Germany  a free  hand  to  deal 
with  this  wretched  state  of  affairs  ; and  it  would  also  be  an 
excellent  thing  if  Germany  could  be  persuaded  to  do  this 
for  the  advantage  of  the  Chinese  Government ; or  at  least 
for  the  good  of  the  province,  without  seeking  to  turn  her 
successes  into  a political  engine  for  her  own  exclusive  advan- 
tage. Nous  verrons.  Meanwhile  she  is  beginning  with  a 
nucleus  at  Kiao  Chou. 


The  Silent  Chroniclers  of  Time  357 

China,  though  in  many  senses  one  of  the  oldest  organized 
States,  is  singularly  deficient  in  archaeological  remains.  In 
fact,  Shan  Tung  is  about  the  only  province  in  which  antique 
remains  of  any  note  still  exist.  The  most  important  of 
these  lie  about  ten  miles  south  of  Kia-siang  city,  which  is 
not  far  west  of  Confucius’s  town  above  described,  except  that 
it  is  on  the  other  side  of  the  Grand  Canal  ; whole  sepulchral 
chambers  still  remain  intact,  together  with  numerous  bas- 
reliefs  carved  on  stone,  with  cartouches,  depicting  and  ex- 
plaining incidents  in  the  Chinese  wars  with  the  Scythians, 
such  as  are  plainly  recorded  in  history.  One  of  the  most 
interesting  of  the  antiquities  is  a stone  illustrating  the  alleged 
visit  of  Confucius  to  the  semi-historical  philosopher  Lao-tsz. 
The  date  assigned  to  these  stone  monuments  is  A.D.  147. 
There  are  some  more  of  a slightly  earlier  date  in  Fei-ch’eng 
city,  to  the  north  of  Confucius’s  town.  These  sculptures  are 
chiefly  remarkable  in  that  they  dispose  of  the  notion  which 
prevailed,  until  M.  Chavannes  * paid  a visit  to  them,  that 
China  had  derived  all  her  ideas  of  architectural  and  glyptic 
art  from  India  and  Buddhism. 

There  is  still  another  remarkable  “ antiquity  of  modern 
date”  in  Shan  Tung,  and  that  is  the  tomb  of  the  Sultan  of 
Sulu,  the  paduca  Pahala,  who  visited  Peking  in  1417,  and  died 
at  a place  called  Teh  Chou  on  the  Grand  Canal  during  his 
journey  home.  He  was  buried  outside  the  north  gate  of  the 
city,  and  from  that  day  to  this  succeeding  governments  have 
allowed  a small  annual  sum  for  the  up-keep  of  his  tomb.  In 
1727  the  Sultan  Mahomet  Balaruddin  sent  a mission  to  the 
Manchu  court  to  inquire  if  everything  was  still  in  order. 
Teh  Chou  being  one  of  the  two  Manchu  garrisons,  the 
Emperor  was  easily  able  to  ascertain  the  truth  in  a con- 
fidential way,  and  it  transpired  that  the  deceased  king’s 
sons,  who  had  been  left  behind  in  1417  to  perform  annual 
sacrifice,  had  married  locally,  and  had  founded  two  naturalized 
families.  It  is  possible  that  the  Taiping  rebellion  may  have 
done  damage  to  this  interesting  tomb  ; but,  at  any  rate,  what 
with  the  Palace,  Temple,  and  Cemetery  of  Confucius  ; the 
much  more  ancient  shrine  of  the  Duke  of  Chou,  the  grave  of 
Mencius,  the  stone  antiquities,  and  the  Sulu  grave,  there  is 
* Author  of  an  excellent  work  on  Chinese  art. 


China:  Past  and  Present 


358 

plenty  of  pabulum  in  the  province  for  German  archaeologists  : 
in  fact,  there  is  no  saying  what  treasures  future  Schliemanns 
may  not  unearth  by  systematic  excavations. 

One  of  the  first  things  the  Germans  ought  to  take  in 
hand  is  the  improvement  of  river  communications.  As  we 
all  know,  Li  Hung-chang*  has  just  sent  in  his  report  upon 
the  Yellow  River,  expressing  his  opinion  that  no  permanent 
cure  for  its  vagaries  can  be  hoped  for  without  considerable 
outlay  on  the  one  hand,  and  expert  foreign  assistance  on  the 
other.  Long  before  the  time  of  Confucius,  the  Chinese 
Emperors  were  perpetually  shifting  their  capitals  (in  modern 
Ho  Nan,  Shan  Si,  and  Chih  Li  provinces)  on  account  of  the 
mad  freaks  of  “ China’s  Sorrow.”  From  B.C.  600  to  the 
beginning  of  the  Christian  era  it  entered  the  sea  near 
Tientsin  ; and  then  for  a thousand  years  it  ran,  as  it  does 
now,  past  Li-tsin  city,  in  the  northern  part  of  the  German 
sphere,  into  the  Gulf  of  Chih  Li.  From  1034  to  1851  the 
course  was  through  what  is  called  the  northern  Hwai  terri- 
tory to  An-tung.  When  it  took  the  last  plunge  north,  it 
came  within  an  ace  of  destroying  the  provincial  metropolis 
of  Tsi-nan.  Since  that  date  it  has  cost  about  a million 
sterling  a year  in  hard  cash,  apart  from  the  sad  destruction 
of  life  and  property  caused  every  few  years  by  fresh  out- 
breaks. In  1 7 1 1 the  Jesuits  made  a thorough  survey  of  its 
course,  and  their  map  is  published  in  Du  Halde’s  Memoirs. 
In  1868  the  late  Mr.  Ney  Elias  made  a thorough  exami- 
nation of  the  lower  bed  at  his  own  expense,  and  in  1872  I 
accompanied  him  to  the  official  residence  of  Li  Hung-chang 
at  Tientsin,  in  order  to  lay  before  the  then  new  viceroy  a 
scheme  for  deepening  the  “scour,”  and  straightening  the 
channel.  At  the  present  moment  a great  part  of  the  south- 
western part  of  Shan  Tung  is  a vast  marsh,  and  so  also  is 
the  north-eastern  portion  of  Ho  Nan,  in  consequence  of  this 
river’s  capricious  action. 

Another  watercourse  the  Germans  ought  to  take  in  hand 
without  loss  of  time  is  the  Kiao-Lai  River  or  rivers,  that  is, 
the  two  rivers  of  Kiao  Chou  (running  south)  and  Lai-chou  Fu 
(running  north),  which  in  rainy  weather  are  naturally  con- 
nected at  their  headwaters  by  the  same  system  of  rills  or 
* Since  deceased  (Nov.  7,  1901). 


Plenteous  Streams  a V arious  Race  supply  359 

sources.  As  I have  stated,  in  1280  Kublai  Khan  endeavoured 
to  make  this  junction  a navigable  one  by  canalization,  and 
succeeding  dynasties  have  from  time  to  time  tinkered  at  the 
same  work,  which,  however,  has  never  got  beyond  the  stage 
of  affording  passage  to  small  boats.  Both  from  a military 
and  a commercial  point  of  view,  the  thorough  opening  of 
this  passage  between  the  Yellow  Sea  and  the  Gulf  of  Chih 
Li  is  of  the  highest  strategical  importance  ; moreover  the 
northern  branch  of  the  joint  canal-river  communicates  by  a 
navigable  tributary  with  the  celebrated  P‘ing-tu  gold  and 
coal  mines. 

The  fishing  industry  could  not  be  in  more  competent 
hands  than  it  now  is : in  this,  as  in  market-gardening,  any- 
thing a Chinaman  does  not  know  is  scarcely  worth  knowing. 
The  Chefoo  oyster  is  as  good  as  any  in  the  world,  whilst  the 
vinegar-zoophyte  has  the  wonderful  property  of  turning  fresh 
water  into  vinegar.  The  sea-slugs  so  esteemed  by  Chinese 
gastronomers  are  common  enough  on  the  rocks ; also  crabs, 
shrimps,  and  prawns  ; but,  strange  to  say,  no  craw-fish  or 
lobsters.  Herring,  mackerel,  bream,  eels,  and  “bottle-fish” 
are  both  cheap  and  good  : the  natives  even  eat  the  jelly-fish, 
which,  being  poisonous,  Europeans  are  disposed  to  “ pass.” 
The  Chinese  are  great  adepts  in  the  art  of  fattening  gold- 
fish and  carp,  with  which  the  Shan  Tung  lakes  and  rivers 
swarm  ; there  are  even  fresh- water  oysters,  crabs,  and  shrimps, 
and  also  a kind  of  edible  snake. 

The  provincial  capital  of  Tsi-nan  Fu  is  a very  clean  city 
of  250,000  inhabitants,  surrounded  by  two  fine  walls  of 
granite,  well  supplied  with  excellent  well  water,  and  also  by 
a running  stream  called  the  Loh,  the  waters  of  which  are 
carried  through  the  city  in  conduits  laid  under  well-paved 
streets,  and  gather  themselves  together  beyond  the  city  to 
join  the  Yellow  River  five  miles  away.  There  are  no  manu- 
factures or  wholesale  trades ; but  the  whole  town  has,  according 
to  missionary  accounts,  a busy,  prosperous,  and  gay  appear- 
ance, in  the  quiet  sense  of  an  English  cathedral  town  ; and  it 
possesses  a lake  and  garden  promenades  for  pleasure-seekers. 
Fishing  in  this  lake  is  free,  though  it  is  Government  property  ; 
but  there  is  a close  season,  both  for  frogs  and  fish.  As 
in  most  of  the  northern  towns  of  China,  the  Mussulman 


China : Past  and  Present 


360 

population  is  numerous,  mostly  employed,  here  as  elsewhere, 
as  inn-keepers,  carters,  cow-keepers,  and  butchers.  The 
original  Roman  Catholic  Mission  is  Franciscan,  and  counts 
about  1500  converts:  this  is  the  so-called  Eastern  Shan  Tung 
Mission,  chiefly  French,  and  particularly  strong  at  Ts’ing- 
chou  Fu  near  the  Wei  Hien*  coal-mines:  it  has  European 
priests  stationed  in  two  other  first-class  cities.  The  Chinese 
are  now  drilling  a new  corps  of  2000  braves  for  the  protection 
of  Wei  Hien.  Bishop  Anzer’s  mission,  the  only  genuine 
German  Catholic  mission  in  China,  has  its  centre  at  Ts’ao- 
chou  Fu  in  the  marshy  west,  and  it  is  here  the  prelate 
himself  was  beaten  just  before  the  missionaries  Nies  and 
Heule  were  murdered  : the  scene  of  the  massacre  was  not 
far  from  the  spot  where  the  stone  antiquities,  mentioned 
above,  are  to  be  found.  The  Protestants  have  innumerable 
missions  all  over  the  province,  the  American  Presbyterians 
and  Baptists  numbering  fifty  ladies  and  gentlemen  established 
in  ten  cities ; the  English  Baptists,  Gospel,  Zenana,  and 
China  Inland  together  coming  a good  second,  if,  indeed,  they 
do  not  outnumber  the  Americans.  The  S.P.G.  and  Church 
of  England  both  have  missions ; and  there  are  Swedish 
Baptists  and  Danish  Lutherans  ; so  that  in  ecclesiastical  and 
ghostly  as  well  as  in  commercial  and  material  matters,  the 
Chinese  are  well  looked  after.  But,  quite  apart  from  religion, 
all  missionary  influence  in  China  has  a purifying  effect  upon 
the  undisciplined  natives,  and  this  fact  deserves  more  generous 
recognition  than  is  usually  given. 

The  sportsman  is  particularly  well  off  in  Shan  Tung. 
Foxes  swarm  ; and  in  the  absence  of  any  one  to  hunt  them, 
the  Chinese  entrap  them  for  their  skins.  There  are  frequent 
opportunities  of  “ potting  ” at  wolves,  but  the  wild  boar  (so 
common  in  Kiang  Su)  is  not  found  : nor  do  there  seem  to  be 
any  tigers,  bears,  or  leopards  : in  fact,  the  province  is  too 
densely  populated  for  such  wild  animals  to  find  adequate 
scope.  But  there  are  hares  and  rabbits  still  left.  It  is  in 
birds  rather  than  quadrupeds  that  the  sportsman  will  chiefly 
revel,  and  in  China  there  are  no  game-laws : a man  may 
shoot  what  he  will,  where  he  will,  and  at  all  seasons. 
Pheasants  and  partridges,  ducks,  pigeons,  snipe,  and  wood- 
* The  German  railway  now  reaches  to  Wei  Hien. 


Cattle  and  Creeping  Things  361 

cock  are  as  common  “as  blackberries”  (which,  by  the  way, 
are  totally  unknown),  and  there  is  a sort  of  bustard  which 
moves  in  immense  flocks  to  and  from  Manchuria  with  the 
frosts.  Wild  geese  and  wild  turkeys  are  there,  but  hard  to 
get  at ; and  there  is  said  to  be  a wild  swan  which  in  flocks 
accompanies  the  bustards  and  ducks  in  their  migrations. 
Snakes  are  common  in  this  as  in  all  provinces,  and  several 
kinds  (notably  the  black  adder)  are  poisonous.  Lizards, 
toads,  centipedes,  scorpions,  wasps,  and  bees,  all  very  much 
as  around  Peking.  Locusts  frequently  cause  great  damage, 
and  often  seriously  exercise  the  wits  of  the  authorities  to 
cope  with  them  : the  Chinese  eat  the  larvae.  The  recently 
discovered  art  of  smearing  decoy  locusts  with  plague  virus 
might  be  successful  in  German  hands.  Butterfly  collectors 
will  have  a good  time  here.  There  are  two  distinct  kinds  of 
silkworm,  the  mulberry-eater  in  the  south-west,  and  the  oak- 
eater  in  the  north-east : the  latter  produces  the  well-known 
“ pongee  ” {i.e.  pen-se  or  undyed)  silk,  the  great  local  market 
for  which  is  Ch’ang-yih,  between  the  two  rival  coal-mines,  on 
the  River  Wei. 

Cultivation  is  carried  as  far  up  the  mountains  as  things 
will  grow,  and  above  that  there  is  little  to  be  seen  except 
stunted  pine  trees : probably  the  barren  aspect  of  the  hills  is 
the  result  of  reckless  deforestation  carried  on  persistently  for 
centuries.  This,  indeed,  is  a characteristic  of  all  thickly 
populated  Chinese  provinces.  Travellers  in  Shan  Tung  report 
that  here,  as  elsewhere,  each  village  has  its  shady  tree  for  the 
benefit  of  wayfarers,  and  cemeteries  are  not  deprived  of  their 
cypresses  : otherwise  there  is  much  bareness.  The  oak-eating 
silkworm  also  feeds  on  the  varnish  tree  (a  stinking  variety  of 
the  ailanthus,  which  is  also  valuable  for  medicinal  purposes). 
The  mahogany  tree  looks  very  like  it,  and  is  in  fact  styled 
“fragrant  ailanthus"  by  the  Chinese,  who  eat  its  young 
shoots,  and  distil  an  eye-salve  from  its  fruit.  The  other 
common  trees  are  the  ubiquitous  bamboo,  the  willow  finclud- 
ing  the  weeping  variety),  the  sophora  (usually  called  by 
Europeans  the  ash),  and  a kind  of  catalpa.  The  commonest 
fruit-tree  is  the  persimmon,  almost  indistinguishable  in 
appearance  from  a tomato,  but  tasting  like  a fig : dried 
persimmons  are  exported  in  vast  quantities,  and  resemble 


China:  Past  and  Present 


362 

“Normandy  pippins”  in  flavour.  Another  fruit  known  to 
trade  is  the  zizyphus , erroneously  styled  “date”  by  most 
foreigners.  The  wood  of  both  the  above  trees  is  used  for 
many  ingenious  purposes.  Crab-apples  are  good,  especially 
when  candied,  and  the  Chinese  decoct  a very  good  cooling 
summer  drink  from  them.  Ordinary  apples  and  pears, 
peaches,  apricots,  etc.,  are  tasteless,  but  the  Protestant 
missionaries  at  Chefoo  have  for  many  years  past  done  good 
service  in  cultivating  and  ameliorating  the  breed  : they  have 
also  been  successful  in  improving  the  native  wild  grape,  and 
have  even  introduced  strawberries,  gooseberries,  and  currants. 
In  flowers  and  ferns  Shan  Tung  is  particularly  strong : the 
lilies  of  the  valley  are  very  beautiful  in  June,  and  later  on  a 
second  variety  (without  odour)  is  cultivated  for  its  dye. 

Chinese  rulers  have  always  been  fitful  in  the  matter  of 
wine  or  spirit,  forbidding  its  manufacture  in  times  of  scarcity  ; 
denouncing  it  as  a wasteful  luxury  in  times  of  public  humilia- 
tion ; and  taxing  it  cruelly  in  times  of  financial  tightness.* 
The  “ yellow  wine,”  made  from  millet,  is  by  no  means  bad: 
it  tastes  something  like  “ corked  ” sherry  (and  water).  The 
ordinary  samshu,  or  “ whisky,”  distilled  from  the  sorghum  or 
Barbados  millet,  is  excellent,  especially  when  drunk  piping 
hot.  Opium  is  grown  in  many  districts,  probably  to  the 
extent  of  10,000  chests  a year  at  least ; but  of  course  it  is 
far  inferior  in  quality  to  foreign  opium,  and  even  to  that 
obtained  from  South-west  China.  Two  kinds  of  tobacco  are 
cultivated,  and  here  the  Germans,  who  have  already  gained 
practical  experience  in  Sumatra,  might  do  a great  deal, 
especially  in  matters  of  airing  and  drying,  to  improve  the 
flavour  of  the  leaf.  There  is  a large  export  of  sauce  made 
from  the  soy  bean,  which  is  one  of  the  winter  crops  raised  in 
Shan  Tung  as  in  most  Chinese  provinces;  as  this  sauce  is 
already  largely  exported  to  Europe — if,  indeed,  it  does  not 
form  the  basis  of  our  own  renowned  relishes — there  is  a con- 
siderable field  here  for  the  German  speculator.  From  these 
or  an  analogous  variety  of  beans  the  well-known  “ bean-cake  ” 
is  manufactured,  the  refuse  liquid  being  used  for  lighting 
lamps,  caulking  seams,  and  mixing  cement.  Last  but  not 
least,  comes  the  enormous  production  of  bean-curd  or 

* Especially  so  since  the  ‘ ‘ Boxer  ” troubles. 


This  is  thy  Work!  363 

“ Chinese  cream-cheese,”  a cooling  relish  very  largely  con- 
sumed with  the  otherwise  insipid  rice.  For  cooking  purposes 
pea-nut  and  castor  oil  are  used ; but  it  must  be  remembered 
that  the  latter,  when  boiled,  loses  the  efficacy  for  which  it  is 
notorious  medicinally  in  Europe.  There  is  little  or  no  rice 
grown  in  Shan  Tung,  at  least  in  the  eastern  parts ; wheat, 
red  millet  ( setaria ),  and  sorghum  are  the  chief  serials,  supple- 
mented by  pulse,  cabbages,  egg-plant,  onions  of  all  kinds, 
yams,  taros,  edible  caltrops,  squashes  innumerable,  melons, 
and  pea-nuts.  As  is  well  known,  the  Chinese  are  not  “ nice  ” 
about  their  manures : if  they  were,  their  sanitary  condition 
would  be  worse  than  it  is  ; for  all  middens  being  “free,”  and 
there  being  a steady  demand  for  refuse  matter  of  all  kinds, 
the  bottling  up  of  noxious  airs  is  reduced  to  a minimum  in 
towns  ; the  ground  has  speedily  returned  to  it  the  gases  taken 
out  of  it  for  food  ; and  the  soil  has  no  difficulty  in  yielding 
alternately  two  and  three  crops  during  the  course  of  a year. 
Owing  to  the  absence  of  anything  deserving  the  name  of 
roads,  in  the  eastern  or  mountainous  half  of  the  province 
there  are  no  adequate  means  for  conveying  surplus  stock 
away : even  in  the  western  or  low-lying  parts,  where  most  of 
the  opium  is  grown,  the  Yellow  River  has  recently  destroyed 
such  roads  as  there  were.  Hence  the  very  first  duty  of  the 
Germans  is  to  open  good  broad  highway  roads  available  for 
cart  traffic.  Until  this  first  essential  step  is  taken,  Shan  Tung 
must  always  remain  a miserably  poor  province,  for  without 
exchanges  of  surplus  there  can  be  no  general  prosperity. 

As  already  mentioned,  the  Germans  are  well  aware  of  the 
coal  capacities  of  P‘ing-tu  (which  district  has  water  com- 
munication with  their  new  port)  and  Wei  Hien,  which  latter 
would  have  to  send  its  produce  to  the  northern  coast  of  the 
province.  The  gold-mines  at  the  former  place  were  in  1883 
provided  with  excellent  machinery  and  worked  under  foreign 
superintendence  for  a few  years  ; but  gradually  chinoiseries 
crept  in,  and  at  present  the  valuable  machinery  is  lying  idle : 
the  same  thing  may  be  said  of  some  other  gold-mines,  to 
the  south-east  of  Chefoo,  which  some  American-Chinese 
speculators  started  about  ten  years  ago.  There  is  plenty 
of  mineral  wealth  in  the  province  ; — coal,  iron,  galena,  gold, 
quicksilver,  and  copper  in  abundance.  Some  of  these  mines 


China : Past  and  Present 


364 

have  been  nibbled  at  in  a half-hearted  sort  of  way  by  the 
recent  governors  of  the  province,  but  nothing  can  ever  really 
succeed  unless  it  be  under  European  management ; the 
Chinese  are  jobbers  almost  to  a man  where  the  public  pelf 
is  concerned.  Asbestos  is  a speciality  of  the  provincial 
capital,  where  there  is  quite  a little  trade  in  furnaces  con- 
structed out  of  this  airy  material. 

The  Rev.  A.  G.  Jones  of  the  Ts‘ing-chou  English  Baptist 
Mission,  who  has  an  extensive  knowledge  of  the  people,  has 
recently  entered  into  a very  exhaustive  study  of  the  reasons 
for  the  extreme  poverty  of  Shan  Tung.  Taking  a low 
estimate  of  the  official  figures,  in  order  not  to  overstate  his 
case,  he  places  the  population  at  a minimum  of  30,000,000, 
and  the  total  area  (three-fourths  cultivated)  at  41,500,000 
English  acres.  He  gives  detailed  reasons  for  supposing  that 
only  one  quarter  of  this  total  remains  uncultivated  ; and, 
various  allowances  and  deductions  made,  he  shows  that 
I?  English  acres  are  the  utmost  that  can  be  allotted  on  the 
average  to  each  inhabitant.  The  system  of  tillage  followed 
gives  three  crops  of  grain  (coarse  red  millet  and  wheat)  every 
two  years  ; and  by  an  elaborate  but  sound  calculation  Mr.  Jones 
shows  that,  when  sufficient  is  allowed  for  the  food  of  beasts, 
for  seed,  and  for  other  crops  (apart  from  the  winter  vegetables, 
etc.)  displacing  food  products,  there  cannot  possibly  remain 
more  than  1 1 ^ bushels  of  serials  per  head,  of  which  8 bushels 
are  either  coarse  millet  or  beans.  The  total  “ wealth  ” taken 
annually  out  of  the  ground  is  shown  by  the  same  close 
reasoning  to  be  about  £1  sterling  per  capita  per  annum ; and 
as,  even  if  all  this  were  spent  on  food,  the  ij  to  2 lbs.  a day 
purchasable  would  be  insufficient,  according  to  European 
standards,  for  the  bare  purpose  of  adequately  carbonizing  the 
oxygen  breathed,  it  follows  that  the  purchasing  power  of 
Shan  Tung,  so  far  as  foreign  goods  are  concerned,  must  in 
some  way  or  other  be  economies  on  the  already  insufficient 
total  of  £30,000,000 ; and,  as  I have  shown,  the  Government 
takes  about  £500,000  of  this  (apart  from  squeezes). 

But  this  is  not  all : the  average  rent  on  the  land  is  9 per  cent., 
against  3 per  cent,  in  Western  Europe : money  raised  on  land 
costs  20  per  cent.,  against  4 per  cent,  or  5 per  cent,  in  Europe. 
The  average  yield  of  wheat  per  acre  is  only  12  bushels,  against 


There  is  a Justice , due  to  Humanity  ! 365 

28  in  England.  When  to  all  these  disadvantages  we  add  the 
absence  of  roads,  the  utter  unacquaintance  with  economic  laws, 
the  total  ignorance  and  maimed  condition  of  women  ; — in  a 
word  the  general  incapacity  of  mind  to  triumph  over  matter ; 
and  the  absence  of  moral  courage  ; we  see  in  a measure  how  it 
is  that  the  whole  province  is  sunk  in  a slough  of  sullen  despond. 
Absence  of  security  for  accumulated  gains,  want  of  confidence 
in  each  other’s  pecuniary  integrity,  adulteration  of  products, 
want  of  a fixed  currency — all  these  together  tend  to  make 
industrial  combination  or  commerce  in  bulk  well-nigh  im- 
possible. The  spectacle  of  helpless  incompetency  is  so 
depressing  that  we  ought  to  welcome  any  honest  effort  of  the 
Germans  to  shake  up  and  instil  life  into  this  particular  limb 
of  the  poor  moribund  corpse.  With  their  capacity  for 
organization,  their  thorough-going  scientific  methods,  their 
discipline,  physical  vitality  and  energy,  the  Germans  really 
have  a splendid  field  for  the  exercise  of  their  best  powers. 
They  may  exploit  the  Chinese  of  Shan  Tung  in  a grinding 
selfish  way  as  the  Dutch  do  the  helpless  inhabitants  of  Java : 
that  is,  they  may  give  them  security  for  life  and  property, 
measure  out  their  tasks  and  their  gains  for  them,  keep  them 
in  ignorance  as  an  inferior  race,  use  the  surplus  profits  for  the 
benefit  of  the  mother  country,  and  endeavour  to  persuade 
themselves  that  the  people  who  crouch  down  before  them 
like  slaves  are  happier  than  they  ever  were  before.  There 
are  many  defenders  of  the  Dutch  system,  which  I have  myself 
studied  in  Java  and  Sumatra ; but  it  is  not  one  which  would 
ever  appeal  to  the  sympathies  of  the  great  body  of  English- 
men. On  the  other  hand,  the  Germans  might  begin  by 
opening  up  good  main  roads  ; then  storing  water  for  times  of 
drought,  securing  stable  and  fair  relations  between  landlord 
and  tenant,  abolishing  the  curse  of  likin  stations,  prohibiting 
the  cultivation  of  the  poppy  except  under  official  control, 
fixing  the  land-tax,  cheapening  justice  and  making  it  equal 
for  all  classes,  facilitating  exchanges,  encouraging  industrial 
activity  by  means  of  loans  at  nominal  interest,  and  so  on  : — 
in  short,  doing  what  we  do  in  India.  It  is  true  that  some, 
more  especially  Dutchmen  and  Germans,  disapprove  of  the 
English  system  in  India,  with  its  equality,  its  liberty,  and  its 
official  tolerance : they  think  the  “ natives  ” are  not  ripe  for 


366  China:  Past  and  Present 

it,  abuse  it,  and  are  lacking  in  respect.  However  that  may 
be,  if  the  Germans  set  about  reforming  Shan  Tung  with  the 
honest  general  desire  to  improve  the  condition  of  the  inhabi- 
tants, and  to  further  the  interests  of  general  trade  on  a basis 
of  equality  ; if  they  preserve  to  the  ruling  dynasty  its  suzerain 
rights,  and  endeavour  to  shake  off  the  spirit  of  martinetism 
and  official  arrogance  which  is  so  prominent  a feature  in  the 
Fatherland  itself,  it  is  hardly  possible  but  what  they  must 
within  a very  few  years  completely  transform  the  face  of 
Confucius’  ancient  land ; and  no  Power  ought  to  view  such 
efforts  with  jealousy : indeed,  events  are  likely  to  force  them 
to  do  likewise,  or  try  to  do  it,  in  their  own  “spheres.” 


CHAPTER  V 

ANGLO -RUSSIAN  RELATIONS 

It  would  be  an  agreeable  reflection  if,  after  all  the  material 
achievements  of  the  nineteenth  century,  we  could  only  embark 
upon  the  twentieth  with  the  full  hope  of  being  able  to 
reconcile  our  aims  with  those  of  Russia.  Both  in  Europe  and 
in  the  Far  East,  populations  have  increased  to  an  extent 
unheard  of  in  past  times,  and  it  is  therefore  inevitable  that 
there  should  be  more  competition  for  the  good  things  of  life. 
Improved  means  of  communication  have  increased  our  know- 
ledge of  one  another,  and  created  a number  of  artificial 
interests,  keeping  the  nerves  and  the  imagination  in  a state 
of  tension  unknown  to  the  times  when  men  had  nothing  to 
think  about  but  their  daily  bread  and  their  immediate  sur- 
roundings. The  interchanges  of  thought  and  commerce  tend 
on  the  one  hand  to  create  sympathy,  whilst  the  struggles 
between  capital  and  labour,  coupled  with  the  new  competition 
for  race  control,  have  a corresponding  tendency  to  engender 
hostile  feeling.  We  are,  in  fact,  taking  new  plunges  into  the 
Great  Unknown,  and  it  behoves  us  not  to  get  too  rashly 
beyond  our  depth. 

During  the  century  just  ended,  the  populations  of  the 
British  and  Russian  Empires  have  increased  pari  passu,  and 


He  lives  at  ease  who  freely  lives  367 

it  is  therefore  justifiable  to  assume  that  the  efforts  which 
have  thus  led  to  identical  results  are  the  best  efforts  which 
those  responsible  for  peace  and  order  were  respectively 
capable  of  making,  and  the  ones  which  in  good  faith  they 
considered  the  most  suitable.  It  is  unreasonable  for  us  to 
rail  at  each  other  solely  on  the  ground  that  we  endeavour  to 
reach  the  common  end  of  prosperity  by  different  means ; and 
it  is  more  to  the  point  to  try  and  arrange  so  that  each  striver, 
in  the  employment  of  his  own  means,  shall  not  come  into 
collision  with  the  other. 

The  origin  and  conception  of  Russian  life  is  essentially 
different  from  what  we  are  fond  of  calling  the  Anglo-Saxon 
notion.  Our  existence  has,  almost  from  the  beginning,  been 
bound  up  with  the  idea  of  personal  and  individual  liberty. 
We  took  possession  of  Celtic  soil,  and  founded  petty 
kingdoms,  in  which  the  power  of  the  ruler  always  took  a 
moderate  place.  For  a time  the  Danes  and  the  Frenchified 
Scandinavians  called  Normans  succeeded  in  reducing  the 
Anglo-Saxon  and  some  of  the  Celtic  populations  to  a condition 
of  partial  serfdom  ; and  they  might  have  done  so  completely, 
had  not  the  subject  populations  sided  alternately  with  the 
lords  against  the  King,  and  with  the  King  against  the  lords  \ 
until  they  had  got  rid  of  the  overweening  power  of  both,  and 
firmly  established  the  principles  of  political  liberty  and  of 
equality  before  the  law.  The  King  obtains  his  supplies  by 
grant  from  independent  commoners,  none  of  whom  need  be 
beholden  to  his  grace,  or  fear  his  displeasure.  The  lords 
have  one  or  two  unimportant  privileges  left,  but  their  own 
numbers  are  periodically  recruited  from  such  commoners  as 
may  have  shown  sufficient  energy  to  accumulate  the  necessary 
wealth  or  influence  ; so  that  practically  any  Englishman  who 
has  it  in  him  may  make  his  own  terms  ; and  the  peers  are 
simply  the  successful  classes,  forming  a useful  brake  or 
conservative  force,  the  general  necessity  for  which,  in  spite  of 
abuses  here  and  there,  the  body  of  the  people  have  the  good 
sense  to  see.  For  efficiency’s  sake,  certain  of  the  public 
services,  such  as  the  Navy,  Army,  Customs,  and  Judiciary 
body,  must  be  removed  from  immediate  popular  control ; but 
no  one  ever  talks  of  “His  Majesty’s  Lord  Mayor,”  or  “His 
Majesty’s  Member  of  Parliament.”  We  began  our  history  as 


China:  Past  and  Present 


368 

a free  people,  and  we  have  always  kept  our  rulers  within 
respectful  bounds.  Our  officials  are  our  servants,  and  we 
retain  in  our  hands  the  right  to  insist  upon  being  properly 
served. 

But  the  Russian  view  is  radically  quite  different.  They, 
too,  have  had  their  Scandinavian  conquerors,  with  whose 
triumphs  the  connected  history  of  Russia  begins.  So  far 
from  asserting  their  liberties,  the  republics  of  Kiev  and 
Novgorod  welcomed  the  protection  of  their  Varangian  lords 
and  masters.  It  is  just  nine  hundred  years  since  Vladimir, 
who  was  almost  as  great  a man  as  Peter  seven  centuries  later, 
fitted  out  his  rude  subjects  once  for  all  with  a religion  : he 
would  take  no  orders  from  a foreign  Pope  ; nor  advice  from  a 
wandering  race  like  the  Jews  ; nor  would  he  forswear  liquor 
like  the  Mussulmans.  After  due  consideration,  he  decided  for 
the  Greek  religion,  which  his  people  at  once  accepted  on  the 
ground  that  “it  must  be  good,  because  the  King  and  the 
boyars  say  so.”  Thus,  from  the  beginning,  we  see  that  the 
Russian  people  have  required  a shepherd,  and  have  obeyed 
like  sheep.  But  they  had  to  fight  for  their  existence,  as 
hunters,  trappers,  and  fishers,  with  the  various  tribes  of  Turkish 
race  (gradually  driven  west  from  the  Chinese  frontiers),  as 
well  as  with  the  Danes  and  Teutons  ; and  the  anarchy  which 
prevailed  after  this  consequently  rendered  the  Russians  an 
easy  prey  to  the  Mongol  invaders,  under  whose  supremacy 
they  next  remained  for  over  two  centuries.  It  was  not  until 
the  time  of  Ivan  the  Great  ( 1 500)  that  the  Tartar  yoke  was  cast 
off,  and  that  Russia  was  reunited,  more  compactly  than  ever 
before,  under  one  hand  : as  this  masterful  sovereign  claimed 
from  his  own  family  the  right  to  “ give  Russia  to  whom  he 
should  think  proper,”  it  goes  without  saying  that  the  popular 
voice  was  not  much  consulted  in  minor  matters ; and  he  was 
the  first  to  openly  declare  himself  “ Autocrat  of  all  the 
Russias.”  Ever  since  then,  the  course  of  modern  history 
shows  us  that  it  is  to  the  force  of  character  of  her  rulers,  to 
the  concentration  of  intelligence  in  one  or  two  metropolitan 
cities,  rather  than  to  the  spread  of  individual  energy  and 
independence  amongst  the  masses,  that  Russia  owes  her 
agriculture,  her  power,  and  prosperity.  In  the  one  case — that 
of  England — the  initial  force  has  always  lain  in  the  popular 


This  England  never  did,  nor  never  shall  369 

units,  each  man  freely  utilizing  his  own  energy  as  he  listed, 
and  the  masses  appointing  rulers  as  servants  of  the  State  ; 
claiming  and  asserting  equality  before  the  law,  and  regarding 
the  executive  as  the  mere  mouthpiece  or  instrument  of  the 
popular  will.  In  the  other — that  of  Russia — the  spark  of 
activity  and  intelligence,  possessing  sufficient  inherent  force 
to  animate  the  helpless  and  ignorant  masses  with  economic 
power  and  corporate  motion,  has  always  been  in  the  ruler, 
which  word  includes  the  limited  circle  of  lieutenants  and 
advisers  around  him  ; who  are  not  his  peers,  but  his  instru- 
ments. Both  systems  have,  after  900  years’  trial,  succeeded 
up  to  a certain  point,  and  it  is  therefore  only  natural  that  the 
controllers  of  each  system  should  endeavour  to  perfect  them- 
selves upon  beaten  and  familiar  lines.  It  is  as  difficult — to 
take  an  instance — for  us  to  engraft  upon  our  military  system 
the  conscription  which  comes  so  naturally  to  the  Russians,  as 
it  is  for  them  to  engraft  upon  their  municipal  system  the 
liberties  which  come  so  naturally  to  Englishmen.  It  is  as 
unreasonable  for  either  to  regard  with  hatred  an  unfamiliar 
means  to  common  ends,  as  it  would  be  for  us  to  assail  with 
obloquy  the  American  style  of  winning  a horse  race  or  a 
trotting  match,  simply  because  the  jockey  sits,  or  the  driver 
holds  the  reins,  in  a fashion  which  has  not  hitherto  commended 
itself  to  us. 

Any  person,  of  any  shade,  colour,  nation,  occupation, 
politics,  or  religion,  may  enter  Great  Britain  at  any  point, 
without  passport  or  question.  He  may  go  where  he  likes, 
do  what  he  likes,  enjoy  the  same  privileges  as  a native,  and 
go  away  when  he  chooses.  The  exceptions  to  this  broad 
statement  are  so  technical  and  special  that  they  need  not  be 
mentioned.  Liberty  is  absolute.  On  the  contrary,  no  one, 
not  even  a native,  can  enter  Russia  at  any  point  without  a 
passport  and  personal  examination  ; moreover,  the  passport 
must  have  been  vise  by  a Russian  official  at  the  place  the 
bearer  started  from,  or  at  some  other  place  on  the  way.  He 
may,  once  inside  Russia,  go  where  he  likes  ; but,  the  instant 
he  sets  foot  in  a house  or  hotel,  his  arrival  must  be  reported 
to  the  police,  and  his  papers  shown.  He  cannot  obtain  his 
registered  letters  without  being  “ legitimized ; ” that  is,  the 
landlord  or  host  must  specially  certify  that  the  person  is 

2 B 


370  China:  Past  and  Present 

really  the  one  his  passport  states  him  to  be.  So  long  as  he 
is  within  Russia,  and  behaves  himself  in  a harmless  way,  he 
may  move  freely  from  place  to  place  on  condition  of  reporting 
his  whereabouts  every  night  he  changes  his  sleeping-place. 
When  (after  travel  inland)  he  desires  to  leave  the  country,  he 
must  allow  three  days  for  inquiry  ; and,  his  movements  having 
been  chronicled,  he  is  traced  back  step  by  step  ; care  being 
taken  that  all  debts  have  been  paid  in  every  place  visited. 
Thus  it  will  be  at  once  seen  that  complete  control  over  every 
individual  in  the  Empire  is  the  essential  key-note  of  the 
Russian  system,  whilst  the  exact  contrary  is  the  essential  key- 
note of  our  system  ; to  wit,  the  total  and  absolute  ignoring  of 
individuals,  and  all  record  of  their  movements.  This  differ- 
ence inevitably  involves  entirely  opposing  ways  of  viewing 
the  official  body.  In  our  case,  every  man  does  what  he  likes  : 
if  he  applies  to  the  policeman  or  the  Secretary  of  State  for 
assistance,  in  either  event  those  functionaries  are  at  his  dis- 
posal, or  refuse  at  their  peril.  In  the  Russian  case  the  auto- 
crat is  sole  proprietor  of  the  State,  and  his  officers  are  the 
channels  through  which  permission  to  share  the  State  benefits 
are  bestowed  upon  individuals.  When  I was  in  Russia  I 
was  several  times  peremptorily  ordered  to  take  my  hat  off, 
in  banks  and  such  places,  because  they  were  in  some  way 
“imperially  ” affected.  In  entering  one  of  the  Moscow  gates 
I had  my  hat  knocked  off  by  a cab-driver  because  I did  not 
remove  it ; at  the  time  I was  unaware  that  the  “ icon  ” over 
the  gate  was  holy,  and  imagined  that  the  principle  involved 
was  that  the  wall  was  a sort  of  quarter-deck  which  I ought 
to  salute.  Various  other  little  incidents  of  this  kind  occurred 
to  me,  all  tending  to  show  that  the  personal  rights  of  indi- 
viduals, though  liberal  enough  during  “ good  behaviour,” 
were  strictly  subordinate  to  the  principle  of  “ grant  ” and 
authority.  No  man  possessed  inherent  rights,  or  could 
swagger  about  like  a lord  of  creation,  asserting  them  as  we  do 
“adversely”  against  all  comers,  including  the  King.  On  the 
other  hand,  no  reasonable  personal  rights  possessed  at  home 
by  ourselves  were  withheld,  so  long  as  they  were  recognized 
as  derived  from  the  grace  of  the  Czar.  Of  course  there 
are  certain  specific  exceptions  for  natives,  such  as  “ ortho- 
doxy ” in  opinion,  religious  and  political  ; but  these  specific 


Bereft  of  thee,  Fair  Liberty  ! 371 

exceptions  are  inherent  in  the  difference  between  the  Russian 
system  and  ours  ; as  also  is  the  unfavourable  position  of  the 
Jews.  A man  can,  generally  speaking,  rise  when  he  likes, 
eat  when  he  likes,  dress  as  he  likes,  blaspheme,  get  drunk, 
squabble ; and,  in  short,  act  with  as  much  freedom  as  our- 
selves, so  long  as  he  does  not  commit  treason  (so  to  speak) 
against  the  essence  of  government,  which  is  the  maintenance 
of  order  as  a whole  and  individually,  i.e.  the  peace  of  the 
public  streets,  the  external  uniformity  and  submissiveness  of 
behaviour  in  the  individual.  Practically  a man  of  unambitious 
temperament — a Christian  at  least — is  as  free  in  Russia  as  in 
England,  where  to  an  educated  Russian  the  want  of  external 
respect  for  “ authority”  seems  sometimes  to  savour  of  licence, 
insolence,  and  “caddishness,”  if  not  blackguardism.  The 
only  essential  difference  is  the  insignificant  one,  or  the  enor- 
mous one  (according  to  standpoint),  that  in  the  one  case  a 
man  is  perfectly  free,  and  in  the  other  he  is  not. 

Far  be  it  from  me  to  insist  that  all  our  notions  are  the 
best,  and  all  the  Russian  views  mistaken  ; but  I would  submit 
that  Judaism,  Roman  Catholicism,  and  Protestantism  have 
found  it  possible  to  live  together  in  England  with  a harmony 
quite  impossible  a century  ago.  Why  should  not  that  be 
possible  in  politics  which  is  possible  in  religion  ? The  crux 
of  the  question  lies,  not  in  the  alleged  duplicity  or  ambition 
of  either  side,  but  in  the  apparent  incompatibility  of  systems, 
which  can,  in  truth,  never  be  reconciled  unless  reasonable 
concessions  be  made,  or  mentally  reserved,  by  either  party. 

The  absolute  liberty  and  equality  of  the  English  system 
enables  us  to  secure  the  best  energies  of  each  man’s  own 
voluntary  choice,  not  only  without  the  impulsion  of  authority, 
but  in  a measure  despite  authority,  which,  from  the  very 
reasons  for  its  creation,  is  compelled  to  act  rather  as  a brake 
on  energy  than  as  a spur  to  energy.  Without  in  any  way 
censuring  the  system  under  which  the  Russian  individuality 
has  grown,  it  is  impossible  to  deny  that  there  is  not  the  same 
energy,  the  same  self-confidence,  the  same  resourcefulness  in 
the  common  Russian  unit  that  there  is  in  the  American, 
English,  Irish,  or  Scotch.  Moreover,  even  if  those  qualities 
were  there,  the  system  does  not  permit  of  their  free  develop- 
ment on  English  lines.  Hence,  a degree  of  protection  is 


372  China:  Past  and  Present 

indispensable  in  order  to  get  the  human  infant  set  up  firm 
upon  his  legs.  With  the  advantages  that  “ Britishers  ” 
possess  in  the  shape  of  general  instruction,  hereditary  free- 
dom, inexhaustible  capital,  marine  supremacy,  and  a naturally 
combative  disposition,  what  chance  would  submissive  Russians 
have  of  success  were  Manchuria  thrown  open  to  free  com- 
petition, when  handicapped  by  colossal  ignorance,  lack  of 
initiative,  subordination  to  uniformity,  dearth  of  capital,  and 
constitutional  docility  ? And  if  experiments  were,  neverthe- 
less, made  in  Manchuria,  how  exclude  Siberia,  Russia,  and 
Poland  ? In  many  respects  we  have  ourselves  been  left 
behind  by  the  bold  resourcefulness  of  the  Americans,  the 
superior  training  and  discipline  of  the  Germans  ; but  we  are 
at  least  free  to  fight,  each  man  as  he  best  may,  with  weapons 
of  our  own  choice,  and  thus  to  challenge  the  items  of  supre- 
macy temporarily  lost  by  our  own  carelessness.  The  re- 
cuperative power  of  freedom  is  endless,  because  the  force  is 
inherent  in  each  individual  ; nothing  but  the  will  is  required 
in  order  to  bring  it  into  action.  The  rival  power  of  protection 
is  also  very  great  up  to  a certain  point ; but,  when  a weakling 
has  been  set  firmly  on  his  legs,  it  is  only  natural  to  expect 
that  he  will  not  desire  to  resign  for  others’  benefit,  or  to 
modify  the  factitious  power  that  is  in  him  : hence  the  guiding 
power  which  started  him  insists  on  regulating  too.  Russian 
capacity  may  be  compared  to  the  new  Russian  sugar  system  ; 
production  is  encouraged  and  limited  at  the  same  instant. 
Fair  prices  secure  the  industry  from  loss,  and  consumers  from 
fluctuation  ; but  at  times  a certain  quantity  of  surplus  sugar 
must  run  waste  in  the  shape  of  exports  abroad  at  a low 
figure.  If  too  much  freedom  were  granted  to  a successful 
Russian  who  had  been  “ set  on  his  legs,”  it  would  only  be 
natural  that  he  should,  where  his  interests  should  require  it, 
enter  into  foreign  partnership,  engage  foreign  foremen,  pur- 
chase foreign  machinery,  and  form  foreign  combinations, 
all  hostile  to  the  main  Russian  principle  of  control.  The 
managers  of  the  co-operative  scheme  say:  “No!  what  we 
create  we  regulate.”  It  is  really  nothing  more  than  the 
Dutch  cultivator  system  as  applied  to  the  Javans;  it  is 
“ tyranny,”  or  “ fatherly  care,”  according  to  what  our  mental 
training  is. 


Let  them  obey  that  know  not  how  to  rule  373 

Americans,  Canadians,  and  Australians  have  thought  fit 
in  their  own  interests  to  check  the  Chinese  advance  : why 
should  it  then  be  so  monstrous  for  Russians  to  place  shackles 
upon  a British  advance  not  easy  to  reconcile  with  their 
political  system  ? 

British  merchants  (except  by  free  individual  choice)  will 
not  consent  to  regulate  their  movements  under  passport  ; 
stand  hat-in-hand  waiting  official  pleasure ; have  their  corre- 
spondence and  telegrams  watched  ; and  undergo  many  other 
disabilities  familiar  to  Russian  social  life.  How  is  it  possible 
for  strangers  to  insist  on  privileges  which  no  Russian  subject 
can  share  ? Admitting  the  right  of  every  country  to  govern 
itself  in  its  own  way,  how  can  we  for  a moment  expect 
Russia  to  accept  instruction  from  us?  In  some  countries, 
like  the  United  States,  Switzerland,  or  Scandinavia,  the 
Government  works  freely  without  the  faintest  interference 
from  any  Church  body,  except  such  as  any  group  of  interested 
persons  may  exercise,  on  any  grounds  whatever,  be  they 
religious,  commercial,  or  social ; and  on  each  question’s  own 
merits.  In  other  countries,  such  as  Austria  and  Portugal, 
the  civil  power  is  hampered  by  the  interference  of  a foreign 
hierarchy.  In  Germany,  England,  Belgium,  Spain,  Italy,  etc., 
various  devices  have  secured  a modus  vivendi  of  a mixed 
nature.  But  in  Russia  the  control  over  men’s  minds  and 
bodies  has  been  perfected  with  a uniformity  which  has  never 
been  known  in  the  previous  history  of  the  world.  It  is  like 
the  gigantic  “ trusts  ” with  which  ultra-free  America  is  now 
experimenting.  On  the  other  hand,  never  in  the  whole  history 
of  the  world  has  there  been  let  loose  such  a gigantic  decentra- 
lized force  as  the  liberties  of  Great  Britain  and  America.  It 
is  by  no  means  certain  that  we  are  right,  and  the  Russians 
wrong : each  nation  creates  its  own  standards  : naturally 
each  one  of  us  free  men  approves  his  own  free  system,  which 
the  majority  of  educated  Russians — at  least  of  the  official 
class — profess  to  abhor.  Naturally  also  the  ruling  Russians 
are  satisfied  with  their  methods,  which,  to  the  majority  of  us, 
are  (on  hearsay  grounds)  abhorrent : with  my  own  eyes  I 
have  seen  much  good  in  them.  They  imagine  terrible  in- 
justices in  connection  with  the  Irish,  the  Boers,  and  India. 
We,  on  the  other  hand,  read  alarming  stories  about  the  Finns, 


374 


China:  Past  and  Present 


the  Nihilists,  and  the  Turkomans.  But  the  broad  facts 
remain,  namely,  that  each  of  the  two  greatest  “ world-powers  ” 
that  have  ever  existed  has  developed  within  goo  years  under 
Norman  impulse  from  a few  tribes,  the  one  into  a land  empire 
and  the  other  into  a sea  empire,  together  covering  nearly 
half  the  world’s  surface  ; and  the  main  question  is : Can  they 
exist  harmoniously  together,  or  must  they  fight  to  a finish 
until  one  or  the  other  system  prevail  ? 

Having  travelled  in  nearly  all  the  countries  of  Europe,  in 
Russia  I certainly  derived  the  impression  that  in  few  was  the 
administration,  however  imperfect,  more  assiduous  in  pro- 
moting the  welfare  of  the  people ; in  none  was  the  material 
to  work  upon  less  responsive  and  promising.  It  is  impossible 
to  deny,  however,  that  in  commerce,  shipping,  manufactures, 
science,  and  even  popular  instruction,  a great  advance  has 
recently  been  made.  It  is  equally  impossible  to  deny  that 
Russian  expansion  has  regenerated  the  fanatical  hotbed  of 
Central  Asia.  On  the  other  hand,  in  spite  of  our  own 
successes,  where  is  there  so  much  waste,  squalor,  and  deject- 
ing misery  as  in  wealthy  England  ? We  may  possess  many 
superior  qualities  to  account  for  our  power,  but  I suspect  if 
we  eliminated  the  one  redeeming  virtue  of  freedom,  we  should 
not  have  much  general  superiority  to  show.  We  have  not 
the  brightness  and  sobriety  of  the  Italians  or  Spaniards  ; the 
intelligence  and  thrift  of  the  French,  or  the  discipline  and 
order  of  the  Germans.  It  always  appeared  to  me  that  the 
Russians,  man  for  man,  excelled  us  in  sympathy  and  humanity. 
I take  it  that  we  have  succeeded,  as  a nation,  without  exactly 
knowing  how  or  why,  by  this  one  powerful  quality  of  freedom, 
which  happens  to  have  taken  wholesome  root  among  us  ; and 
that,  as  rulers  of  other  people,  we  have  gained  confidence 
through  the  innate  love  of  fair  play  and  “letting  be,”  which 
seems  to  form  part  and  parcel  of  our  particular  conception  of 
freedom.  The  Russians  appear  to  possess  undefined  qualities, 
of  some  other  sort,  which  enable  them  to  deal  with  other 
races  almost,  if  not  quite,  as  successfully  as  ourselves  ; and, 
as  to  their  own  people,  if  they  are  dissatisfied  with  their  lot, 
it  is  for  them  to  work  out  their  own  salvation,  if  they  are 
strong  enough  and  worthy  enough  ; or  to  remain  what  they 
are  in  the  contrary  event.  It  is  no  business  of  ours.  In  any 


Let  your  Precept  be  “ Be  easy  ” 375 

case,  the  peoples  of  the  Russian  and  British  Empires  scarcely 
anywhere  come  into  personal  contact  at  all ; it  is  only  through 
their  Governments  and  their  Press  that  they  can,  even  indirectly, 
“ close  ” with  each  other.  Such  as  we  are,  we  have  both  to 
exist  together  in  the  world,  whether  we  like  the  rivalry  or 
not ; and  it  appears  to  me  that  the  prospects  of  success  and 
peace  will  be  the  better  for  both  of  us  if  we  patiently 
endeavour  to  understand  each  other’s  aims  and  requirements  ; 
make  frank  allowances  for  each  other’s  special  circumstances 
and  difficulties ; and  refrain  from  attitudes  of  hostility  and 
censoriousness,  in  small  things  as  well  as  great,  until  we  have 
carefully  looked  round  each  question  and  established  the  true 
issues  : — What  we  want ; what  they  want ; and  in  what  way 
our  respective  aims  can  best  be  reconciled,  the  one  with  the 
other.  As  men,  I do  not  believe  the  Russians  are  either 
better  or  worse  than  we  are  ourselves ; and  I have  often 
thought  that  such  good  natural  qualities  as  we  possess  are 
also  possessed  by  the  Russians  in  a degree  which  ought  to 
make  us  sympathize  with  them  strongly. 


BOOK  IX 

THE  SEAMY  SIDE 


CHAPTER  I 
CHINESE  PUNISHMENTS 

The  seamy  side  of  Chinese  life  sometimes  had  its  fascinations 
for  me,  and  accordingly  on  one  occasion  a party  of  us  resolved 
to  assist  at  an  orgy  of  blood — in  other  words,  at  an  execution 
of  criminals.  The  place  of  execution  varies  in  different 
towns.  In  Canton  it  is  literally  a potters’  field,  outside  the 
Tartar,  but  inside  the  Chinese  walls,  the  criminals  being 
forced  to  kneel  down  in  a narrow  space,  one  side  of  which  is 
bounded  by  a stagnant  ditch  running  through  the  pottery 
quarter,  and  the  other  by  rows  of  potters’  stalls.  The  idea 
evidently  is  to  perform  the  gruesome  work  on  a spot  where  it 
is  not  easy  for  dangerous  crowds  to  congregate  ; the  alternative 
of  being  pushed  into  green  slime  or  tumbled  amongst  fragile 
earthenware,  with  only  a narrow  avenue  for  escape  into  the 
arms  of  the  police  at  either  end,  is  not  an  inviting  one  for 
the  larrikins  and  the  evil-disposed.  At  Kiungchow  the 
executions  took  place  entirely  outside  the  city  walls,  upon 
the  Champ  de  Mars,  or  drill-ground,  of  which  there  is  usually 
one  in  or  near  every  central  town.  At  Peking  the  autumn 
executions,  as  they  are  called,  are  carried  out  about  the 
middle  of  the  Chinese  “ winter  moon,”  or  eleventh  month,  at 
a place  called  the  “Entrance  to  the  Vegetable  Market,”  about 
one  mile  outside  the  “ Easy  Government  Gate  ” of  the  Inner 
or  Tartar  city,  in  the  middle  of  the  main  street  which  runs 
thence  through  the  Outer  or  Chinese  city.  The  Autumn 
Revision  precedes  the  executions,  and  at  this  revision  the 


A Darker  Departure  is  near  377 

Emperor  ticks  off,  or  “hooks  off,”  as  it  is  termed,  a number  of 
those  offenders  whose  crime  presents  “ solid  circumstances  ” 
of  proof,  allowing  the  remainder  to  stand  over.  If  a criminal 
is  fortunate  enough  to  pass  three  such  ordeals  without  being 
“ hooked  off,”  he  may  consider  himself  reprieved,  and  he 
either  languishes  in  gaol,  is  exiled,  or  is  banished  with  or 
without  hard  labour ; or  he  may  even  in  time  bribe  himself 
free.  It  is  a Peking  autumn  execution  that  I am  about  to 
describe ; minor  special  executions  may  take  place  on  the 
same  spot  at  any  time. 

At  an  early  hour  upon  the  appointed  day  the  traffic  is 
stopped,  and  a space  sufficient  for  the  purpose  is  barred  off, 
no  one  but  Government  officials  in  uniform  being  allowed 
within  the  ropes ; “ foreigners,”  i.e.  Europeans  or  Americans, 
are  (or  were  then)  easily  able  to  obtain  admittance,  the  more 
so  that  the  majority  of  them  are  themselves  either  Chinese 
customs  officials  or  officers  attached  to  the  various  legations. 
So  used  to  this  have  the  Chinese  at  Peking  become,  that  the 
off  cial  term  lao-ye,  or  “ old  sire,”  is  usually  applied  there,  by 
both  natives  and  foreigners,  to  missionaries  as  well  as  to 
officials;  in  fact,  like  the  Hindustani  sahib , to  all  whites.  On 
one  side  of  the  road  a booth  or  mat  shed  had  been  erected 
for  the  execution  commissioners.  In  this  booth  were  a 
number  of  very  shabby  tables  and  stools,  backed  and  armed 
chairs  being  comparatively  uncommon  in  the  north  of  China. 
On  the  tables  were  the  regulation  inkstands,  rests  for  brush- 
pencils,  paper,  vermilion,  and  other  official  writing  materials. 
The  stools  were  gradually  occupied  by  twenty  or  thirty 
mandarins  in  full  dress,  each  with  a blue,  crystal,  or  opaque 
white  “button,”  according  to  his  rank.  These  so-called 
“ buttons  ” or  globes  are  about  one  inch  in  diameter,  and  are 
worn  (with  or  without  a feather  or  squirrel  tail,  as  a special  or 
further  mark  of  honour)  upon  the  crown  of  the  official  cap  ; 
official  understrappers  and  mandarins  of  very  low  rank  wear 
a brass  or  so-called  “ gold  ” button.  These  buttons  are 
essentially  a Manchu  innovation,  dating  from  1643,  having 
been,  like  the  “pigtail,”  unknown  to  orthodox  Chinese  attire. 
As  each  mandarin  took  his  place,  those  who  were  already 
seated  rose  with  a smirk  to  greet  the  new-comer,  who,  on  his 
part,  deprecatingly  implored  them  not  to  do  him  so  much 


37B  China:  Past  and  Present 

undeserved  honour.  In  another  mat  shed,  on  the  opposite 
side  of  the  street,  were  the  wretched  prisoners,  twelve  men 
and  two  women,  all  huddling  together  for  warmth  : they  had 
been  brought  during  the  night  from  the  hideous  prison 
commonly  known  to  Europeans  as  the  “Board  of  Punish- 
ments ” — the  same  in  which  Sir  Harry  Parkes  and  Sir  H.  Loch 
were  confined  thirty-five  years  ago.*  Each  prisoner  had  a 
bamboo  pin  stuck  into  the  coat  collar,  and  attached  to  this  pin 
was  a slip  of  paper  inscribed  with  the  prisoner’s  name,  crime, 
and  the  nature  of  the  penalty — decapitation  or  strangulation — 
to  be  undergone.  Decapitation  is  considered  a much  more 
disgraceful  death  than  strangulation,  for  whilst  in  the  latter 
case  the  whole  spirit  presents  itself  for  admittance  to  the 
“ shady  regions,”  in  the  former  the  guardians  of  Chinese 
purgatory  raise  awkward  interpellations  as  to  what  has 
become  of  the  head  ; yet  strangulation  is  infinitely  the  more 
painful  death  of  the  two,  as  will  shortly  be  seen.  The  list  of 
prisoners  in  this  case  included  a murderer  each  from  Hu  Peh, 
An  Hwei,  and  Kwei  Chou  provinces  ; a man  who  had  stolen 
Imperial  garments  from  a royal  rest-house  in  Cheh  Kiang 
province  (stealing  from  public  buildings  is  a very  much 
graver  matter  than  an  ordinary  theft) ; and  four  men  convicted 
of  stealing  or  receiving  rice  from  the  granaries  of  Yiin  Nan 
province.  All  these  were  to  be  decapitated.  Amongst  the 
strangled  were  a man  from  Kiang  Su  province,  who  had  been 
caught  plundering  coffins — the  Cantonese  call  such  offenders 
“ mountain  dogs  ; ” an  old  man  from  the  same  province,  who 
had  in  some  way  caused  the  death  of  another  person — very 
little,  if  any,  allowance  for  accident  is  made  in  Chinese  law, 
which  rather  favours  the  lex  talionis  ; a seal  forger  from  Shan 
Tung  province ; a man  from  Chih  Li  province,  who  had 
beaten  another  to  death  ; and  three  thieves  from  Shan  Si 
province.  It  is  not  a capital  offence  to  steal  ordinary  objects, 
unless  the  value  exceeds  Taels  105,  say  £20; t a sum  which 
compares  favourably  in  point  of  common  sense  with  the 
historical  English  five  shillings.  It  is  popularly  stated  that 
substitutes  can  be  bought  for  Taels  50,  and  most  certainly 
this  statement  is  more  than  true,  so  far  as  the  price  of  human 
life  is  concerned ; but  it  is  quite  another  question  whether 
* Written  in  1896.  f Now  nearer  ^15. 


Unpitied  Sorrow  379 

the  gaolers  and  judges  can  always  be  bribed.  A Chinese 
magistrate — a very  good  fellow,  who  saved  my  life  in  a row — 
once  told  me  in  almost  as  many  words  that  he  could  always 
arrange  to  starve  or  murder  any  prisoner  in  gaol  if  he  found 
it  expedient  to  get  rid  of  them  in  that  way : his  predecessor 
was  a regular  trafficker  in  human  lives,  and  the  official  servants 
used  to  tell  me  all  kinds  of  categorical  stories  which  quite 
convinced  me  that  an  unscrupulous  executive  mandarin  can 
practically  do  what  he  likes  so  long  as  he  manages  to  keep  to 
windward  of  legal  forms,  and  avoids  giving  personal  offence 
to  his  superiors.  There  is  a third  form  of  capital  punishment 
called  “piecemeal  hacking,”  which  is  performed  upon  women 
who  poison  or  otherwise  murder  their  husbands  (usually  by 
running  a stiff  bristle  into  the  navel  whilst  asleep)  ; individuals 
of  either  sex  who  cause  the  death  of  a parent  or  senior 
agnate ; traitors,  etc.  I never  saw  this  performed,  but  I once 
saw  a snap-shot  photograph  of  a man  at  Canton  upon  whom 
it  had  been  executed.*  Almost  invariably  the  executioners 
allow  the  victim  to  stupefy  himself  or  herself  with  opium  : the 
breasts  are  first  sliced  off,  then  the  flesh  at  the  eyebrows,  then 
the  calves,  muscles  of  the  arm,  etc.,  until  at  last  a dagger  is 
plunged  into  the  heart,  which  is  crammed  into  the  mouth  of 
the  corpse.  Many  Europeans,  and  most  Chinese  officials, 
deny  that  this  cruel  punishment  is  ever  carried  out ; but,  as 
I have  said,  I possess  the  photograph,  and  the  Viceroy  was  so 
angry  about  it  that  the  British  Steamer  Company  had,  in 
their  own  interests,  to  remove  the  engineer  who  took  it. 

In  the  present  instance  all  the  prisoners  presented  a most 
woebegone  and  haggard  appearance,  as  indeed  poor  wretches 
who  have  been  some  time  in  a Chinese  gaol  invariably  do. 
Yet  even  this  indignation-rousing  treatment  of  prisoners  has 
a reasonable  defence ; the  scale  of  Chinese  life  is  so  low,  the 
common  people,  who  often  live  like  and  literally  with  pigs, 
spend  their  days  in  such  a villainous  state  of  dirt  and — from 
our  point  of  view — misery,  that  there  is  no  way  of  physically 
punishing  an  individual  unless  you  starve  and  “ torture  ” 
him,  so  as  to  make  him  less  comfortable  than  he  is  when  he 
is  “ enjoying  himself”  in  private  misery.  None  of  the  prisoners 

* I succeeded  in  1901  in  obtaining  a copy  the  day  before  the  negative  was 
destroyed. 


China:  Past  and  Present 


380 

displayed  the  slightest  fear  or  emotion  ; those  who  had 
tobacco-pipes  smoked  them,  and  those  who  had  not  were 
quite  willing  to  accept  contributions  of  cigars  and  food,  like 
so  many  monkeys  in  a cage,  or  to  crack  jokes  with  the  by- 
standers. The  Chinese  have  no  fear  whatever  of  death  ; that 
is,  no  Chinese  will  ever  hesitate  to  travel  in  a rickety  boat, 
walk  across  a shooting  butts,  drink  stagnant  water,  live 
amidst  plague,  small-pox,  or  cholera,  sail  down  a dangerous 
rapid,  or  go  down  quietly  with  a sinking  steamer  when  it 
appears  clear  that  no  means  of  escape  are  provided.  It  is 
difficult,  therefore,  to  understand  what  they  run  away  from 
in  war,  or  why  they  will  never  individually  stand  up  to  a 
square  pugilistic  encounter.  The  fact  is,s  the  national  mind 
has  evolved  itself  into  a state  which  abhors  a situation  nette 
of  any  sort ; in  diplomacy,  as  in  war,  it  prefers  tortuous 
evasive  courses,  and  invariably  collapses  before  a display  of 
force  or  a fait  accompli ; the  same  thing  in  most  departments 
of  everyday  life  ; commerce,  however,  is  an  exception. 

Whilst  the  officials  in  the  shed  were  awaiting  the  arrival 
of  the  Imperial  commissioner,  the  “ satellites,”  or  police,  vigo- 
rously plied  their  scourges  upon  the  rowdy  crowd,  which 
largely  consisted  of  roughs  and  loafers,  who  had  borrowed 
old  official  hats  for  the  occasion.  In  front  of  the  official 
booth  were  five  yataghans,  or  executioners’  swords,  about 
three  feet  long  by  three  inches  deep,  with  handles  of  carved 
wood  representing  the  Imperial  dragon,  griffin,  or  other  mon- 
strosity. Perhaps  yataghan  is  hardly  so  suitable  a word  as 
butcher’s  knife,  for  the  inner  curve  appeared  to  have  been 
caused  by  length  of  use  rather  than  by  original  art ; all  were 
very  ancient  in  appearance,  as  they  grimly  stood  in  a frame- 
work protected  from  the  weather  by  a tiny  mat  house. 
Meanwhile  the  executioners,  wearing  yellow  cotton  aprons, 
were  exchanging  pipes  and  chaff  with  the  crowd,  or  preparing 
baskets  of  bread  with  which  to  soak  up  the  blood  ; some- 
times these  chunks  are  sold  and  eaten  in  order  to  “give 
courage  ” to  the  purchaser.  In  the  case  of  very  desperate 
criminals  the  heart  and  liver  or  lungs  (I  forget  which)  are 
usually — if  they  can  be  got  at — torn  out,  and  sold  for  a very 
high  price,  in  order  to  literally  “ put  heart  ” into  the  craven. 
When  I was  in  Sz  Ch’wan,  some  twelve  years  later,  two  men 


The  Slow  Approaches  of  his  Death  381 

once  suddenly  rushed  into  the  kitchen  of  the  inn,  hastily 
grabbed  a frying-pan,  threw  something  into  it,  and  after  a 
short  frizzling  commenced  to  eat  it ; my  writer,  who  had  seen 
it,  told  me  it  was  the  heart  or  liver  of  a celebrated  highway- 
man who  had  just  been  tortured  to  death  ; these  were  two 
of  the  “ satellites.”  Such  events  are  frequently  described  in 
Chinese  history  ; in  fact,  “ eat  his  flesh  and  sleep  on  his 
skin”  is  a regular  literary  expression  for  “revenge.”  To 
resume.  The  one-storeyed  houses  in  the  neighbourhood  were 
covered  with  joyous  unofficial  spectators,  all  struggling  to  get 
a good  view  ; but  I think  we  Europeans,  as  we  stalked  un- 
molested through  the  crowd,  were  as  much  the  centre  of 
attraction  as  the  executions  ; it  was  only  eight  years  * since 
the  allied  troops  had  entered  Peking,  and  we  “ foreign  devils  ” 
came  in  for  our  full  share  of  the  reflected  glory  earned  by 
Tommy  Atkins  and  Johnny  Crapaud.  At  that  time  a single 
foreigner  with  a stick  could  scatter  a crowd  of  Chinese, 
armed  or  unarmed,  like  a flock  of  sheep.  None  of  the 
prisoners  knew  whether  or  not  they  were  actually  doomed 
to  execution,  for,  in  accordance  with  an  old  custom  started 
by  one  of  the  Han  dynasty  emperors  2000  years  ago,  the 
Emperor  has  to  sign  three  separate  decrees  at  short  intervals 
on  the  morning  of  the  execution  in  order  to  escape  the  risk 
of  precipitately  causing  the  death  of  an  innocent  or  hardly 
used  man,  as  once  happened  to  the  ancient  Emperor  in 
question.  At  about  eleven  o’clock  a “ movement  ” was 
apparent ; two  rows  of  satellites,  wielding  bamboo  bludgeons, 
cleared  the  course  for  the  Imperial  commissioners,  whilst 
others  drove  back  the  crowd  with  their  scourges.  The  pro- 
cession was  headed  by  a cavalier,  wearing  on  his  cap  a long 
crystal  button,  elaborately  mounted  in  gold,  and  thus,  by  its 
unusual  shape,  signifying  that  he  had  just  come  from  the 
Emperor’s  presence  ; his  horse  was  led  for  him,  as  he  carried 
aloft  with  both  hands  the  Emperor’s  final  warrant  wrapped 
up  in  yellow  silk.  Dismounting  before  the  official  shed,  he 
placed  this  packet  with  an  air  of  extreme  veneration  upon 
the  central  table,  and  was  duly  bowed  to  his  appointed  seat. 
Next  came  a couple  of  ordinary  Peking  seatless  carts,  two- 
wheeled affairs  something  like  a covered  Lancashire  market- 

* Then  1869. 


382  China:  Past  and  Present 

cart,  but  smaller,  and  constructed  almost  exactly  on  the 
principle  of  those  in  use  2000  years  ago,  as  exhibited  upon 
the  ancient  sculptures  recently  discovered  in  Shan  Tung 
province.  In  the  first  cart  sat  or  squatted  a handsome  old 
mandarin  of  the  third  (blue  button)  rank,  and  in  the  second 
the  commissioner  himself,  with  a coral  button,  the  highest  of 
all  ranks  except  those  reserved  to  the  Imperial  family  ; all 
the  rest  stood  up  as  he  descended  solemnly  from  his  cart 
and  entered  the  booth.  So  many  splendid  costumes  in  a 
row  presented  a very  striking  sight ; the  robes  were  usually 
of  brown  or  blue  silk,  trimmed  with  ermine,  and  topped  with 
expensive  fur  capes.  After  the  commissioner  had  taken  his 
seat  and  motioned  to  the  others  to  follow  his  example,  he 
opened  the  yellow  packet,  took  out  the  decree,  and,  observing 
which  names  had  been  “ hooked  ” by  the  Emperor  with  the 
vermilion  brush,  called  them  out  one  by  one  ; this  was  the 
first  intimation  he  or  any  one  else  had  of  his  Majesty’s  selec- 
tions. An  underling  ran  off  to  the  prisoners’  booth  as  soon 
as  the  first  name  was  called,  and  shouted  it  out.  The  un- 
happy victim,  with  his  hands  tied  behind  his  back,  was  sum- 
marily hustled  into  the  street  in  front  of  the  commissioner 
to  be  formally  identified.  The  next  step  was  to  draw  a piece 
of  chalk  across  the  back  of  his  neck,  in  order  to  mark  the 
exact  vertebral  spot  where  the  knife  ought  to  go.  The  crowd 
and  the  police  yelled  and  cheered  lustily  as  the  man  was 
dragged,  at  a wave  from  the  commissioner’s  hand,  into  the 
middle  of  the  road  and  forced  upon  his  knees.  The  exe- 
cutioner took  from  his  breast  a yard  or  two  of  very  excellent 
twine,  having  the  appearance  of  stout  whip-cord,  and  deftly 
placed  it  like  a bit  between  the  prisoner’s  lips ; the  cord  was 
then  passed  behind  the  head,  and  brought  back  tightly  over 
the  eyes,  whence  again  the  two  ends  were  fetched  round  the 
occiput  to  meet  in  front  of  the  face.  One  assistant  pressed 
the  wretched  criminal’s  back  down,  whilst  a second  hauled 
violently  at  the  two  ends  of  the  cord  until  it  sank  almost 
invisible  into  the  folds  of  the  skin,  and  a third  arranged  the 
position  of  the  neck  so  as  to  afford  the  other  two  more 
purchase.  The  executioner  now  took  up  one  of  the  knives. 
Advancing  with  the  utmost  coolness,  he  made  careful  aim  at 
the  chalk  line  with  his  right  hand  j he  then  raised  the  sword, 


Their  Diminished  Heads  383 

and  grasping  the  handle  with  his  left  hand,  too,  as  it  was  sus- 
pended in  the  air,  brought  it  down  fair  upon  the  chalk  mark. 
The  head  was  cut  clean  off  at  one  blow,  and  then  swung  into 
the  air  for  a second  by  the  assistant  who  held  the  ends  of  the 
cord,  amidst  shouts  of  “ Hao , hao  ! ” (well  done  !)  from  the 
crowd.  Meanwhile  the  body  lay  gushing  with  blood  like  a 
palpitating  fire-hose,  and  a basket  of  bread  was  thrust  under 
the  aperture  of  the  neck  to  catch  it  as  it  came.  The  head 
was  carried  before  the  mandarins  to  be  identified  and  marked 
off  in  the  register,  after  which  it  was  cast  down  by  the  side 
of  the  body.  It  had  now  assumed  a dull  terra-cotta  colour, 
but  still  moved  or  twitched  convulsively.  A piece  of  paper 
was  last  of  all  fixed  to  the  corpse’s  hands,  as  evidence  of  his 
identity,  whilst  similar  preparations  to  those  described  were 
made  for  the  second  victim.  The  executioner,  who  went 
about  his  business  as  quietly  as  though  he  was  trimming  a 
bale  of  cotton,  plunged  his  knife  into  a pail  of  hot  water, 
wiped  it  clean,  and  sheathed  it,  from  first  to  last  without 
moving  a muscle  of  his  face,  or  even  looking  up.  All  this 
took  place  within  an  area  of  four  square  yards,  as  the  crowd 
was  allowed  to  press  right  up  to  the  dramatis  persona , merely 
having  a care  to  keep  clear  of  the  executioner’s  elbows. 
Both  crowd  and  executioners  were  sprinkled  with  blood, 
which  they  simply  swept  off  with  their  sleeve-cuffs — used 
also  for  wiping  the  nose  on  a winter’s  morning.  The  com- 
missioner, who  was  there  in  order  to  see,  could  not  see  at  all, 
and  it  would  have  been  quite  easy,  supposing  the  crowd  were 
in  the  plot,  to  substitute  another  man  for  the  real  criminal. 
A silence  “so  profound  that  you  could  have  heard  the 
maggots  in  a cheese  moving  ” (as  a witty  Frenchman  present 
said),  reigned  whilst  the  pinioning  and  chopping  went  on  ; 
but  so  indifferent  were  the  feelings  of  the  Chinese,  that  many 
of  them  kept  handling  our  clothes  and  eyeing  our  strange 
faces,  even  at  the  instant  the  knife  was  descending,  puffing 
their  pipes  as  stolidly  as  though  it  was  a cock-fight  or  a rat- 
baiting exhibition.  Even  the  prisoners  displayed  no  sign  of 
awe,  nervousness,  or  other  emotion,  except  that  weary  hag- 
gardness inseparable  from  cold,  hunger,  and  general  physical 
misery.  As  each  prisoner  was  finished  off  in  the  same  way, 
the  crowd  smoked,  laughed,  joked,  paid  compliments,  and 


China:  Past  and  Present 


384 

bowed,  just  as  though  they  were  at  a crowded  garden-party, 
sometimes  casually  looking  on,  at  others  chatting  indifferently 
and  examining  us.  They  say  that  eels  grow  used  to  skin- 
ning ; and  certainly  it  was  the  case  with  me,  that  the  abso- 
lutely unsympathetic  attitude  of  the  crowd  and  the  victims 
worked  so  rapid  an  effect  upon  my  mind,  that  the  mingled 
curiosity  and  awe  I felt,  when  the  signal  for  the  first  decapi- 
tation was  given,  faded  away  in  ten  minutes  (during  which 
short  space  of  time  I saw  six  heads  chopped  off)  into  a feel- 
ing of  boredom  and  indifference,  just  as  though  so  many  pigs 
were  being  stuck.  When  human  beings  value  their  own 
lives  at  so  low  a figure,  it  can  hardly  be  expected  that  out- 
siders will  appraise  them  at  a higher  value.  The  executioners 
seemed  to  be  thoroughly  enjoying  themselves,  and  the  oppor- 
tunity of  displaying  their  prowess  as  matadores ; in  fact, 
their  calm,  self-satisfied  bearing  was  exactly  that  of  the 
pampered  popular  idols  of  the  Spanish  bull-ring.  In  no 
instance  were  two  cuts  necessary  ; but  in  one  case  the  knife 
fell  slantingly,  cleft  part  of  the  skull,  and  scattered  the  brains 
about.  One  prisoner  was  allowed  the  honour  of  a mat  to 
kneel  on,  and  another  mat  was  decently  thrown  over  his 
corpse;  no  doubt  a perquisite  would  have  to  be  paid  to  the 
executioners  for  this  show  of  delicacy. 

The  strangling  operation  is  even  more  revolting  than  the 
decapitation.  Up  to  the  point  of  being  forced  down  upon  the 
knees  in  the  middle  of  the  street,  the  procedure  was  exactly 
the  same  as  with  the  decapitation  cases,  the  victim  being 
trussed  up  for  all  the  world  like  a fowl  ready  for  the  jack,  his 
shins,  thighs,  and  back  forming  three  tightly  adjacent  parallel 
lines,  the  total  height  of  all  not  exceeding  one  foot.  Two 
strands  of  cord  were  used  instead  of  one  in  the  strangling 
cases,  doubtless  on  account  of  the  immense  strain  upon  it 
caused  by  the  lever  or  tourniquet  used.  The  cords,  which 
bound  up  the  man’s  body  so  that  no  movement  of  any 
description,  except  bodily  rolling  over,  was  possible,  were 
connected  with  a double  cord  round  the  throat ; a short  stick 
was  so  placed  behind  the  man’s  neck  and  back  that  when 
twisted  it  drew  the  whole  system  of  lashings  exceedingly 
taut,  including  that  round  the  throat,  which  quite  disappeared 
into  the  skin.  Four  men  united  to  hold  the  poor  fellow  still 


To  fill  the  Veins  with  Death  385 

and  work  the  tourniquet,  apparatus,  which  was  kept  going 
for  at  least  five  minutes,  we  spectators,  meanwhile,  crowding 
round  so  closely  that  there  was  not  a square  yard  of  space 
for  the  executioners  and  prisoner  together  to  move  in  ; the 
crowd  reeled  behind  and  before  us,  and  it  was  as  much  as  we 
could  do  to  keep  ourselves  from  falling  upon  the  expiring 
wretch.  When  the  executioners  were  satisfied  that  he  was 
dead,  he  was  rolled  over  on  his  face,  which,  by  this  time,  had 
turned  quite  blue,  and  was  gushing  with  blood  from  both  eyes 
and  nostrils. 

The  two  women  were  subsequently  strangled  also  ; but, 
indifferent  though  I had  grown  to  the  stolid  sufferings  of 
Chinese  men,  I did  not  care  to  witness  the  slow,  deliberate, 
and  cold-blooded  slaughter  of  females.  Nor  did  I witness 
the  “ decapitation  of  the  dead.”  One  prisoner  was  lying  dead 
in  his  coffin,  and  already  in  an  advanced  stage  of  decomposi- 
tion ; but  in  exceptionally  grave  criminal  cases  Chinese 
vengeance  is  not  to  be  thus  balked  by  death,  and  the  head  of 
the  offender  is  taken  off  all  the  same.  Quite  half  of  the  total 
number  of  Chinese  prisoners  die  of  misery  in  gaol,  apart  from 
any  deliberate  arrangement  to  murder  them  or  let  them 
starve.  Others  eagerly  seize  any  opportunity  offering  for 
committing  suicide,  and  then  there  is  an  end  of  them,  unless 
a striking  example  is  intended  to  be  made,  in  which  case 
they  are  executed  just  the  same — occasionally  even  taken  out 
of  the  grave  to  undergo  decapitation,  so  that  the  devil  (or  his 
equivalent)  may  have  his  full  due  when  they  appear  before 
him.  The  Panthay  Sultan,  who  swallowed  poison  in  1874, 
before  he  surrendered  Ta-li  Fu  to  the  Imperialist  General 
Ts’en  Yiih-ying  (the  supposed  prompter  of  Margary’s  assassi- 
nation), was  thus  executed  after  his  death.*  All  this  may 
be  very  silly  and  horrible,  but  we  must  remember  what  we 
ourselves  did  with  Oliver  Cromwell’s  remains  ; that,  within 
living  memory,  we  hanged  a man  for  five  shillings  ; and  that 
no  Chinese  tortures  ever  exceeded  in  cowardly  baseness  those 
inflicted  all  over  Europe  three  centuries  ago  in  the  name  of 
religion.  The  vengeance  of  the  Chinese  Emperor  even  goes 
beyond  the  grave.  I distinctly  remember  his  issuing  the 
following  order  about  eighteen  years  ago  : — “ The  grace  of  our 
* Prince  Hassan,  his  son,  gave  me  an  account  of  his  career  in  1901. 

2 C 


China  : Past  and  Present 


386 

ancestors,  in  sanctioning  the  principle  of  metempsychosis  in 
the  persons  of  Tibetan  infants  acclaimed  as  spiritual  successors 
to  priests,  has  hitherto  favoured  the  finding  of  souls  in  the 

bodies  of  the  X family:  X Y having  been  found 

guilty  of  treason,  we  hereby  command  that  in  future  no  souls 

shall  be  discovered  in  the  bodies  of  X infants  for  at  least 

three  generations.”  Depriving  a dead  man  and  his  parents  of 
all  honours  in  the  next  world  is  also  a frequent  occurrence. 

At  Canton  the  bodies  of  criminals  who  have  been  executed 
are  cast  upon  a patch  of  waste  ground  near  the  lepers’  village 
outside  the  town,  and  are  there  left  for  the  dogs  and  crows  to 
feast  upon.  There  is,  however,  nothing  more  shocking  in 
this  than  in  the  Parsee  practice,  which  I have  seen,  and  any 
one  may  witness,  under  the  British  flag,  at  Bombay,  of  feeding 
the  vultures  with  human  corpses  ; or  than  in  the  Tibetan 
and  Mongol  practice,  frequently  described  by  travellers,  and 
may  be  witnessed  at  Lhassa  and  Urga,  of  pitching  one’s  father 
or  mother  upon  a dung-heap  for  the  dogs  to  eat  in  the  public 
streets.  All  “ horrors,”  and  most  virtues,  are  largely  a matter 
of  prejudice  and  convention ; and  any  one  who,  like  the  present 
writer,  has  been  round  the  world  half  a dozen  times,  and 
visited  most  countries,  will  probably  arrive  at  the  conclusion 
that  human  beings  should  be  sparing  of  their  censures  upon 
each  other,  patient  with  supposed  faults,  and  tolerant  of 
everything  which  to  strangers  conscientiously  seems  right. 
But,  to  return  to  our  subject,  in  Peking  the  bodies  of  executed 
criminals  (in  cases  where  the  relatives  are  unable  or  unwilling 
to  bribe  the  police  to  give  them  up)  are  cast  into  a pit  of 
about  the  capacity  of  a British  coal-shaft,  but  not  so  deep  as 
to  hide  the  corpses  below  from  the  view  ; this  is  outside  one 
of  the  city  gates,  and  is  called  the  Wan-jen-k' ing,  or  “ Myriad 
man-hole.”  Swarms  of  rats  soon  devour  the  flesh  ; they  are  of 
enormous  size,  and  have  become  so  fierce  through  always  being 
left  undisturbed,  that  the  people  believe  they  have  “ eyes  of 
fire  ” ; certainly  a live  man  would  stand  a poor  chance  if  he 
fell  down  that  hole.  The  heads  of  decapitated  offenders  are 
suspended  for  a few  days  near  the  place  of  execution,  or,  if 
the  offence  is  very  grave,  are  taken  back  to  the  city  nearest 
the  spot  where  the  crime  was  committed.  The  most  serious 
offence  of  all,  after  treasonable  designs  upon  the  Emperor’s 


A Famous  Man  is  Robin  Hood  387 

person,  is  the  causing  of  a parent’s  death.  So  horrible  is  this 
considered,  even  when  done  by  pure  accident,  that  slicing  is 
the  invariable  and  minimum  result.  To  avoid  the  graver 
consequences,  which  nominally  include  severe  punishment  of 
many  other  members  of  the  family,  degradation  of  the  local 
authorities,  and  even  razing  of  the  city  walls*  (I  once  actually 
saw  such  a razed  city  in  Sz  Ch’war.  province),  the  mandarins 
invariably  discover  that  the  offender  was  stark  mad ; he  is 
quartered  none  the  less  ; but  others  escape. 

Pirates  are  often  put  to  death  very  cruelly.  Once,  at 
Shanghai,  I read  in  a native  Chinese  paper  one  Sunday 
morning  that  the  magistrate  was  killing  a man  publicly  by 
inches  in  this  way.  The  wretch  was  suspended  in  a cage,  so 
that  the  tips  of  his  big  toes  rested  on  two  bricks ; his  neck 
was  fixed  in  the  wooden  top,  so  that  if  he  rested  his  toes  the 
pressure  was  transferred  to  his  throat.  It  was  expected  that 
the  “ fun  ” would  begin  on  the  Monday,  when  people  were  to 
be  allowed  to  pelt  him  with  rotten  eggs,  etc.  I at  once 
translated  a full  description,  as  related,  as  though  I had  seen 
it,  and  asked  the  editor  of  the  chief  English  paper  to  put  it 
in  on  Monday  morning.  The  effect  was  quite  startling.  A 
meeting  of  treaty  consuls  was  proposed,  with  protests  from 
the  Powers  to  the  Chinese  Government,  and  I do  not  know 
what  not.  I lay  low,  enjoying  my  own  “ fun  ” all  to  myself. 
Public  feeling  ran  so  high  that  the  man  was  not  only  not 
tortured  to  death,  but  respited,  and,  I believe,  subsequently 
reprieved. 


CHAPTER  II 

INFANTICIDE  IN  CHINA 

There  are  few  subjects  connected  with  Chinese  social  life 
which  have  attracted  more  attention  than  infanticide,  and  it 
may,  therefore,  be  worth  while  to  adopt,  so  far  as  possible,  a 
historical  form  of  treatment,  and  trace  the  practice  back  to 
* King  Peter  of  Servia  was  to  raze  the  Konak  for  similar  reasons. 


China:  Past  and  Present 


388 

its  roots.  There  is  nothing  in  the  classics  or  in  the  "earlier 
histories  of  China  to  show  that  any  such  custom  existed  in 
ancient  times ; existed,  that  is  to  say,  in  a greater  measure 
than  it  does  in  all  countries  under  the  sun.  The  first  authentic 
mention  of  it  is  in  a private  letter  from  the  celebrated  poet, 
Su  Tung-po,  who  was  contemporary  with  our  William  the 
Conqueror.  Owing  to  court  intrigues,  he  was  exiled  to  various 
provinces  in  the  South,  but  his  chief  claim  to  the  admiration 
of  posterity  is  based  upon  the  services  he  rendered  to  the 
island  of  Hainan.  His  temple  and  library  are  still  maintained 
at  great  expense,  and  I often  used  to  visit  them  during  my 
two  years’  residence  in  that  island.  On  his  way  southwards, 
the  poet  had  to  pass  through  the  great  lake  district  of  Central 
China,  and  he  there  observed  (as  he  wrote  to  his  friend)  that 
“ between  the  mouth  of  the  lake  and  the  town  of  Hankow, 
the  fixed  custom  of  the  peasants  in  that  tract  of  country  is 
to  rear  two  male  and  one  female  offspring,  killing  the  surplus, 
and  particularly  girls.  The  practice  is  to  drown  them  in 
cold  water,  directly  after  birth  ; and,  as  the  parents  often 
feel  qualms,  they  do  it  with  their  eyes  closed  or  backs  turned, 
simply  holding  the  infant  down  in  the  basin  until  death  puts 
an  end  to  its  gurglings.”  Dr.  Edkins,  formerly  of  Peking,  has 
found  records  of  female  foundling  hospitals  two  centuries  sub- 
sequent to  this.  According  to  evidence  published  by  Pere 
Hoang,  under  the  authority  of  Bishop  Gamier,  an  author  of  the 
purely  Chinese  Ming  dynasty  which  succeeded  the  Mongols 
and  preceded  the  present  Manchus,  in  a book  upon  local 
customs  plainly  testifies  to  a practice  then  existing  in  South 
Fuh  Kien — that  is,  in  the  region  called  Zaitun  by  Marco  Polo — 
of  rearing  only  one  girl  in  each  family,  and  drowning  the  rest. 
A district  governor  under  the  same  dynasty  found  it  necessary 
to  issue  proclamations  prohibiting  the  practice  of  drowning 
girls  in  the  Chu-ki  department  of  Cheh  Kiang,  a little  to  the 
south  of  Hangchow — Marco  Polo’s  Kinsai.  The  authority 
quoted — which  lies  upon  my  desk  as  I write  this — also  cites 
a proclamation  prohibiting  the  drowning  of  girls  in  the  region 
south  of  Foochow.  The  document  states  that  both  rich  and 
poor  are  addicted  to  the  custom. 

Coming  now  to  the  present  Manchu  dynasty,  I find  that  in 
the  year  1673  the  second  emperor  issued  an  edict  prohibiting 


Called  hence  by  Early  Doom  389 

the  abandonment  of  poor  children  in  the  neighbourhood 
of  Peking.  From  the  language  used,  it  appears  that  the 
practice  was  common  among  the  Manchus  as  well  as  the 
Chinese,  but  there  is  strong  reason  to  believe  that  this  was 
not  female  infanticide  as  we  now  find  it:  in  1659  the  first 
emperor,  on  the  proposition  of  a censor,  had  already  forbidden 
the  practice  of  drowning  girls  in  Kiang  Si,  Kiang  Nan,  and 
Fuh  Kien  provinces,  besides  expressing  a fear  that  the  evil 
custom  must  also  exist  elsewhere  : if  it  had  existed  at  Peking, 
he  would  have  said  so.  In  1772  the  Provincial  Judge  of 
Kiang  Si  recommended  to  the  fourth  emperor  that  the  law 
punishing  the  wilful  murder  of  sons  and  grandsons  with 
sixty  blows  and  a year’s  banishment  should  be  applied  to 
parents  drowning  their  children.  In  the  year  1816  the  fifth 
emperor  again  declared  that  “something  must  be  done;”  from 
which  we  may  conclude  that,  even  if  the  proposal  of  1772 
had  been  adopted  in  practice,  the  results  had  been  far  from 
satisfactory.  In  1825  and  1827,  according  to  the  same  native 
Catholic  authority,  proclamations  were  issued  in  the  neighbour- 
hood of  Hangchow  and  Hankow,  severely  prohibiting  the 
drowning  of  young  girls.  Thus,  we  see  that,  ever  since  the 
date  of  our  Conquest,  there  is  a chain  of  evidence  pointing  to 
Hu  Peh,  Kiang  Nan,  Cheh  Kiang,  and  Fuh  Kien  as  being  the 
provinces  where  female  infanticide  has  been  most  prevalent. 

The  above  being  the  well-substantiated  early  history  of 
infanticide,  it  now  remains  to  bring  forward  contemporary 
evidence.  In  the  month  of  October,  1877,  I published  in  the 
Foochow  newspapers  a full  translation  of  a long  proclamation 
denouncing  the  local  practice  of  drowning  newly-born  female 
children,  and  calling  upon  the  gentry  to  report  the  names  of 
such  midwives  as  could  be  shown  to  have  aided  and  abetted 
the  unnatural  parents.  (It  must  be  explained  that  male 
physicians  do  not  assist  in  China  at  the  birth  of  children.) 
Alongside  of  this  document  was  printed  a translation  of  the 
eight  regulations  governing  the  Infant  Preservation  Charity, 
the  sole  object  of  which  was  to  prevent  the  drowning  of 
newly-born  girls.  There  were  at  that  date  four  “girl- 
drowning bureaux,”  in  different  quarters  of  the  city  ; parents 
intending  to  drown  their  daughters  were  invited  to  take  them 
to  one  of  these  offices,  when  the  parents  might  either  place 


China:  Past  and  Present 


390 

the  infants  in  the  hands  of  official  nurses,  or,  if  found  deserv- 
ing, receive  a pittance  for  the  children’s  support.  These 
documents  are  extremely  long,  but  I have  them  before  me 
at  this  moment.  Outside  the  city  of  Foochow,  on  the  way 
to  the  favourite  mountain  summer  resort  called  Ku-shan, 
there  is  a small  pond,  like  a horse-pond,  under  the  shadow 
of  a large  banyan  tree ; at  the  foot  of  the  tree  was  a stone, 
engraved  with  the  words,  “ Girls  may  not  be  drowned  here.” 
I have  no  doubt  the  stone  is  there  still,  but  I saw  it  in  the 
year  1877,  and  I see  that  other  persons  saw  it  as  recently  as 
1884.  Just  at  this  time  a missionary  lady  named  Miss  Fielde 
was  instituting  careful  inquiries  in  the  neighbourhood,  and  a 
year  later  she  published  the  results  in  a local  serial,  entitled 
“Woman’s  Work  in  China.”  Of  the  women  she  questioned, 
there  were  twenty-one  Foochow  mothers  “who  had  murdered, 
sold,  or  given  away  forty-six  daughters.”  I made  the  ac- 
quaintance at  Wenchow,  in  1883,  of  an  official  whose  father 
had  been  Literary  Chancellor  at  Foochow,  where  he  dis- 
tinguished himself  by  his  crusade  against  infanticide;  the 
brother  of  this  chancellor  married  the  daughter  of  the  notorious 
Commissioner  Yeh,  whom  the  British  carried  off  to  Calcutta. 
I was  presented  with  a copy  of  the  “ Life  of  the  Grand 
Secretary  P'eng”  (for  to  that  rank  the  father  subsequently 
attained),  and  in  this  “ Life”  were  given  full  details  concern- 
ing the  prevalence  of  infanticide  in  Fuh  Kien.  The  law  of 
1772  is  there  quoted,  as  indeed  it  usually  is  in  public  pro- 
clamations ; but,  so  far  as  I can  ascertain,  it  appears  to  be  a 
dead  letter. 

I turn  now  to  the  more  southerly  parts  of  Fuh  Kien 
province.  About  twenty-five  years  ago  Mr.  George  Hughes, 
one  of  the  British  Commissioners  of  Customs  in  Chinese 
employ,  then  at  Amoy,  published  the  most  specific  details.  He 
himself  met  a labourer  with  four  babies  slung  in  baskets,  two 
at  each  end  of  a pole,  on  the  way  to  the  market.  Mr.  Hughes 
ascertained  that  girls  would  only  fetch  a few  pence  each,  and, 
even  then,  solely  at  the  foundling  hospital.  Boys  brought 
over  ,£3,  if  healthy  and  promising  in  appearance.  A Chinese 
woman,  known  to  Mr.  Hughes,  and  then  respectably  married 
in  Amoy,  had  been  picked  up  as  a baby  by  a missionary, 
who  noticed  from  his  boat  an  earthen  jar  from  which  cries 


Mewling  and  Puking  391 

were  proceeding.  The  boatmen  had  unconcernedly  explained, 
in  “pidgin-English,”  that  it  was  “piecee  smollo  girlee.”  In 
1843  the  Rev.  David  Abeel  made  careful  and  conscientious 
estimates  of  the  proportion  of  girls  drowned  in  this  same 
Amoy  or  Zaitun  region,  and  it  is  singular  to  find  that  he 
specifically  mentions  as  the  worst  place  the  identical  city 
(T‘ung-an)  indicated  by  the  Chinese  authority  I have  quoted, 
several  centuries  back  ; so  that  we  may  feel  quite  safe  in 
accepting  the  evidence  as  historical.  And  the  number  of 
female  children  destroyed  after  birth  would  seem  from  the 
ample  statistics  given  by  Mr.  Abeel,  to  vary,  according  to 
town,  from  25  to  7 5 per  cent. : some  parents  admitted  to 
having  killed  five  girls.  Since  Mr.  Abeel’s  time  the  Rev. 
W.  McGregor,  of  Amoy,  has  made  personal  inquiry,  and  he 
also  laid  the  results  before  Mr.  Hughes.  He  did  not  find 
that  T‘ung-an  was  worse  than  any  other  part  of  South  Fuh 
Kien.  Moreover,  even  in  rich  families,  it  often  happened 
that  only  one  girl  was  saved  alive.  The  poorer  classes, 
especially  the  women,  so  far  from  making  a secret  of  the 
practice,  defended  it,  and  the  prohibitory  proclamations  were 
merely  formal.  Mr.  Hughes  found  as  a consequence  that  in 
those  parts  women  were  too  scarce  for  every  man  to  be  able 
to  marry,  and  that  the  state  of  family  morality  was,  in  con- 
sequence, very  low,  husbands  having  learned  to  regard  the 
irregularities  of  their  wives  as  a matter  of  course.  I have 
also  in  my  possession  an  original  proclamation  issued  ten 
years  ago  by  the  Viceroy  Pien  of  Foochow,  in  which  the  law 
of  1772  is  quoted,  and  condign  punishment  of  parents  drown- 
ing their  girls  is  threatened.  I am  now  translating  from  a 
Chinese  leading  article  which  appeared  in  the  native  papers 
of  September  last  (1897).  It  is  stated  therein  that  in  Kiang 
Si  province  female  infanticide  is  on  the  increase ; that  only 
well-to-do  families  will  rear  one  or  two  girls  ; and  that  the 
poor  will  not  even  take  the  trouble  to  carry  their  babies  to 
the  foundling  hospitals.  The  authorities  of  the  provincial 
capital,  in  issuing  prohibitory  proclamations,  explain  the 
reasons  usually  given  for  making  away  with  girls — poverty  ; 
cost  of  marrying  them  into  another  family ; anxiety  of  the 
mother  to  have  sons,  and,  by  getting  rid  of  the  girl  at  once, 
to  be  in  a condition  for  bringing  forth  and  suckling  a son  all 


China:  Past  and  Present 


392 

the  sooner.  The  proclamation  is  a very  long  one,  and  the 
prefect  uses  all  his  eloquence  in  order  to  prove  the  insufficiency 
of  the  above  three  reasons.  But  it  is  noticeable  that,  whilst 
vaguely  threatening  the  penalties  of  the  law,  he  does  not  cite 
any  particular  clause,  and  the  whole  document  has  rather  the 
ring  of  perfunctoriness  than  of  earnestness ; so  far,  at  least, 
as  any  intention  to  inflict  serious  punishment  goes. 

Kiang  Si  and  Kiang  Su  may  be  said  to  represent  the 
province  which  used  to  be  called  Kiang  Nan,  and  as  to  which 
we  have  seen  that  there  is  evidence  of  infanticide  many 
centuries  old.  Some  years  ago  I printed  two  notes  in  the 
English  papers  published  in  China,  having  special  reference 
to  Kiang  Su.  One  called  attention  to  a statement  in  the 
Peking  Gazette  to  the  effect  that  in  and  around  Yangchow — 
the  city  of  which  Marco  Polo  was  governor  for  a time — infant 
girls  are  often  thrown  into  ditches  for  dogs  and  pigs  to  eat, 
and  that  a foundling  hospital  was  being  established  there,  to 
be  supported  by  a slight  extra  tax  upon  salt.  The  other 
cited  an  official  document  emanating  from  the  Viceroy  and 
the  Governor,  jointly,  stating  to  the  Emperor  that  of  late 
years  infanticide  had  shown  a tendency  to  extend  even  to 
males,  and  announcing  that  “ there  are  now  many  hundred 
stations  where  relief  is  granted  to  lying-in  women  at  the  rate 
of  600  cash  (2s.)  a month,  for  six  months  ; or  for  six  years  if 
the  woman  is  widowed,  and  will  not  marry  again.  Clothes 
are  provided  for  the  infants,  and  500  cash  for  immediate 
accoiichement  expenses.”  Besides  the  above,  there  is  the 
testimony  of  a proclamation  issued  by  the  Shanghai  magis- 
trate in  1872,  and  published  in  the  CJiina  Review,  denouncing 
the  “abominable  practice  of  drowning  female  children.” 

There  still  remains  Cheh  Kiang,  amongst  the  provinces 
concerning  which  we  have  evidence  many  centuries  old.  A 
few  years  ago  I cut  the  following  (translated)  notice  from  a 
native  newspaper: — “A  vile  custom  which  ought  to  be  dealt 
with.  Throughout  the  prefecture  of  T‘ai-chou  Fu  (centre  of 
the  province)  from  time  to  time  the  practice  of  drowning 
girls  comes  to  light.  Of  course,  families  of  standing  do  not 
necessarily  soil  themselves  with  the  dirty  custom,  but  the 
ignorant  rustics  are  often  found  to  regard  it  as  a fixed  habit ; 
they  make  no  mystery  of  it,  and  thus  we  find  infants  cast 


Such  Good  do  Mothers 


393 


away  on  the  ground,  etc.,  etc.”  The  coast  prefecture  above 
mentioned  adjoins  that  to  which  the  city  of  Chu-ki  belongs, 
as  to  which  latter  place  we  have  as  testimony  the  language 
of  a proclamation  at  least  four  hundred  years  old.  I myself 
travelled  on  foot  hundreds  of  miles  through  this  region  in 
1883  ; but  I found  that,  except  on  the  coast,  so  much  damage 
had  been  done  by  recent  rebellions  that  large  tracts  were 
almost  deserted.  The  official  returns  make  out  that  the 
population  is  now  only  one-third  of  what  it  used  to  be,  so 
that,  naturally,  the  desire  to  get  rid  of  superfluous  children 
would  become  weaker.  In  fact,  there  is  specific  testimony 
upon  this  point,  for  ten  years  ago  the  Right  Rev.  Bishop 
Moule  wrote  : — “ The  district  of  Chu-ki  was,  up  to  the  civil 
war  of  the  Taiping  insurrection,  remarkable  for  the  prevalence 
of  infanticide.  ...  It  is  now  comparatively  unknown.” 

But  there  are  other  provinces,  besides  those  mentioned 
long  ago,  in  which  the  custom  has  grown  up  in  modern 
times.  In  1880  I drew  attention,  in  the  Hongkong  press, 
to  a proclamation  issued  by  the  district  magistrate  of  Canton, 
calling  upon  the  villages  to  establish  “six-cash  clubs”  for 
the  prevention  of  infanticide.  It  is  unnecessary  here  to  enter 
into  the  details  ; but  the  idea  seems  to  have  been  to  create  a 
sort  of  poverty  insurance  fund,  “in  order  to  afford  twenty 
months’  allowances  to  poor  women  unable  to  keep  their 
female  babies  alive.”  This  action  was  taken  in  consequence 
of  direct  commands  from  the  Emperor,  before  whose  notice 
a censor  had  brought  the  fact  that  the  drowning  of  girls  was 
increasing.  This  view  is  supported  by  the  testimony  of  a 
correspondent  of  the  China  Review , who  wrote  in  1873  to 
say  that  Mr.  George  Hughes  was  mistaken  in  supposing  that 
female  infanticide  was  only  practised  in  Canton  province  by 
emigrants  from  Fuh  Kien  and  Kiang  Si.  The  correspondent 
said,  speaking  of  the  original  inhabitants  : — “ The  fact  of  the 
crime  in  question  being  generally  and  largely  practised  has 
become  a mournful  conviction  with  me  during  the  last  six 
or  seven  years  whilst  travelling  and  temporarily  residing  in 
several  of  their  districts.”  But,  although  poverty  was  usually 
given  as  the  excuse,  he  found  that  the  peasant  women  grudged 
the  time  necessary  to  tend  children,  and  wanted  to  get  back 
to  work,  whilst  the  rich  “ say  they  do  not  want  any  more  girls.” 


394 


China:  Past  and  Present 


The  last  region  concerning  which  I have  original  evidence 
is  Huh  Peh,  and  it  is  in  the  shape  of  a proclamation  by  the 
treasurer  of  that  province.  The  official  gives  the  usual  three 
reasons,  but  endeavours  to  convince  the  people  that  “ Heaven 
will  not  be  forced  into  sending  boys,  and  the  more  you  kill 
your  girls  the  more  they  will  be  born  again.”  It  is  to  be 
noted  that  the  province  over  which  the  treasurer’s  jurisdic- 
tion extended  covers  the  area  between  Hankow  and  the 
lakes,  where  the  poet,  Su  Tung-po,  made  the  first  recorded 
discovery  of  the  existence  of  infanticide. 

Thus,  we  see  that  there  is  a practically  continuous  chain 
of  evidence,  from  the  eleventh  century  down  to  this  day, 
establishing  in  the  most  unmistakable  way  the  fact  that  the 
custom  of  drowning  female  infants  has  been  specially  notice- 
able along  the  southern  coasts  and  around  the  great  lakes  of 
China.  Yet  there  have  always  been  a number  of  persons 
ready  to  deny  the  fact.  For  instance,  Mr.  H.  A.  Giles,  then 
Vice-Consul  at  Shanghai,  wrote  in  1884: — “I  am  unable  to 
believe  that  infanticide  prevails  to  any  great  extent  in  China. 
...  I believe  it  to  be  no  more  practised  than  in  England, 
France,  the  United  States,  and  elsewhere.”  Mr.  Giles  was 
then  president  of  the  local  branch  of  the  Royal  Asiatic  Society, 
and  although  he  thus  had  the  courage  of  his  own  opinion,  yet 
he  was  quite  ready,  in  his  presidential  capacity,  to  compare  it 
with  the  experiences  of  others.  Accordingly,  all  the  more 
prominent  Europeans  and  Americans  in  China  who  were 
likely  to  have  had  the  opportunity  to  form  independent 
opinions  were  invited  to  send  them  in  to  him.  These  opinions 
were  collectively  placed  before  the  society  in  May,  1885,  and 
a discussion  followed. 

It  appeared  from  a comparison  of  experiences  that  a great 
many  persons  who  have  expressed  strong  opinions  upon 
infanticide  have  not  been  careful  to  distinguish  between  the 
deliberate  killing  of  girls,  usually  by  drowning,  and  conceal- 
ment of  birth,  or  child-exposure,  which  latter  object  is  usually 
effected  by  leaving  the  child  in  the  fork  of  a tree,  wrapped  up 
in  a mat  by  the  roadside,  etc.  Some  testifiers  accused  the 
Buddhist  soul-transmigration  doctrine  of  criminal  responsi- 
bility, in  consequence  of  the  ignorant  people  having  imbibed 
the  notion  that  the  soul  of  a dead  girl  may  be  born  again  as  a 


A Simple,  Merry , Tender  Knack  395 

boy.  Chinese  family  custom  does  not  escape  ; it  was  argued 
by  others  that,  as  a girl  ceases  to  belong  to  her  own  family 
when  married,  the  custom  which  passes  her  over  to  another 
clan  is  responsible  for  the  feeling  of  repulsion  which  each  tribe 
harbours  against  useless  creatures  who  can  never  profit  their 
own  kind.  Even  Confucianism  and  ancestral  worship  come 
in  for  a share  of  blame  ; for,  as  the  girl  can  never  perform 
the  ancestral  sacrifices,  she  is  incapable  of  repaying  the  bene- 
fits she  has  received  in  this  world  by  performing  spiritual 
services  to  her  deceased  ancestors  in  the  next.  There  was  a 
general  consensus  of  opinion  that  the  crime  was  as  rare  in 
the  north  as  it  was  common  in  the  south ; it  is  so  rare  at 
Peking,  that  one  of  the  oldest  residents,  Dr.  Dudgeon,  main- 
tained that  it  was  no  commoner  there  than  in  England : but 
Professor  Martin,  who  was,  and  still  is,  a man  of  ripe  Peking 
experience,  explained  that  the  kindred  crime  of  nipping 
unconscious  life  in  the  bud  took  the  place  in  the  metropolitan 
region  of  infanticide  properly  so-called.  Witnesses  from 
South  Fuh  Kien  attested  to  the  fact  that  a sort  of  polyandry 
prevailed  there,  in  consequence  of  the  great  scarcity  of  women. 
This  testimony  confirms  what  has  already  been  stated  con- 
cerning the  Zaitun  tract  of  country.  The  Ven.  Archdeacon 
Moule  gave  an  account  of  his  experiences  in  North  Cheh 
Kiang,  including  the  parts  around  Ningpo.  He  had  travelled 
about  during  the  years  immediately  succeeding  the  rebellion, 
and  he  came  to  the  conclusion  that  the  practice  was  neither 
widely  spread  nor  normal,  besides  being  on  the  decrease. 
During  the  distress  and  misery  which  accompanied  the 
Taiping  rebellion,  the  crime  was  of  frequent  occurrence,  and 
the  archdeacon  himself  knew  several  families  with  the  guilt 
upon  their  heads.  As  for  the  southern  parts  of  Cheh  Kiang, 
Dr.  Macgowan  estimated  that  40  per  cent,  of  the  female 
infants  were  destroyed  in  the  district  nearest  the  Fuh  Kien 
frontier.  Mr.  Cooper,  Consul  for  Ningpo,  said  that  his  wife’s 
own  nurse,  who  was  an  admirable  servant,  admitted  having 
killed  three  of  her  infants  by  stuffing  their  mouths  and  nostrils 
with  cotton  tinder,  besides  having  assisted  to  kill  other 
women’s  girls.  From  Mr.  Cooper’s  account,  this  nurse  would 
seem  to  have  been  a Swatow  woman  ; but,  both  near  Ningpo 
and  Swatow,  he  was  told  that  the  excess  of  males  over  females 


China:  Past  and  Present 


396 

was  due  to  the  prevalence  of  infanticide.  Forty  women 
examined  by  Miss  Fielde  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Swatow 
admitted  having  killed  seventy-eight  daughters.  Swatow, 
again,  is  in  the  region  of  Canton  province,  bordering  on  Fuh 
Kien  : in  fact,  it  is  from  that  last-named  province,  and  the 
neighbouring  parts  of  Kiang  Si,  Kwang  Tung,  and  Cheh 
Kiang  bordering  on  it,  that,  with  the  single  exception  of  Hu 
Peh,  all  the  evidence  of  infanticide  proceeds.  It  is  also  from 
Fuh  Kien  par  excellence  that  most  of  the  emigration  proceeds  ; 
indeed,  it  is  from  that  province  and  the  neighbouring  parts  of 
Canton  that  nearly  all  emigration  to  foreign  countries  takes 
place  : the  exception  is  the  Shan  Tung  emigration  to  Russia 
and  Corea.  It  is  also  the  province  of  Fuh  Kien  which  has 
the  worst  reputation  for  certain  aggravated  forms  of  immor- 
ality. Hence  it  seems  safe  to  conclude  that  the  deeply-rooted 
practice  of  infanticide  in  that  part  of  the  empire  works  many 
attendant  evils.  On  the  other  hand,  we  must  not  forget  that 
Fuh  Kien  was  always  the  chief  maritime  province,  from  which 
emigration  also  proceeded  many  centuries  ago.  It  is  always 
possible,  moreover,  that  the  emigration  of  males  and  the  influx 
of  Arabs,  Hindus,  and  other  traders  may  have  been  an 
element  in  favouring  the  development  of  female  infanticide. 

The  testimony  of  the  missionaries  acquainted  with  North 
China  is  in  favour  of  comparative  rarity,  not  only  in  Peking 
and  the  Chih  Li  province,  but  also  in  the  neighbouring  ones 
of  Shan  Tung  and  Manchuria.  I have  never  heard  of  infanti- 
cide amongst  the  Mongols  ; nor,  in  the  early  histories  of  Corea, 
the  Manchus,  Turks,  Japanese,  or  Tibetans,  have  I ever  come 
across  the  faintest  allusion  to  such  a practice.  Tartar  blood 
runs  freely  in  the  veins  of  the  North  China  populations,  the 
whole  of  that  region  having  repeatedly  remained  for  long 
periods  under  Tartar  rule,  besides  having  been  frequently 
overrun  by  various  northern  races.  Perhaps  it  is  reasonable 
to  conclude  that  the  influence  of  nations  not  given  to  the 
practice  has  had  an  effect  upon  the  Chinese  living  alongside 
of  them,  and  has  stayed  any  budding  tendency  to  female 
infanticide.  In  the  western  province  of  Sz  Ch’wan,  I myself 
made  inquiry,  but  I found  that  the  practice  was  rare.  Yet, 
during  my  wanderings  there,  I noticed  one  proclamation 
against  it.  This  was  in  1881,  and  was  probably  in  consequence 


Most  Sacrilegious  Murder  397 

of  the  circular  orders  issued  by  the  Emperor  about  that  time, 
to  which  allusion  has  already  been  made.  The  reason  in- 
fanticide is  so  rare  in  Sz  Ch’wan  is  that  there  is  a large  export 
of  women  to  Shen  Si,  which  last  province  has  recently  been 
devastated  by  Mussulman  rebellions.  There  was  also  a heavy 
export  to  Shanghai,  and  I found  that  the  native  customs 
officials,  with  the  connivance  of  the  police,  used  to  charge  an 
export  likin  of  about  2s.  a female.  The  gentlemen  whose 
testimony  was  laid  before  the  Asiatic  Society  confirm  this 
view  of  things  for  other  parts  of  China.  Thus,  Dr.  Macgowan 
testifies  to  a brisk  export  of  girls  from  Wenchow  to  Shanghai, 
prices  having  risen  from  io  dols.  and  20  dols.  to  60  dols.  and 
even  200  dols.  per  head ; consequently  infanticide  in  the 
adjoining  country  had  become  less  frequent. 

The  evidence  laid  before  the  Shanghai  society  brought 
out  the  undoubted  fact  that  of  late  years  infanticide  has 
tended  to  include  boys  ; also,  that  the  family  council  often 
had  as  much  to  say  in  the  matter  as  the  parents  of  the  child  ; 
again,  that  the  midwives  were  usually  either  themselves  the 
guilty  parties,  or  they  were  the  prompters  of,  or  connivers  at 
guilt.  The  evidence  also  brought  in  An  Huei  province,  which 
forms  the  remainder  of  the  old  Kiang  Nan.  The  total  net 
result,  then,  which  we  now  submit  to  our  readers,  is  this  : 
Infanticide  (female)  has  prevailed  for  800  years  in  Fuh  Kien, 
and  the  parts  of  other  provinces  bordering  on  Fuh  Kien.  No 
serious  steps  have  ever  been  taken  to  stop  it,  nor  have  the 
laws  made  to  that  end  ever  been  put  into  real  force. 


CHAPTER  III 

CHINESE  SLAVERY 

ACCORDING  to  the  oldest  Chinese  definitions,  slaves  were 
originally  either  criminals  or  captives  ; or,  according  to  one 
good  authority,  criminals,  and  therefore  official  captives.  In 
B.C.  202  the  Emperor  ordered  that  all  persons  who  (during 


China:  Past  and  Present 


398 

the  great  revolution)  had  sold  themselves  into  slavery  to 
escape  starvation  should  be  emancipated.  A sort  of  free 
serfage,  with  liberty  to  emigrate  from  the  Imperial  to  the 
vassal  estates,  and  with  liability  to  serve  the  public  by  a fixed 
amount  of  labour  in  each  case,  seems  to  have  been  in  vogue 
between  3000  and  2000  years  back.  It  was  not  until  the  rise 
of  the  true  Imperial  system  2000  years  ago  that  free  men 
drifted  into  a state  of  serfdom  ; and  during  the  great  wars 
with  the  Hiung-nu  ( i.e . the  ancestors  of  the  Turks),  when  the 
treasuries  were  depleted,  inducements  were  offered  to  the 
people  to  contribute  slaves,  instead  of  money,  for  frontier 
defence.  In  B.C.  160  all  Government  slaves  were  emanci- 
pated ; but  in  B.C.  144  mention  is  still  made  of  30,000  slaves 
in  charge  of  the  300,000  horses  in  the  breeding-grounds  of 
the  north.  On  the  other  hand,  in  B.C.  140  the  families  of 
captives  taken  during  a recent  rebellion  were  sent  back  to 
their  homes  when  peace  was  declared.  It  appears  from 
casual  statements  in  history  that  private  families  at  this  time 
owned  hundreds,  and  even  thousands,  of  slaves,  often  em- 
ployed in  crafts  and  industries.  In  B.C.  13  a decree  inveighed 
against  luxury  and  excessive  showiness  in  the  numbers  of 
slaves  employed  by  the  rich.  About  A.D.  1 the  Emperor  had 
to  limit  the  number  of  slaves  which  a great  dignitary  might 
own.  A few  years  later,  the  founder  of  the  Second  Han 
dynasty,  by  special  edict,  freed  many  private  slaves,  and 
declared  that  every  girl  sold  as  a wife  should  be  free.  He 
totally  prohibited  the  killing  or  branding  of  slaves,  who  were, 
however,  still  unable  to  employ  the  produce  of  their  labour  to 
purchase  freedom  withal.  Male  and  female  slaves  made 
under  new  laws  during  the  Wang  Mang  usurpation  were 
emancipated.  Owners  who  branded  slaves  were  punished, 
and,  besides,  such  branded  slaves  were  emancipated.  Slaves 
taken  captive  during  the  south-western  wars  of  30-38  were 
sent  back  to  their  homes. 

The  Chinese  Wei  dynasty  which  succeeded  the  Second 
Han  prohibited  the  sale  in  the  market  of  Government  slaves 
who  were  worn  out,  or  over  seventy  years  of  age  : they  were 
emancipated,  and,  if  indigent,  fed  by  the  magistrates.  In  303 
the  Tsin  dynasty  which  succeeded  the  Wei  on  one  occasion 
impounded  the  slaves  of  princes  and  dukes  in  order  to  secure 


The  Slave  s Broken  Chain 


399 


corn-grinders  for  the  troops.  In  459  the  Sung  dynasty 
gave  all  the  girls  captured  at  a besieged  town  to  the  soldiers. 
The  Tartar  dynasties  of  the  fourth  to  sixth  centuries,  which 
ruled  in  the  north  whilst  the  Sung  and  other  houses  reigned 
at  Nanking,  had  all  their  agricultural  work  done  by  slaves ; 
eight  were  allowed  to  each  married  pair,  and  four  to  each 
bachelor ; ten  oxen  counted  as  eight  slaves,  and  lands  were 
divided  into  ox-lands  and  slave-lands.  But  even  these 
Tartars  possessed  bowels  of  compassion,  for  in  485  a decree 
ordered  that  “ free  beggars,”  as  other  persons  who  from 
hunger  had  sold  themselves  into  slavery,  should  be  sent 
home  ; and,  even  if  the  slave  women  married  in  their  masters’ 
families,  they  should  be  free  to  elect  to  go  home.  In  493  the 
same  Tartar  Wei  dynasty  prohibited  marriages  between  serfs 
and  free  men  ; but  serfs  possessing  education  were  allowed  to 
enter  the  public  service.  In  494,  after  a war  with  the  southern 
dynasty  of  Chinese  Ts‘i,  all  captives  taken  in  battle  were 
sent  back  to  the  south.  In  497  criminals  sentenced  to  banish- 
ment were  allowed  to  join  the  ranks  as  “ forlorn  hopes,”  in 
order  by  a display  of  bravery  to  fairly  recover  their  freedom. 
In  545  the  Tartar  Ts‘i  dynasty  provided  their  male  captives 
of  war  with  “ honest  widows.” 

In  518  the  southern  dynasty  of  Liang  emancipated  all 
male  slaves  over  sixty  and  all  females  over  fifty.  In  543, 
during  palace  commotions,  thirty  rich  families  were  ordered 
to  supply  one  slave  each  to  the  Emperor.  In  549  a number 
of  northern  captives,  with  their  wives  and  families,  were  again 
sent  back.  In  555,  during  a period  of  anarchy,  many  thousands 
of  honest  peasants  were  driven  in  to  one  of  the  contested 
capitals  as  slaves.  In  565  the  Ch’en  dynasty,  which  succeeded 
the  Liang  house  in  the  south,  sent  back  to  their  homes  all  the 
northern  captives  taken  in  war. 

Thus  it  will  be  seen  that  during  the  contests  between 
Chinese  and  Tartar,  both  sides  were  merciful.  Towards  the 
end  of  the  eighth  century,  when  a Chinese  dynasty  once  more 
occupied  the  sole  throne,  the  Emperor,  whose  policy  it  was  to 
discourage  enormous  private  estates,  put  a stop  to  the  annual 
supplies  of  male  and  female  slaves  sent  as  tribute  or  tax 
from  the  provinces ; his  motive  was  also  sympathy  with 
human  suffering.  Notwithstanding  this,  the  slave  market 


400 


China : Past  and  Present 


remained  open  to  private  individuals,  and  free  men  were 
bought  and  sold  as  slaves  all  over  the  Empire,  and,  indeed, 
had  been  so  without  break  for  at  least  a thousand  years. 
Then  came  another  period  of  Tartar  domination.  During 
the  Ming  dynasty,  which  succeeded  the  Mongols,  the  custom 
of  accumulating  large  numbers  of  slaves  in  private  families 
once  more  received  an  impetus,  and  it  became  the  fashion  for 
rich  persons  to  vie  with  each  other  in  showing  off  their  smart 
human  cattle.  The  Manchu  dynasty  imposed  limitations 
upon  this,  and  subjected  the  purchase  of  men  and  women  to 
the  control  of  the  law.  The  bondage  and  serfage  which 
already  formed  part  of  the  private  Manchu  military  system 
developed,  in  unison  with  the  Chinese  slave  trade,  into  a kind 
of  patron  and  client  relationship,  and  the  early  Emperors 
found  it  necessary  to  issue  frequent  edicts  upon  the  subject. 
Manchu  clients  showed  a tendency  to  ignore  the  Chinese 
territorial  rulers,  and  to  take  refuge  under  the  arm  of  their 
patrons.  Chinese  slaves,  and  even  rich  merchants  and  free  men, 
observing  the  advantages  of  having  a private  protector,  were 
often  only  too  willing  to  give  or  sell  themselves  into  a condition 
of  serfage  or  slavery  ; so  that  for  some  time  clients,  serfs,  and 
slaves  seem  to  have  been  more  or  less  confused  together.  But 
the  Manchu  codified  statutes  have  always  made  a distinction 
between  master  and  slave  in  the  eyes  of  the  law,  for  offences 
by  persons  in  bondage  are  visited  by  a penalty  one  degree 
heavier  than  if  committed  by  a free  person.  The  law  does 
not  prevent  all  parents  from  selling  their  children,  but  at  the 
same  time  it  distinguishes  between  selling  a free  man,  a freed 
man,  and  a person  born  in  slavery ; it  also  takes  cognizance 
of  the  purpose  for  which  the  person  is  sold,  and  extends  a 
certain  amount  of  protection  by  providing  a punishment  for 
masters  who  beat  their  slaves  to  death.  In  the  year  1731  the 
Emperor  Yung-cheng  explicitly  recognized,  without,  however, 
approving,  the  right  of  poor  persons  to  sell  their  offspring. 
The  Emperor  K‘ien-lung  was  even  more  explicit  in  1788.  In 
1726  it  was  found  that  Chinese  slaves  were  beginning  to 
grow  too  impudent,  and  the  Emperor  K‘ang-hi  expressly 
ordained  that  their  owners  should  be  placed  on  the  same 
footing  with  regard  to  compulsory  powers  as  that  existing 
under  the  Manchu  system  between  lord  and  bondsman.  The 


401 


Man's  Inhumanity  to  Man 

inquiry  instituted  at  this  time  led  to  the  discovery  of  various 
obscure  serfage  customs  in  different  parts  of  the  Empire, 
and  steps  were  taken  to  assimilate  these  customary  serfs  to 
free  Chinese. 

To  go  back  once  more  to  ancient  times,  and  trace  the 
origin  and  progress  of  slavery  in  China : — it  seems  that  private 
persons  were  served  by  personal  contract,  and  were  at  first 
not  allowed  to  possess  slaves.  The  offspring  of  public  slaves 
recruited  the  lictor  or  police  class,  whilst  the  females  washed 
clothes  and  hulled  the  rice  ; even  the  servi  poenae,  or  public 
slaves,  might  not  be  either  persons  over  seventy  years  of  age, 
or  children.  This  was  the  general  rule,  and  evidently  refers  to 
the  Wei  decree  of  246  cited  above ; but  the  vassal  or  feudal 
States  all  had  their  local  laws  and  customs,  under  which  the 
dependent  classes  may  have  suffered  in  a way  unrecorded  by 
Imperial  history.  The  old  feudal  system  was  broken  up 
2100  years  ago  by  the  celebrated  “First  Emperor,”  whose 
house,  like  the  family  of  nominal  kings  or  emperors  he  broke 
up,  also  came  from  the  semi-barbarous  western  frontiers. 
Even  under  the  rule  of  this  dynasty,  the  sons  of  convict 
slaves  were  declared  free.  It  was  in  B.C.  204,  after  the 
devastating  wars  which  succeeded  the  death  of  this  great 
innovator  and  his  feeble  successor,  that  the  founder  of  the 
true  Chinese  Imperial  system,  as  it  still  exists  (with  modifica- 
tions in  detail),  explicitly  allowed  destitute  persons  to  relieve 
their  misery  by  selling  their  children.  As  we  have  seen,  in 
B.C.  202  a change  was  made.  But,  as  a rule,  the  stock  of 
slaves  was  recruited  from  the  criminal  classes,  or  from  prisoners 
of  war.  For  instance,  in  B.C.  154,  seven  provinces  or  feudal 
sub-kingdoms  revolted,  and  their  whole  populations  were 
condemned  to  be  slaves  of  the  State ; though  the  next 
Emperor,  as  already  mentioned,  pardoned  them  in  B.C.  140, 
and  deprived  private  owners  of  the  right  of  killing  their 
slaves  without  good  reason.  Fifty  years  later  an  Emperor, 
in  setting  free  more  slaves,  expressly  declared  that  the 
magistrates  had  no  power  to  interfere  with  private  slaves. 
The  Imperial  farms  and  parks  employed  as  many  as  a quarter 
of  a million  of  slaves,  and  these  State  slaves  are  mentioned 
again  in  the  first  and  sixth  centuries  of  our  era.  During  the 
first  century,  revolted  provinces  whose  populations  had  again 

2 D 


402 


China:  Past  and  Present 


incurred  the  penalty  of  slavery  were  enfranchised  in  order 
that  they  might  till  waste  lands. 

From  the  second  to  the  fourth  centuries  of  our  era  it 
became  a custom  for  cultivators  to  place  themselves  under 
powerful  personages  for  the  sake  of  protection,  like  the 
adscriptitii  of  Rome  ; the  lord  was  assessed  for  them  by  the 
poll.  The  dynasty  which  reigned  during  the  seventh,  eighth, 
and  ninth  centuries  freed  large  numbers  of  Government  slaves, 
and  distributed  them  over  the  western  and  central  provinces  ; 
but  private  families  at  that  time  still  continued  to  own  con- 
siderable bodies  of  cultivators.  A slave  who  should  accuse 
his  master  of  a crime  was  at  once  executed,  and  his  evidence 
was  ignored.  Emancipation  by  Imperial  authority  against 
the  will  of  ithe  private  owner  ceases  to  be  heard  of.  But 
masters  could,  by  mere  note  of  hand,  set  free  their  slaves, 
who,  in  any  case,  received  liberty  on  attaining  the  age  of 
seventy.  In  821  and  823  there  were  decrees  forbidding  the 
purchase  of  Corean  slaves  captured  by  pirates,  and  those 
already  in  China  were  sent  back.  From  the  tenth  century 
until  the  close  of  the  Sung  dynasty  and  the  accession  of  the 
Mongols,  private  owners’  rights  remained  much  as  before,  but 
Government  slavery  seems  to  have  drifted  back  to  its  original 
condition  ; we  find  transported  criminals,  but  no  mention  of 
Government  slaves  or  farm  serfs.  It  was  the  policy  of  the 
Sung  dynasty  to  reduce  the  number  of  slaves  in  the  house- 
holds of  the  rich.  The  personal  property  of  Mongols  is 
occasionally  stated  to  have  included  captives  spared  in  war, 
and  the  Mongol  Emperors  in  several  instances  enfranchised 
literary  men.  Droves  of  prisoners  of  war  were  sent  to  the 
capital  of  the  purely  Chinese  dynasty  which  succeeded  the 
Mongols,  and  their  offspring  became  slaves  in  perpetuity. 
By  degrees  these  slaves  passed  from  hand  to  hand  by  deed  of 
sale,  upon  which  a tax  was  levied ; and,  in  order  to  put  a 
stop  to  the  practice  of  kidnapping,  a law  was  passed  making 
it  illegal  to  treat  free  men  as  prisoners  of  war.  From  ancient 
times  till  now  there  have  also  been  personal  slaves  or  serfs 
given  away  as  part  of  the  dowry  of  princesses.  Maidens  of 
this  class  are  mentioned  in  the  oldest  Chinese  books,  and 
onwards,  throughout  the  wars,  treaties,  and  intermarriages 
with  foreign  ruling  families,  right  up  to  the  time  of  the 


Rude  Remedy  for  Sore  Disease  403 

Manchu  conquest.  Slaves  were  obliged,  however,  to  inter- 
marry amongst  themselves,  and,  though  the  males  of  free 
families  were  allowed  to  marry  female  slaves  if  they  really 
wished,  as  a general  rule  the  Ming  statutes  forbade  such 
unions,  and  certainly  those  between  free  females  and  male 
slaves.  A slave’s  peculiwn  or  private  property  belonged  to 
his  master  in  law,  but  public  opinion  was  against  arbitrary 
confiscation,  and  rich  slaves  were  usually  able  to  make 
independent  use  of  their  wealth  by  purchasing  emancipation 
from  their  owners. 

Under  the  Manchus  the  old  idea  of  Government  slavery 
has  almost  disappeared,  at  least  in  name  ; but  in  effect  the 
punishment  of  banishment,  when  coupled  with  the  obligation 
to  work  under  Government  officers,  is  practically  the  same. 
In  the  case  of  the  traitors,  the  families  are  reduced  to  slavery 
and  “given  to  the  Manchu  soldiery.”  The  eunuch  class  is 
partly  recruited  from  the  young  sons  of  arch-traitors,  as,  for 
instance,  the  sons  of  Yakub  Beg.  During  the  early  wars  of 
the  reigning  dynasty,  frequent  mention  is  made  of  captives  of 
war.  At  first  each  Manchu  soldier  seems  to  have  had  his 
share  of  human  plunder ; but  as  the  new  family  gradually 
settled  down  upon  the  throne,  the  subject  race  regained  its 
self-respect,  and  wriggled  out  of  its  inferior  position.  Now 
such  prisoners  of  war  are  rarely  met  with  except  on  the 
frontiers  of  Tibet.  Criminals  are  sometimes  sent  to  “ Mussul- 
mans on  the  frontier  capable  of  keeping  a hold  on  them.” 
As  already  stated,  many  Chinese  give  up  their  liberty  for 
protection  ; but  already,  in  1645,  we  find  the  first  Emperor 
ordaining  that  “ Chinese  were  not  to  be  terrorized  into  be- 
coming slaves  ; ” and,  as  to  criminals,  a tendency  showed  itself 
to  free  the  innocent  families  from  taint,  except  in  cases  of 
treason  and  violent  robbery.  In  1652  the  profession  of 
“slave-trader”  was  made  illegal,  as  it  was  found  that,  not 
only  free  Chinese,  but  even  Manchu  women  were  being  kid- 
napped. And  so  on  until  at  last  it  was  necessary  to  put  a 
stop  altogether  to  the  Chinese  practice  of  becoming  a client 
attached  as  a kind  of  serf  to  the  Manchu  banners.  In  1651 
regulations  were  made  providing  that  prisoners  of  war  owned 
by  the  Manchus  should  be  allowed  to  visit  their  friends 
occasionally,  and,  generally,  a tendency  was  shown  to  soften 


404 


China : Past  and  Present 


the  lot  of  both  Manchu  and  Chinese  bondsmen.  In  1727  the 
to-min  or  “idle  people  ” of  Cheh  Kiang  province  (a  Ningpo 
name  still  existing),  the  yoh-hu  or  “ music  people  ” of  Shan  Si 
province,  the  si-min  or  “ small  people  ” of  Kiang  Su  province, 
and  the  tan-ka  or  “ egg-people  ” of  Canton  (to  this  day  the 
boat  population  there),  were  all  freed  from  their  social  dis- 
abilities, and  allowed  to  count  as  free  men.  So  far  as  my  own 
observations  go,  after  residing  for  a quarter  of  a century  in 
half  the  provinces  of  China,  north,  south,  east,  and  west,  I 
should  be  inclined  to  describe  slavery  in  China  as  totally 
invisible  to  the  naked  eye  ; personal  liberty  is  absolute  where 
feebleness  or  ignorance  do  not  expose  the  subject  to  the 
rapacity  of  mandarins,  relatives,  or  speculators.  Even  savages 
and  foreigners  are  welcomed  as  equals,  so  long  as  they  conform 
unreservedly  to  Chinese  custom.  On  the  other  hand,  the  old- 
fashioned  social  disabilities  of  policemen,  barbers,  and  play- 
actors still  exist  in  the  eyes  of  the  law,  though  any  idea  of 
caste  is  totally  absent  therefrom,  and  “unofficially”  these 
individuals  are  as  good  as  any  other  free  men. 

Having  now  taken  a cursory  view  of  Chinese  slavery  from 
its  historical  aspect,  let  us  see  what  it  is  in  practice.  Though 
the  penal  code  forbids  and  annuls  the  sale  into  slavery  of  free 
persons,  even  by  a husband,  father,  or  grandfather,  yet  the 
number  of  free  persons  who  are  sold  or  sell  themselves  to 
escape  starvation  and  misery  is  considerable.  It  is  nominally 
a punishable  offence  to  keep  a free  man  or  lost  child  as  a 
slave  ; also  for  parents  to  sell  their  children  without  the  con- 
sent of  the  latter,  or  to  drown  their  girls  ; but  in  practice  the 
law  is  in  both  cases  ignored,  and  scarcely  ever  enforced  ; d 
fortiori  the  minor  offence  of  selling  children,  even  with  their 
consent.  Indeed,  sales  of  girls  for  secondary  wives  is  of  daily 
occurrence,  and,  as  we  have  seen,  the  Emperors  Yung-ch£ng 
and  K‘ien-lung  explicitly  recognized  the  right  of  parents  to 
sell  children  in  times  of  famine,  whilst  the  missionaries  unani- 
mously bear  witness  to  the  fact  that  the  public  sale  of  children 
in  the  streets — for  instance,  of  Tientsin — was  frequently 
witnessed  during  recent  times  of  dearth.  But  slave  markets 
and  public  sales  are  unknown  in  a general  way.  Occasionally 
old  parents  sell  their  children  in  order  to  purchase  coffins  for 
themselves.  Only  a few  years  ago  a governor  and  a censor 


Clieus  et  Fctmiliaris 


405 

were  both  punished  by  the  Emperor,  not  for  purchasing  con- 
cubines, but  for  “ purchasing  them  in  the  wrong  province,”  i.e. 
where  they  were  employed  officially.  The  slave  is  the  abso- 
lute property  of,  and  may  be  sold  at  any  age  by,  the  owner. 
The  deed  of  sale  much  resembles  that  used  in  transferring 
houses.  It  begins  with  a declaration  of  reasons ; states  (in 
the  case  of  parents)  that  the  family  council  does  not  object, 
and  that  no  member  desires  to  adopt  the  subject ; engages  a 
middleman  and  witnesses  ; covenants  for  title  {i.e.  that  the 
man  or  woman  is  not  already  in  pawn) ; and  undertakes  not 
to  make  trouble  or  to  repent  in  future.  Occasionally  there  is 
a stipulation  that  no  inquiry  will  be  made  if  the  master  kills 
the  slave  in  the  course  of  merited  chastisement.  This  is,  of 
course,  in  order  to  avoid  running  against  the  law  prohibiting 
the  deliberate  maiming  or  slaying  of  slaves  ; and  it  must  be 
remembered,  in  explanation  of  the  fact  that  some  laws  are 
in  practice  ignored,  that  no  crime  except  treason  is,  as  a rule, 
taken  notice  of  by  Chinese  authority  unless  the  families  inter- 
ested apply  by  petition.  Thus,  the  slave’s  family  may,  unless 
they  sign  their  rights  away,  ledge  a ccmplaint  ; but  a slave 
cannot  sue  or  accuse  his  master — indeed,  it  is  punishable  to 
do  so. 

Anciently,  a slave  always  took  his  master’s  family  name, 
and,  to  a certain  extent,  this  rule  still  prevails ; but,  at  least 
in  some  parts  of  China,  modern  slaves  continue  to  use  their 
own.  If  the  master  does  not  object,  the  slave  may  marry, 
whether  it  be  a female  slave  of  the  same  master,  or  a slave 
purchased  by  the  master  for  the  purpose.  Custom  varies  as 
to  whether  the  master  or  the  slave’s  father  manages  the 
marriage ; it  depends  in  practice  on  who  provides  the  money. 
It  is  punishable  in  the  master  or  others  to  obtain  a free  wife 
for  the  slave  by  representing  him  as  free  ; and  the  slave  is 
punishable  if  he  marries  a free  girl  : moreover,  the  marriage 
is  void.  The  slave  wife  marries  on  foot,  and  receives  no 
musical  escort,  sedan-chair,  or  other  confarreaiio  honours. 
Slaves  are  subject  to  the  same  prohibitions  as  free  men  as  to 
incestuous  marriages,  and  they  have  the  same  ancestral  duties 
to  perform.  A female  slave  who  has  a child  by  her  master 
becomes  ipso  facto  a wife  of  the  subordinate  class  ; in  fact, 
most  secondary  wives  in  China  are  purchased,  and  therefore, 


China:  Past  and  Present 


406 

unless  originally  purchased  in  order  to  be  a wife,  they  are 
slaves.  Even  Europeans  purchase  and  occasionally  formally 
marry  them,  but  of  course  at  once  grant  them  their  liberty,  as 
no  European  Government  recognizes  any  right  in  slave  pro- 
perty. In  China  it  is  not  at  all  unusual  for  officials  to  buy  a 
secondary  wife  of  immoral  antecedents,  the  first  wife  usually 
remaining  at  home  ; for  a civil  official  cannot  serve  in  his  own 
province.  The  husband  is  responsible  for  such  a woman’s 
debts,  and  if  he  cannot  or  will  not  pay,  the  law  will  decree 
that  he  must  sell  her  in  satisfaction.  In  China  it  is  always 
possible  for  an  erring  woman  to  regain  her  position  as  an 
“ honest  female.” 

The  slave’s  wife  cannot  be  separated  from  him,  whether 
he  remains  with  or  is  sold  by  his  master ; but  the  offspring,  if 
fed  at  the  owner’s  expense,  belong  to  the  master  and  his  heirs, 
and  may  be  sold  or  separated  without  consulting  the  slave 
parents.  Play-actors  and  unfortunates  are  recruited  from  this 
class,  as  free  persons  may  not  be  sold  to  such  uses ; this  last 
ordinance  dates  from  Kublai  Khan,  and  seems  to  have  con- 
tinued through  the  Ming  dynasty.  The  slave  father  may  sell 
his  own  offspring  if  he  feeds  them.  If  the  master  or  any  free 
man  misconducts  himself  with  the  slave’s  wife,  he  is  punish- 
able in  a less  degree  than  if  both  parties  were  free,  or  both 
slaves  ; on  the  other  hand,  a slave  misconducting  himself  with 
a free  woman  is  (apart  from  any  punishment,  even  death,  the 
master  may  choose  to  inflict,  which,  if  in  anger,  is  usually  not 
visited  with  punishment)  one  degree  more  liable  than  a free 
man  before  the  law ; but  the  law  itself  visits  with  death  or 
banishment,  according  to  relationship,  offences  with  the 
master’s  female  relatives.  Even  a free  man  may  be  killed 
with  impunity  if  taken  in  the  act  of  adultery,  and  if  the 
woman  is  killed  at  the  same  time ; the  idea  being  that,  unless 
both  are  killed,  there  is  suspicion  of  collusion.  The  law  does 
not  protect  unmarried  female  slaves  by  placing  any  limit  of 
age  upon  a master’s  inclinations,  but  the  girl’s  consent  is 
required. 

As  a rule,  full-grown  male  slaves  are  rare,  and  in  any  case 
only  owned  by  Government  officers,  nobles,  or  opulent  land- 
owners,  who  buy  them  when  boys.  Male  slaves  are  both 
younger  and  fewer  now  than  they  ever  were  before  in  China, 


How  happy  / could  be  with  eithev  407 

nor  is  there  any  external  mark  by  which  they  may  be  dis- 
tinguished. There  is  no  such  a thing  in  China  as  driving 
slaves  as  they  used  to  do  in  America ; the  work  is  usually 
light  field  or  household  labour,  personal  attendance,  or  assist- 
ance in  performing  the  master’s  ancestral  duties.  Fuh  Kien 
merchants,  engaged  in  the  Tonquin  or  Siamese  trade,  buy 
boys  to  breed  up  as  “ sons,”  as  they  do  not  like  to  send  their 
own  children  away  so  far.  I have  met  many  such  in  Burma. 
Most  slaves  are  females,  and,  if  sold  as  secondary  wives,  or  if, 
being  handmaids,  they  give  birth  to  children  belonging  to 
their  master,  are  practically  free  so  long  as  they  behave  them- 
selves decently.  An  inferior  wife-mother,  though  dependent 
on  the  first  wife,  is  entitled  to  good  treatment  so  long  as  she 
remains  a widow  ; and  she  can  always  defend  the  rights  of  her 
own  children,  though  such  children  in  law  belong  to  the  first 
wife.  In  any  case  she  ranks,  from  the  first,  above  a mere 
handmaid  or  female  slave,  though  she  is  married  without 
much  more  formality ; the  husband  can  only  dismiss  her  for 
certain  specified  reasons,  though  in  practice  inferior  wives  are 
often  bandied  about  and  sold.  It  is  only  the  rich  who  can 
afford  inferior  wives  ; among  the  poor  the  only  wife  is,  or  may 
be,  bandied  about  in  the  same  way,  especially  if  she  consents. 
The  secondary  wife  is  liable  to  one  degree  less  penalty  than 
the  first  wife  for  a number  of  classified  offences  ; but  both  of 
them  are  completely  under  the  husband’s  thumb ; may  not 
complain  of  castigation  unless  it  is  very  serious  ; may  not 
separate  from  him  unless  he  consents ; and  the  secondary 
wife  is  also  often  a mere  slave  of  the  first.  In  Canton,  at 
least,  even  a slave  girl  who  remains  unmarried  with  her 
widowed  mistress  until  the  latter’s  death  inherits  part  of  the 
property ; if  she  marries,  the  mistress  must  provide  the 
trousseau.  So  far  as  my  observations  and  inquiries  go,  their 
“ Mormon  ” system  works  peaceably  in  the  majority  of  cases. 

Kidnapping  is  very  common  in  China,  especially  in  times 
of  trouble  ; or  girls  are  beguiled  from  their  parents  by  dealers 
on  the  pretext  of  finding  work  or  husbands  for  them.  The 
worst  fate  often  awaits  these  children,  but  many  such  are 
comfortably  brought  up  and  educated  at  Macao  by  “ mothers,” 
who  either  sell  them  or  let  their  services  out  on  hire.  These 
girls  have  much  liberty,  and  frequently  develop  high  friendship 


China : Past  and  Present 


408 

for  their  fellows,  and  even  for  their  “ mother,”  who  allows 
them  to  purchase  liberty  by  instalments  on  easy  terms.  A 
very  large  number  of  them  are  united  in  marriage,  sometimes 
of  a formal,  oftener  of  a less  formal  type,  to  Europeans  and 
Americans,  especially  those  of  the  seafaring  classes.  About 
twelve  years  ago  the  Governor  of  Formosa  reported  that 
seventy  per  cent,  of  the  Chinese  girls  there  were  bought  from 
and  sold  to  each  other  by  the  mothers,  each  one  of  whom  was 
thus  technically  free  of  the  crime  of  devoting  her  own  off- 
spring to  an  immoral  life.  The  Viceroy  of  Sz  Ch’wan  also 
officially  reported  to  the  Emperor  a few  years  ago  the  whole- 
sale export  of  girls  from  his  province  to  Shanghai  and  the 
coast.  His  statements  were  confirmed  by  the  Governor  of 
Hu  Peh  province. 

I have  often  cross-examined  Chinese  slaves  of  both  sexes  ; 
the  following  typical  case  will  illustrate  the  quality  of  modern 
Chinese  slavery  : — 

“ I belonged  to  an  old  and  well-to-do  family  of  cultivators  on  the 
coast.  During  the  rebellion  of  1854  the  Taipings  came,  and  we  all  took 
to  the  mountains.  My  mother  was  so  exhausted  that  she  died,  and  I 
was  sold  by  some  one  to  a man  for  two  dollars  ; he  took  me  somewhere 
in  a boat,  and  another  man  sold  me  to  ‘mother’  for  twenty  dollars.  I 
lived  twelve  years  at  Macao,  and  my  ‘mother’  owned  two  junks  ; her  son 
wanted  to  have  me  as  a secondary  wife,  but  I preferred  to  live  in  a foreign 
house.  I have  never  heard  anything  since  of  my  family  or  native  village, 
and  have  long  since  forgotten  the  local  dialect.  The  man  who  took  me 
on  hire  failed  some  months  afterwards,  but  my  ‘ mother  ’ allowed  me  to 
select  a second  husband  for  myself ; he  was  also  on  the  hire  system, 
but  I managed  to  save  enough  to  buy  my  ‘mother’  out  for  three  hundred 
dollars,  and  now  I have  had  an  offer  of  real  marriage  from  an  English 
engineer.” 

In  the  province  of  Kiang  Si  the  old  custom  of  wife- 
pawning still  exists,  although  a thousand  years  have  elapsed 
since  it  was  prohibited  by  law.  A few  years  ago  a case  was 
recorded  where  a wife  was  pawned  for  the  winter  for  thirty 
dollars,  then  redeemed,  then  sold  for  a hundred  dollars,  half 
payable  down  and  half  after  the  hundredth  day  ; the  woman, 
however,  hanged  herself  after  her  impecunious  husband  had 
secured  the  first  fifty  dollars. 

In  spite  of  the  apparently  helpless  inferiority  of  the 
theoretical  female  position  in  China,  in  practice  they  are  as 


Were  t'other  Dear  Charmer  away  409 

free  in  the  majority  of  cases  as  men,  i.e.  within  the  precincts 
of  four  walls ; indeed,  the  influence  of  women,  especially  of 
mothers,  is  very  great,  and  they  often  “rule  the  roast.”  The 
average  Chinese  man  is  not  jealous,  nor  is  he  tyrannical ; it 
is  ancient  custom  which  confines  woman  to  seclusion,  or,  if 
she  cannot  afford  seclusion,  to  reserve.  Cases  of  gross  cruelty 
are  rare. 

To  be  sold  as  a son  or  a wife  is  not  at  all  the  same  thing 
as  to  be  sold  as  a slave,  although  the  immediate  disabilities 
are  much  the  same.  The  one  rather  resembles  the  mancipium, 
the  other  the  servitus  of  the  Romans.  The  difference  is  that 
the  blood  is  not  corrupted,  and  the  offspring  are  not  dis- 
qualified from  entering  the  public  civil  service.  An  adult  son 
may  be  sold  in  adoption  without  his  consent,  but  if  he  already 
holds  an  official  position,  it  would  be  difficult  to  force  him  to 
submit  against  his  will ; in  this  case  the  wife  goes  with  the  son, 
but  the  children  of  the  adopted  son  remain  with  the  grand- 
father. An  adult,  or,  in  fact,  a youth  of  any  age,  thus  sold  in 
adoption  cannot  be  re-sold  like  a slave,  and  money  is  only 
nominally  exchanged  in  order  to  outwardly  comply  with  the 
legal  form  of  coemptio.  As  usually  only  childless  persons 
adopt,  the  adopted  has  an  excellent  chance  of  inheriting  the 
whole  estate  ; in  any  case  he  takes  share  and  share  with  the 
real  son.  Sometimes  if  sons  turn  up,  he  “reverts  to  his 
family”  and  takes  back  his  own  name.  In  short,  sale  for 
adoptive  purposes  has  nothing  to  do  with  slavery,  except 
that  a son  and  a slave  are,  vis  a vis  of  the  patria  potestas, 
much  the  same  thing. 

Torturing,  overworking,  beating,  branding,  and  starving 
slaves  are  acts  not  unseldom  heard  of ; but  they  are  ex- 
ceptional, and  not  more  frequent  than  maltreating  children, 
hired  servants,  or  daughters-in-law ; they  form  no  part  of 
the  regular  stock-in-trade  of  slave  life,  and,  when  they  occur, 
can  easily  be  hushed  up  with  money  payments,  money  for  a 
coffin,  pork  feasts  of  apology,  etc.  ; that  is,  always  providing 
public  feeling  or  influential  family  or  clan  hostility  is  not 
roused.  All  Chinese  dread  the  howls  of  old  women,  and, 
unless  a cruel  master  compensates  a slave  for  cruelty,  the 
slave’s  mother  will  probably  make  such  a noise  that  life 
will  become  intolerable.  Over  and  over  again  the  British 


4io 


China:  Past  and  Present 


Consulate  at  Shanghai  has  found  old  women  more  formidable 
to  deal  with  than  the  mandarins,  in  cases  where  compensation 
is  refused  and  expected  ; for  instance,  when  a steamer  runs 
down  a junk,  when  an  only  son  is  condemned  to  death,  when 
disputed  land  is  adjudged  to  a foreigner.  In  fact,  the  patria 
potestas  in  China  may  be  described  as  “ tyranny,  tempered  by 
suicide  and  old  women.”  Besides,  the  law  will  not,  as  a rule, 
render  any  assistance  to  a master  whose  slaves  run  away. 
Moreover,  there  are  certain  spiritual  penalties  registered  in 
Heaven  by  law  against  masters  who  ill-treat,  starve,  neglect 
in  sickness,  or  decline  to  provide  wives  for  male  slaves  ; even 
for  obstinately  refusing  to  sell  them  their  liberty.  A master 
is  expected  either  to  find  husbands  for  female  slaves,  or  to 
take  them  himself  as  secondary  wives.  A master  may  often 
escape  the  consequences  of  killing  a slave  by  hastening  at 
once  to  inform  a magistrate  of  the  reasons  ; but  in  such 
cases  the  family  of  the  slave  receive  their  liberty : the 
penalties  also  vary  according  to  whether  the  slave  belongs 
to  the  accused,  to  a relative,  or  to  a stranger.  The  best 
proof  that  Chinese  slavery  is  of  a mild  character  is  that, 
during  their  whole  history,  there  has  never  been  a revolt  of 
slaves,  and  in  the  Chinese  mind  there  is  always  a lurking 
fatalistic  feeling  that  the  wheel  of  fortune  may  make  slaves 
of  the  richest  individual,  coupled  also  with  a strong  Buddhist 
antipathy  to  taking  human  life,  or  creating  physical  misery 
in  living  creatures  of  any  kind.  There  may  be  traces  of  race 
hatred,  but  there  is  absolutely  no  class  hatred  in  China  ; 
even  though  slaves,  barbers,  policemen,  and  actors  are 
historically  and  traditionally  “foul”  for  three  generations, 
recent  “special  judgments  ” or  obiter  dicta  of  the  Emperors 
have  so  whittled  the  strict  law  away  that  it  is  doubtful  if  any 
cases  other  than  gross  cases,  or  cases  supported  by  strong 
influence,  would  be  officially  noticed.  In  any  event,  the  dis- 
ability is  only  that  these  unclean  persons  may  not  compete 
at  the  examinations. 

The  slave  is  commonly  made  to  impress  the  lines  of  his 
hand  in  pigment  upon  the  deed  which  transfers  his  person. 
There  can  then  be  no  possible  doubt  of  his  identity,  as  no 
two  skin-marks  are  alike.  The  loss  of  this  document  deprives 
the  owner  of  his  claim  upon  the  slave ; but  sellers  as  well  as 


In  the  Dark  Fens  of  the  Dismal  Swamp  4 1 1 

purchasers  usually  keep  copies.  Manumission  is  effected 
either  by  delivering  the  deed  of  sale  to  the  slave,  or  by  making 
out  a new  one  declaring  the  manumission;  his  children  become 
free  at  the  same  moment.  Freed  men  or  ex-slaves  are,  in 
practice,  expected  to  show  deference  to  their  former  master, 
but  the  law  does  not  seem  to  insist  upon  it ; still  less  does 
the  Chinese  law  give  to  the  freeing  master  any  property 
rights  or  expectations,  as  in  Roman  cases.  But  there  appears 
to  be  a distinction  between  slaves  who  have  been  given  and 
those  who  have  purchased  their  freedom.  In  the  latter  case 
an  ex-slave  who  strikes  or  kills  his  ex-master  is  on  the 
footing  of  a free  man  ; in  the  former  of  a slave : but  the  law 
and  custom  are  a little  involved  as  to  this  point.  Moreover, 
an  ex-master  is  not  punished  for  falsely  accusing  an  ex-slave, 
whereas  he  is  punished  for  falsely  accusing  his  first  wife,  as 
the  latter  also  is  for  falsely  accusing  the  inferior  wives.  A 
slave  is  bound  to  follow  his  owner  to  the  grave  and  mourn 
for  him,  and  this  liability  would  probably  attach  to  ex-slaves 
to  whom  freedom  had  been  given  gratuitously. 

A Chinese  master  is  not  ashamed  to  eat  with  his  male 
slave.  I have  seen  mandarins  lying  down  in  the  same 
travelling  boat  and  smoking  opium  with  their  servants — 
possibly  their  slaves ; and  it  must  be  borne  in  mind  that 
menial  service  in  China  is  viewed  in  much  the  same  light  as 
slavery.  Viceroys  and  governors  habitually  allow  their  slaves 
to  light  their  pipes  and  puff  them  into  a blaze.  Though  the 
Chinese  are  barbarously  cruel  under  the  influence  of  fear  and 
excitement,  they  are  mild  and  gentle  in  daily  life,  and  rarely 
inclined  to  use  force.  A Legree  is  an  unknown  phenomenon 
in  China  ; what  spiteful  cruelty  there  is  ordinarily  comes  from 
women,  usually  jealous  ones. 


INDEX 


A 

Abeel,  Rev.  D.,  391 
Aborigines,  404 

Abukhaye,  128,  129,  130,  132,  256,  329 
Actors,  404 

Admiralty,  British,  219 
Adoption,  52,  134 
Afghanistan,  12,  91,  299 
Africa,  22 
Aigun,  331 
Aisin,  129 
Akina,  125 

Akkadian  origin,  supposed,  4,  6 

Aktash,  62 

Albazin,  65,  123,  331 

Alchemy,  92 

Alexander  the  Great,  17 

II.,  Czar,  302 

III.,  Czar,  312,  322,  341 

Alliances,  309,  316 
Allies  at  Peking,  208 
America,  77,  161,  227,  31 1,  321 

, Chinese  in,  63,  70,  189,  373 

American  missionaries,  114 

trade,  60 

Amherst,  Lord,  49,  15 1 
Amoy,  390 

emigrants,  407 

trade,  407 

Amur,  61,  314,  327,  331 
Ancestral  worship,  89,  94,  117,  127, 
«34,  395 

Ancient  remains,  6,  16.  See  Monuments 
Angelo,  Pere,  98 
An  Hwei,  192,  397 

Annam,  18,  19,  22,  24,  61,  113,  333, 

339 

, French  in,  61 

Annamese,  11,  13 
Antelopes,  297 
An- ting  gate,  94 
Antiquities.  See  Monuments 
An-tung,  358 
Anzer,  Bishop,  68,  360 
Aphrodisiacs,  273 
Appropriations,  335 


Arabia,  16,  22 
Arabs,  16,  18,  396 
Archteology,  357 
Archery,  295 
Archives,  209,  231,  237 
Areas,  238 
Armenia,  20, 

Armies,  Chinese,  40 
Arms,  trade  in,  37 
“ Arrow  ” affair,  The,  24 
Arsenals,  40 
Arsenic,  279,  285 
Aryans,  16,  302 
Asbestos,  364 
Asiatic  Society,  394 
Assessors,  165,  193 
Astrology,  6,  126 
Astronomy,  12 1,  262 
Athletes,  292 
Attaches,  217 
Attila,  14 

Australia,  63,  70,  189,  373 
Austro-Hungary,  313 
Autocracy,  76 
Avars,  14,  15 


B 

Babylon,  4 
Bac-ning,  113 
Bactria,  12,  17 
Badakshan,  63 
Balkash,  14 
Balkh,  91 
Bamboo,  275,  361 
Bangkok,  114 

“Banner”  system,  39,  45,  73,  178, 
233,  262,  334 
Barbarians,  143,  151 
Barbers,  404 
Baths,  Japanese,  205 
Beans,  Bean-cake,  Bean-curd,  362 
Belgium,  43,  79 
Benedict  Xlli.,  123,  124 

XIV.,  127 

Bengal,  21 


Index 


414 

Bhamo,H4,  206 
Bhutan,  61 

Bigandet,  Bishop,  114 
Bismarck,  322 
Blettery,  Mgr.,  104 
Blind  man’s  buff,  293 
Blood-friends,  88 
Boards  at  Peking,  35,  39,  208,  228, 
262,  335,  378 
Boatmen,  183 
Bodhidharma,  91 
Boers,  70,  349,  373 
Bokhara,  306,  314,  343 
Bombay,  386 
Bonzes,  81,  91 
Borneo,  22 

“ Boxers,”  25,  41,  42,  47,  49,  70,  240, 

279,  348.  354 
Boxing,  294 
“ Boys,”  167,  176,  204 
Braves,  40,  295 
Bray,  Bishop,  99 
Bretschneider,  Dr.  E.,  Preface 
British  (.sw  English),  75,  310 

officials,  213 

Brooks,  Rev.  Mr.,  43,  49 
Brown,  McLeavy,  Mr.,  75>  3 10 
Bucharia,  20 

Buddhism,  12,  13,  16,  22,  69,  80,  83, 
91,  114,  357 
Buddhochinga,  91 
Budget,  40.  See  Finance 
Burma,  62,  65,  75,  91,  113,  189,  206, 
285,  292,  333,  339,  344 
Burmese,  69 
Burning  the  books,  10 
Burning  the  dead,  86 
Button  rank,  377 
Byu,  91 

Byzantines  ( see  Greeks),  1 30,  132 


C 

Cabinet  Council,  262 
Cadoux,  Pere,  115 
Calcutta,  390 
Calendar,  9 
Caliphs.  See  Khaliphs 
Camel-fights,  287 
Camels,  271 
Canada,  373 
Canal,  Grand,  350,  351 
Canals,  358 
Cannibalism,  120,  380 
Canons,  Buddhistic,  91 
Canton,  10,  12,  17,  73,  85,  99,  143, 
180,  282,  393.  See  Kwang  Tung 

factories,  58 

trade,  58,  157 

Cantonese,  181 


Capital  offences,  377 
Capitals  of  China,  4,  11,  17,  19.  See 
Peking,  Nanking,  Hangchow 
Cards,  playing,  289 

, visiting,  129,  241 

Cart-races,  288 
Carts,  9,  209,  382 
Cash,  copper,  352 
Caspian,  14 

Cassini  Convention,  65,  332 
Caste,  404 
Castor  oil,  273 
Cathay,  93 

Cathayans,  92  (.nv  Kitans),  17,  18, 19,  87 

Cathedrals,  94,  101,  1 14 

Catholics,  44,  49,  67,  78,  94,  184,  360 

Cats,  271 

Cats’  cradle,  293 

Cattle,  88 

Celestial  Court,  139 

Celibacy,  95,  98 

Cemeteries,  foreign,  97 

Censors,  135,  262 

Census.  See  Population 

Ceylon,  14,  21 

Chamberlain,  Mr.,  221,  346 

Chang  Chi-tung,  51,  54,  134,  192,  233 

Chang  Jen-cheng,  87 

Chang  Ju-mei,  47 

Chang  Shu-sheng,  Viceroy,  1 02 

Chappedelaine,  60 

Charities,  181,  389,  392 

Charms,  87 

Chavannes,  Professor,  his  works,  10, 
357 

Chefoo,  10,  362 
Cheh  Kiang,  79,  186,  388 
Chemulpo,  no,  201 
Ch’en  dynasty,  91,  399 
Ch‘eng-tu  Fu,  17,  73,  108 
Chess,  289 

Chief  Justice,  166,  218 
Chih  Li,  79,  396 

Children,  purchase  of,  96,  IOI,  408 
China,  16,  45 

divided,  11,  17,  67,  346 

Inland  Mission,  79,  98,  103,  105, 

108,  1 12,  360 
— — Proper,  22,  27 

United,  14,  26 

China’s  Sorrow.  See  Yellow  River 
Chinese  abroad,  63,  114 

characteristics,  63,  250,  380 

Chinkiang,  73,  103,  195 
Cholon,  1 14 
Chou  dynasty,  5 

early,  357 

Christianity,  90,  147 
Christians,  20,  22,  23,  42,  44,  69,  125, 
348 

Chu-ki  city,  388,  393 


Index 


4i5 


Chu  Kwei,  149 
Ch’unghou,  54,  314 
Chungking,  104 
Ch’ungyi,  53 

Ch’un,  Prince,  53,  131,  196,  239,  271 
Chusan  Is.,  139,  144,  145 
Clement  XII.,  127 

XIV.,  127 

Climate,  174 
Clubs,  168 
Coal,  358,  361 
Coast  trade,  74 

Cochin-China.  See  Indo-China,  Ton- 
quin,  Annam 
Cock-fights,  287 
Cocks  and  superstitions,  89 
Coffins,  197,  207,  378 
Cogordan,  M.,  271 
Colleges  ( see  Schools),  39 
Compradores,  162,  175 
Concubines,  117,  125,  136,  179,  225, 
239,  406 

Confucian  era,  42,  45,  310 
Confucianism,  22,  69,  83,  90,  92,  101, 
1 17,  156,  229,  395 
Confucius,  8,  39,  74,  226,  350,  357 
Congregation  of  the  Mission,  99,  108 
Constables,  192,  193,  198 
Consuls,  98,  165,  192,  195,  215,  387 
Converts,  95,  105,  114 
Cooper,  Consul,  395 
Copper,  39 

Corea,  5,  10,  12,  14,  17,  22,  23,  24,  49, 
no,  332,  339.  402 

, Americans  in,  m 

and  language,  19 

, Conquests  of,  128,  340 

, King  of,  203 

, Opening  of,  62,  in,  340 

Tripartite,  16 

Corean  character,  ill 
Coreans,  187,  271 

Correspondence  forms,  209,  236,  246, 

„ z67.  335 
Corvees,  35 
Cossacks,  331 
Coste,  Pere,  1 10 
Cost  of  living,  166,  187 
Couderc,  Pere,  no 
Coupat,  Mgr.,  104 
Couriers,  268 
Court,  The,  261 
Cowloon.  See  Kowloon 
Cremation,  86 
Cricket-fights,  287 
Criminals,  386,  401 
Cromer,  Lord,  75 
Crown  Advocate,  218 
Cultivation,  231,  361,  364 
Customs,  Corean,  202 
, differential,  344 


Customs  duties,  344,  353 

, foreign,  34,  46,  353 

, native,  74,  352 

Czar,  The,  66,  302,  312,  322 


D 

Dalai  Lama,  123,  268,  386 
Dalny  (see  Ta-lien  Wan),  66 
Danes,  115,  360 
i Dates,  362 
Dead,  The,  197,  386 
Decapitation,  89,  380 
Decima,  58 
| Decrees,  260 
Deer,  297 
! Deer-horns,  272 
Defence  Creek,  160 
Desert,  13 

Dialects,  6,  19,  83,  164,  199,  205,  289 
I Dice,  289 

Diplomats,  93,  305,  309 
Diseases,  278 

Divisions,  territorial,  232,  355 
Divorce,  281 
Doctors,  275,  389 
Dogs,  270 
Dolonor,  130 

Dominicans,  58,  78,  1 13,  127 
Donkey  skins,  195 
Dowager.  See  Empress 
Draughts,  289 

Dress,  Chinese,  98,  99,  101,  103,  105, 
112,  131 

Drink,  163,  178,  190,  303 
Drugs,  271 
Dual  Alliance,  64 
Dudgeon,  Dr.  J.,  94,  395 
Du  Halde,  358 
Dumb-bells,  296 

Dungans  (see  Chinese  Mussulmans), 
32 

Dunn,  Mr.,  67 
Dutch,  58,  123 

colonies,  115,  189,  365 

in  Japan,  58  -1 

Dynasties,  13,  45,  73,  399 


E 

Eating,  245,  270 
Eclipses,  84,  265 
Edkins,  Dr.  J.,  388 
Education,  63 
Egypt,  75,  294,  320 
Elephants,  271 
Eleuths,  23,  123 
Elias,  Mr.  Ney,  358- 
Elliott,  Captain,  60 


Index 


416 

Emigration,  396,  407 
Emperor,  8,  45,  228,  381,  385 

of  Germany,  322 

Empire,  II 
Empress,  134,  225 
Empress-Dowager,  10,  40,  45,  51,  67, 
70,  1 1 7,  136,  224,  239,  244 
English,  143 

earliest,  1,  7,  58 

Ephthalites,  20 
Etiquette,  241,  267 

Eunuchs,  17,  23,  39,  52,  58,  82,  130, 
227,  265 
Euphrates,  20 
Eurasians,  174,  406 
Europe  (see  Far  West),  21 
Europeans,  44,  80,  162,  406 
Exchange,  336 
Executions,  89,  280,  376 
Expectant  officials,  75,  261 
Expenditure,  37 
Extra-territoriality,  70,  77 


F 

“ Face,”  75 
Faifo,  1 14 
Fairs,  13 1 

Family  ties,  83,  89,  248 
Famines,  32,  404 
Fanfan , 290 
Far  West,  14,  21, 

Fatshan,  100 

Faure,  M.  Felix,  66 

Feet,  Squeezed,  45,  47,  95,  131,  205 

Fei-ch‘eng  city,  49,  357 

Females.  See  Women 

Festivals,  85,  108 

Fielde,  Miss,  390 

Filial  piety,  1 16,  205,  224,  268,  297 

Finance,  Chinese,  75,  335,  354 

Finns,  14,  373 

“ First  ” Emperor,  9 

Fishing,  279,  288,  359 

Five  dynasties,  17 

Fleet,  Chinese,  109,  201,  204,  300 

, Russian,  299 

Floods,  37 

Folang.  See  Fuh-lang 
Folangki,  23 
Fontaney,  Pere,  112 
Foochow,  10,  12,  17,  61,  73,  103,  124, 
179,  187,  233,  388 

arsenal,  109 

trade,  407 

Food.  See  Eating 
Foot-binding.  feFeet 
Forbidden  City,  94 
Foreigners,  57,  93 
Foreign  Office,  208,  210 


Foreign  Office,  Chinese,  208,  262 

, Russian,  21 1 

Forestry,  361 
Formosa,  24,  30,  341,  408 

, Dutch  in,  58 

, French  in,  62 

, Japanese  in,  24,  6 1 

France,  21,  46 
Franciscans,  58,  78,  98,  360 
Franco-Prussian  War,  96,  106 
Franks,  15,  21,  22,  23 
Frederick,  Emperor,  321 
French,  46,  61,  64,  76,  108,  139,  165, 
315 

competition,  212,  310,  344 

hostilities,  61,  127 

missionaries,  113  (see  Jesuits,  etc.), 

320 

opium,  188 

trade,  76,  344 

Friars  Minor,  78,  98 
Frontier  trade,  344 
Fruit,  362 
Fu  Chou,  200 
Fu  cities,  238 

Fuh  Kien,  79,  103,  186,  340,  388 

Fuh-lang,  21 

Fuh-lin,  15,  23 

Fulford,  Mr.,  331 

Funerals,  1 19,  386 

Fusan,  112,  340 

Future  life,  90 


G 

Gabelle.  See  Salt  trade 
Game,  296,  360 
Games,  286 
Gaming,  35,  290 
Gamier,  Bishop,  388 
Generals,  356.  See  Tartar 
Genghis  Ivhan,  21,  129,  327 

, Conquests  of,  21 

Gentleman,  82,  90 
Gentry,  260 
George  III.,  138 
Geougens,  14 
Gerbillon,  Pere,  112 
German  trade,  222,  324 
Germany,  10,  25,  43,  46,  64,  68, 
75,  170,  312,  321,  350.  See  Kiao 
Chou 

Ghioro,  129,  132 
Ghoorkas,  150 
Gibbon,  14 

Giles,  Professor  H.  A.,  394 
Ginseng,  273 
Goat-skins,  196 
Gobang,  289 
Golden  Tartars,  92,  129 


Index 


4i7 


Gold  mines,  37,  358,  363 
Golgotha,  386 
Gorbitsa  River,  332 
Gordon,  General,  32,  57,  61,  349 
Government,  223 

, Local,  232,  235 

Governors,  210,  228,  232,  334 
Governors-General.  See  Viceroys 
Grain  revenue,  35,  352 
Gray,  Archdeacon,  296 
Great  River  ( see  Yangtsze),  179 

Wall  {see  Wall),  176 

Green  Flag  Army,  40 
Ground-nuts.  See  Pea-nuts 
“ Guest  and  host  ” officials,  234 
Guilds,  206 

Gunboats,  102,  194,  202 


H 

Hainan,  46,  115,  188,  282,  388 
Haiphong,  113 
Hakkas,  181 
Hamilton,  Port,  307 
Han  (Early)  dynasty,  10,  12,  87, 
397 

After,  10,  11,  398 

Third,  10 

Hangchow,  4,  16,  17,  19,  73,  388 
Hankow,  17,  97,  179,  388 
Hanlin,  262 
Hannen,  Sir  N.,  166 
Hanoi,  113 

Han  Wu  Ti  (see  Wu  Ti),  69 
Harbin,  129 
Harems,  243 

Hart,  Sir  R.,  37,  46,  62,  74,  209, 

336 

Hassan,  Prince,  385 
Havret,  Pere,  31 
Hawking,  288,  297 
Heirs,  53,  89,  129,  224 
Heligoland,  325,  347 
Henry,  Prince,  67,  15 1 
Hephthalites.  See  Ephthalites 
Herds,  39 

Heule,  Rev.  Mr.,  360 
Heyking,  Baron,  66 
Ilideyoshi,  23 
Hien  divisions,  232,  334 

magistrates,  379.  See  Prefects 

Hien-feng,  Emperor,  52,  131,  238 
Hillier,  Sir  W.,  57 
Hill,  Rev.  D.,  32 
Himly,  Professor,  289 
Hindu  colonies,  396 

learning,  13,  91 

missionaries,  69,  91 

traders,  198 


Hinterlands,  345 
Historians  (see  Sz*ma),  7 
History,  Early,  1 
Hiung-nu,  11,  14,  17,  288,  398 
Hoang,  Pere,  388 
Hoihow,  282 
Holland.  See  Dutch 
Hollingworth,  Mr.,  289 
Ho-nan  city,  11,13 
Ho  Nan  province,  23,  79 
Hongkew,  16 1 

Hongkong,  33,  60,  76,  174,  182,;  218, 
307 

“ Hongs,”  145,  161 
Honolulu,  70 

Hoppo  of  Canton,  147,  233 
Horseback  powers.  See  Tartars 
Horses,  288 
Hoshitai,  154 
Households,  96,  244 
Howqua,  141 

Hue,  Abbe,  48,  272,  274,  295 
Hue,  1 14 

Hughes,  Mr.  George,  390,  393 
Hu  Kwang.  See  Hu  Nan  and  Hu 
Peh 

Hu  Nan  province,  79 
j Hungary,  21 
Hu  Peh,  79,  183,  388,  394 
Huns,  14.  See  Hiung-nu 
Hunters,  130,  296,  327 
Hunting-grounds,  39,  296 
Hunza,  62 
Hwa-hwei,  290 
Hwai-an  Fu,  332 
Hwai  region,  358 
Hwaitapu,  239 

Hwang  Ho.  See  Yellow  River 
Hwang-ti,  8 
Hydrophobia,  274 


I 

Ignatieff,  332 
1-ko-k‘iian,  43,  49 
Ikotanga,  Viceroy,  256 
Ili,  46,  61,  314 
Immaculate  Heart,  79 
Impecunious  provinces,  33,  41 
Indemnities,  41,  60 
India,  12,  22,  91,  365 
Indian  Ocean,  22, 

opium,  183,  185 

Indo-China,  10,  14,  18 
Indo-Scythians,  12,  20 
Indus,  20 

Infanticide,  89,  387 
Inns,  177,  200 
Inquisition,  117 
Inspector-General,  345 

2 E 


418  Index 


Intendants,  232 
International  law,  340 
Interpreters’  Bureau,  140 
I,  River,  350 
Iron-capped  princes,  74 
Irrawaddy,  114 

Islam  ( see  Mussulmans),  20,  22 
Italian  missionaries,  98,  109 
Italy,  46,  67,  126 

Early,  141 

Ivan  the  Great,  368 


J 

James,  Mr.,  331 
Jameson,  Dr.,  71 
Jamieson,  Mr.  G.  J.,  33,  55 
Japan,  5,  10,  12,  14,  16,  17,  18,  21,  23, 
46,  57,  61,  65,  76,  220,  261,  333 
Japanese  in  Corea,  187,  330 
trade,  77,  344 

War,  25,  33,  37,  64,  no,  ii2, 

329.  337.  34t 
Java,  21,  22,  189,  372 

, Dutch  in,  365 

Jaxartes,  12 
Jehol,  32,  130,  138 
Jenkins,  Admiral,  194 
Jesuits,  23,  58,  78,  90,  103,  1 12,  127, 
139.  161,  358 
Jews,  69,  90,  303 
Jones,  Rev.  A.  G.,  364 
Jordan,  Mr.  J.  N.,  290 
Judge,  Provincial,  210,  232,  266,  334 
Junglu,  51,  129,  229,  256 
Junk  trade,  74 

Justice,  Chinese,  77,  88,  164,  249 

, Consular,  102,  199 

Jweilin,  Viceroy,  240 


K 

Kachyns,  114 
Kalkhas,  1 23 
Kalmucks,  23,  24,  27,  28 
JCang  (couch),  177,  242 
K‘ang-hi,  Emperor,  24,  70,  90,  115, 
123,  222,  297,  400 
Kangi,  51,  54 
K'ang  Yu-wei,  46,  240 
Kan  Suh,  30,  40 
Karens,  114 
Kashgar,  12,  61,  287 
Kashgaria,  24,  333 
Kazan,  307 

Kewkiang,  98,  179,  192,  195 
Khabaroffka,  331 
Khaliphs,  16,  18,  20 


Khan,  title  of,  50,  130,  329 

Khiva,  306 

Khotan,  12,  18 

Kiachta,  6,  145,  332 

Kia-k’ing,  Emperor,  151,  223,  336 

Kiang-hung,  65 

Kiang  Nan,  79,  392,  397 

Kiang-peh,  106 

Kiang  Si,  79,  86,  391 

Kiang  Su,  4,  392 

Kiao  Chou,  25,  43,  47,  55,  57,  65,  71, 
75.  299>  313.  325.  346 
Kia-siang  city,  357 

K‘ien-lung,  24,  70,  127,  133,  138,  223, 
228,  400 
K’ihii,  53,  54 
Kin  dynasty,  92 
King-chou,  73 
Kinsai,  388 
Kipchaks,  20 
Kirghis,  20 
Kirin,  41,  128,  328 
Kites,  182,  288,  293 
Kiungchow,  252,  282,  376 
KiYu-kang,  127 
Knife  Society  (see  Sword),  47 
Kokand,  12,  63,  306,  342 
Kokonor,  5,  9,  18,  28,  125 
Korchin  Mongols,  117,  123 
Kowloon,  33,  290 

Kublai  Khan,  21,  23,  51,  327,  333,  406 

Kuche,  287 

Kucheng,  103 

K'iifu,  350 

Kumarajiva,  91 

Kumiss,  6,  271 

Kung,  Prince,  53,  129,  132,  135,  209, 
227,  239 
Kushan,  390 

Kwang-chou  Fu.  See  Canton 
Kwang-chou  Wan,  57 
Kwang  Hwei,  154 
Kwang  Si,  62 

trade,  142,  239 

Kwang-sii,  Emperor,  135,  225 
Kwang  Tung  (see  Canton),  144 
Kwei  Chou,  104,  183 
Kwei-hwa,  73 


L 

Lai-chou  Fu,  353,  358 
Lakes,  388 

Land-tax,  27,  231,  352,  364 
Lang,  Admiral,  203,  341 
Langson,  62 
Languages,  258 

Laocius,  or  Lao-tsz,  357-  See  Taoism 
Lappa,  33 

Law,  Chinese,  77,  400 


Index 


419 


Lazarists,  79,  94,  99,  139 
Legations,  178,  207,  216 
Leo  XIII.,  94  (see  Pope),  127 
Lepers,  281,  386 
Lhassa,  16,  269,  386 
Liang  dynasty,  399 

Liao-tung,  10,  12,  62,  64,  299,  329,  341 

Lictors,  242 

Life  in  China,  162 

, value  of,  184 

Li  Han-chang,  253 

Li  Hung-chang,  47,  56,  65,  120,  240, 

34L  358 

Li  Hung-tsao,  224 
Likin,  36,  74,  183,  336,  354 
Lily-flowers,  195 
Lin,  Commissioner,  59 
Linga  worship,  84 
Lin-tsing  city,  352 
Li  Ping-heng,  48,  53,  56,  352 
Literary  chancellors,  181,  390 

men,  178,  226,  260 

Literature,  63 
Li-tsin  city,  358 
Little,  Mrs.  A.,  47,  131 
Liu  K’un-yih,  50,  53,  54,  102,  181,  233, 
266 

Liu  Ping-chang,  353 
Loans,  46,  337,  354 
Lobanoff,  Prince,  341 
Lobscheid,  Rev.  W.,  29 
Loch,  Sir  H.,  378 
Locusts,  361 
Loh  River,  359 
Loh-yang,  13 
Lolos,  II,  32 
Loochoo,  22,  61,  333,  339 
Lotteries,  35,  291 
Lou-k‘ou  Bridge,  80 
Luh  Ch’wan-lin,  53,  54 
Luk-Tai,  91 

Lu-shun  K‘ou.  See  Port  Arthur 
Lu,  State  of,  8 


M 

Macao,  33,  35,  58,  102,  124,  140,  143, 
146,  174,  291,  407 
Macartney,  Lord,  24,  141,  156 
Macdonald,  Sir  Claude,  49,  50,  53 
Macgowan,  Dr.,  395,  397 
Mackay,  Sir  J.,  338 
Magistrates.  See  Prefect  and  Hien 
Mahomet,  16 
Maigre,  82 

Malet,  Sir  E.,  195,  305 
Manchu  garrisons,  73 
writing,  129 

Manchuria,  5,  6,  10,  14,  28,  36,  41,  63, 

343,  354 


Manchuria,  aggression  in,  46 
Manchus,  18,  23,  52,  112,  178,  226, 
267,  297,  326 

rulers,  24,  26,  44,  58,  64,  70,  1 1 7, 

128,  222,  255,  389 
Mandalay,  285 
Mandarin  language,  19 

“ trade,”  2,  71,  74,  246 

Manicheans,  84,  88,  92 

Manila,  22,  58,  220,  287 

Manipur,  63 

Manures,  363 

Manzi,  or  Man-tsz,  20,  21 

Maps,  Bretschneider’s.  See  Preface 

Maravel,  Pere,  1 10 

Marble  Bridge,  92 

Marco  Polo,  21,  22,  86,  388,  392 

Margary,  Mr.,  233 

Marionettes,  292 

Marriage,  86,  89,  204,  225,  244,  405 
Martin,  Dr.,  190 

, Professor,  395 

Massacres,  96,  103,  179 
Mazdeans,  92 
McGregor,  Rev.  W.,  391 
Meat-eating,  88 
Medical  missions,  94,  189 
Medicine,  270,  361 
Melon  seeds,  195 

Mengtsz,  or  Mencius,  74,  101,  357 

Mesopotamia,  14 

Milan  Congregation,  79 

Military  officers,  124,  241,  356 

Militia,  43 

Milk,  271,  281 

Millet,  362 

Ming  dynasty,  22,  92,  130,  327,  400 

tombs,  80 

Mining,  345 
Ministers,  217 
Missionaries,  early,  57,  78 

, German,  66,  68,  360 

, lady,  98,  103,  105 

, medical,  101,  106,  115 

, modern,  44,  47,  68,  78,  93 

Missions  Etrangeres,  79,  101,  103,  no, 

“3 

to  Peking,  93,  124,  139,  141,  152 

Mixed  Court,  164 
Monasteries.  See  Temples 
Mongolia,  5,  6,  10,  18,  24,  28,  63,  79, 
128,  170,  176 

Mongol  Khans,  21,  22,  92,  402 

lands,  27 

writing,  129 

Mongols,  14,  20,  22,  43,  1 1 7,  277,  368, 

396 

, Conquest,  21,  328 

Monkai,  62 

Monosyllabic  languages,  5,  12 
Monuments,  357 


Index 


420 


Mora , 294 
Morals,  173 
Morao,  Pere,  126 
Moule,  Archdeacon,  395 

, Bishop,  393 

Mourning,  120,  247 

, Corean,  no 

Mukden,  130,  297,  328 
Mu  King-yiian,  126 
Mulberry,  361 
Mules,  209,  288 
Mung-wa,  20 
Municipalities,  165 
Muravieff,  331,  342 
Music,  240 

Mussulman  revolts,  30 
Mussulmans,  Chinese,  20,  294,  359, 
403  . 

Mysticism,  92 


Nagasaki,  58,  300 

Nala,  tribe  of,  129,  224,  239,  257 

Names,  personal,  53,  132,  229,  253 

Namhoi,  235 

Nan-chao,  71 

Nanking,  17,  22,  73,  229 

dynasties,  17,  22 

Treaty,  60 

Napoleon  I.,  226,  346 

III.,  322 

National  designations,  9 
Native  tribes,  404 
Nat'ung,  53 

Navy,  Chinese  {see  Fleet),  341 
Nayench’eng,  50 
Ntfas,  251 

Nepaul,  24,  61,  150,  333,  339 
Nerchinsk,  331 
Nestorians,  16,  69,  92 
Nestorian  stone,  16 
Nests,  248,  272 
Newchwang,  341 
Newspapers,  43,  259,  387 
Nicholas  II.,  322 
Nieh  Shi-ch’eng,  53,  56 
Nies,  Rev.  Mr.,  360 
Nihilism,  374 
Ningpo,  no,  144,  395 

trade,  144,  157 

Ninguta,  328 
Nobles,  132,  227 
Nomads,  4,  n 
Novgorod,  368 
Niichens,  18,  20,  23,  128 
Nunneries,  81,  92,  205 
Nurhachi,  119,  128,  129,  132,  256, 
328 


O 

Oak  silkworms,  361 
Oaths,  88 
Observatories,  112 
Office  paraphernalia,  242 
Officialdom,  213 
Oils,  273 

Opium,  24,  59,  70,  82,  105,  175,  247, 

251  • * 

native,  362 

trade,  24,  41,  219 

War,  24,  59 

Ordos,  18,  19 

Orthodox.  See  Russian 

Orphans,  96,  112 

Otrar,  20 

Oukhtomsky,  Prince,  346 
Overland  trade,  344 
Oxus,  12 
Oysters,  359 


P 

Pagoda  anchorage,  203 
Pagspa,  92 
Pakhoi,  220 
Pak-kop-piu,  291 
Palankeens.  See  Sedans 
Pamirs,  12,  63,  91,  307 
Panjab  (Punjab),  12,  91 
Panthays,  30,  32,  385 
Paper,  respect  for  printed,  87 
Parkes,  Sir  H.,  216,  257,  378 
Parricide,  387 
J Parsees,  386 
Parthia,  12 
Passports,  345,  373 
Pa-ta-ch‘u,  80 

Patria  potestas,  389,  404,  409 
Patriots,  43 

Pea-nuts  {see  Ground-nuts),  363 
! Peculation.  See  Squeezes 
Pedrini,  Pere,  126 

Peking,  6,  17,  19,  24,  93,  127,  131, 
176,  227,  376 

■ dialect,  226 

Gazette , 259 

1 government,  52,  215,  336 

life,  80 

remittances,  39 

Penang,  182 

P‘eng,  Grand  Secretary,  390 
Persia,  14,  18,  21,  70,  313 
Persian  influences,  129,  297 
Persimmons,  361 
Pescadores,  62 
i Peter  the  Great,  306,  368 
Philippines.  See  Manila 
| Philosophy,  92,  254,  357 


Index 


421 


Physic,  273 

“Pidgin,”  164,  172,  258,  391 
Pien,  Viceroy,  391 
Pigeons,  293 

“Pigtails,”  73,  95,  98,  99,  121,  131, 

333.  377 

P‘ing-tu,  358,  363 
P’ing-yiian,  48 
Pinto,  Mendez,  23 
Pirates,  57,  204,  387,  402 
Pi  T’ien-siang,  127 
Plague,  276,  361 
Pocock,  Captain,  204 
Poetry,  251,  388 
Poisons,  279 
Police,  247,  404 
Politeness,  243 

Polo  (game),  297.  See  also  Marco 
Polyandry,  395 
Polygamy,  407 
Pongee,  361 
Pootung,  161,  191 
“Pope,”  Taoist,  86 
Pope,  the,  6,  8,  21,  58,  67,  94,  117, 
123,  133,  226 
Popoff,  M.,  30,  36 
Poppy,  the,  182 
Population,  3,  25,  59,  364 

, distribution  of,  37,  351 

Port  Arthur,  41,  57,  65,  76,  329,  341 
Portuguese,  23,  58,  141,  174 

priests,  85,  1 1 5 

Possiet,  300 
Posts,  268 
Poyang  Lake,  9 
PozdnyeyefF,  Mr.,  331 
Prefects,  232,  334,  355 
Press,  the,  260,  307,  315 
Pressense,  M.  de,  308 
Priests,  Chinese,  81,  280,  389 
Primorsk,  314 

Princes,  Manchu,  52,  74,  1 3 1 

Prisons,  187,  379,  385 

Privy  Council,  262,  335 

Protestants,  68,  78,  98,  1 13,  184,  360 

Provinces,  9,  334 

P’uhing,  53 

P’uliang,  51 

Punch  and  Judy,  292 

Punishments,  376 

Punjab.  See  Panjab 

P'unyii,  235 

Purveyances,  35 

P'utsiin,  53 

P'uwei,  53,  134 


Q 

Quackery.  See  Doctors 
Quail-fights,  286 


R 

Races,  horse,  170,  288 

Railways,  39,  65,  301,  328,  339,  345 

Ram-fights,  287 

Rangoon,  285 

Raux,  Pere,  139 

Rebellions  ( see  Taipings),  23,  24,  30, 
336 

Reed-flats,  35 
Reforms,  9,  21 1,  261 
Regents,  225 
Registers,  family,  255 
Religion,  24,  58,  69,  117,  385 
Rents,  35 

Republican  China,  3,  72,  164 
Revenue,  33,  333 
Rho,  Jacques,  58 
Rhodes,  Pere  de,  126 
Ricci,  94,  1 12 
Rice  salaries,  39 
Riots,  103,  107,  175 
Roads,  inland,  363 
Robertson,  Sir  B.,  219 
Roman  parallels,  1,  5,  7,  10,  II,  13, 
19,  402,  409 
Roshan,  314 
Ross,  Rev.  J.,  25,  130 
Rubruquis,  21 

Russia,  Early,  8,  20,  123,  302,  367 
Russian  acquisitions,  24,  46,  61,  65, 
331 

Church,  69,  78,  314,  331,  371 

competition,  64,  298,  306,  366 

trade,  144 

Russians,  16,  20,  24,  39,  60,  76,  129, 
145,  21 1 


S 

Sacharoff,  M.,  29 
Sacra,  134 
Saigon,  61,  113,  182 
Salaries,  74,  233,  355 
Salisbury,  Lord,  47,  213,  222 
Salt  revenue,  36,  233,  352 
Salutes,  194,  241 
Samarcand,  12,  299 
Samshu,  362 
Sanatorium,  103 
Sanctuary,  86 
Sanitation,  284 
Sansing,  332 
Satraps,  12,  26,  120 
Schall,  Adam,  58,  94,  1 12 
Schools,  8 1 

, missionary,  94 

Scythians  (see  Huns),  357 
Seals,  hand,  410 
of  office,  244,  378 


422 


Index 


Sea-slugs,  248,  272,  359 
Sea  trade,  18,  22,  344 
Secretaries,  209,  235,  246 
of  State,  210 

Secret  societies,  43,  47,  50,  179,  336 

Sedans,  209,  241,  283 

Seraglio,  227 

Serfs,  303,  401 

Sesuhe,  125 

Shadwell,  Admiral,  195 
Shamanism,  69,  84 
Shan  Empire,  16 
Shanghai,  159,  387,  410 
trade,  159 

Shan-hai  Kwan,  9,  10,  41,  46,  297 

Shans,  62 

Shan  Si,  23,  79 

Shan  Tung,  5,  46,  49,  79,  351 

Sharks’  fins,  248,  273 

Sha-shi,  338 

Shearer,  Dr.,  284 

Shin  Pao  newspaper,  43,  191,  261 

Shen  Si,  79 

Shignan,  314 

Shilka  river,  332 

Shimonoseki  Treaty,  299,  341 

Shooting,  296,  360 

Shroffs,  162 

Shun-chi,  Emperor,  119,  128,  222, 

403 

Shuttlecock,  182,  292 

Siam,  22,  61,  1 14,  189,  333,  339 

, French  in,  114 

, modern,  114 

, trade  with,  407 

Siamese,  13,  16,  17 

, early,  91 

Si-an  Fu,  10,  16,  54,  69,  73 
Siao-chan,  49 
Siberia,  21,  24,  313 
Siccawei,  112,  161 
Sienpi,  14,  17 
Si-kiang,  12 
Sikkim,  62 

Convention,  62 

Silk  fabrics,  39,  361 

trade,  12 

, wild,  361 

Silver,  336.  See  Exchange 
Si-rnin,  404 

Singapore,  85,  182,  218 
Slaves,  137,  244,  267,  398 
Slicing  punishment,  379 
Small-pox,  277 
Smoking,  82 
Snakes,  276,  359,  361 
Social  life  (foreign),  93,  97 

tabu,  404 

Sogd,  14,  16 

Soldier,  the  Chinese,  48,  295 
Solstice,  5 


Soochow  Creek,  160 
Soothill,  Rev.  W.,  109 
Soul,  62,  in,  203 
South  Seas,  18 
Soy,  362 

Spaniards,  23,  103 
, early,  58 

Spanish  missionaries,  103,  113 
Spheres  of  influence,  34s,  360 
Spirits,  248,  362 
Sport,  360 
Sports,  182,  286 
Squatters,  130 

“ Squeezes,”  40,  161,  184,  228 
Staunton,  Sir  G.,  138 
Steamers,  Chinese,  35 
Stepanoff,  331 
Strangling,  89,  378,  384 
Sugar,  372 

Suicide,  105,  120,  279,  385 
Sui  dynasty,  14,  26,  92 
Sulenge,  154 

Suliman  the  Panthay,  385 
Sultan  of  Sulu,  357 
Sulu,  21,  357 
Sumatra,  21,  22,  362,  365 
Summer  Palace,  61,  80,  224 
Sungari,  331 

Sung  dynasty  of  Liu,  399 
Sung  dynasty  (the  great),  18,  19,  87 
402 

Sung  K’ing,  General,  40 
Sungshou,  54,  55 
Sunu,  126 

Superstitions,  84,  87,  90 
Supreme  Court,  193 
Surgery,  281 
Suttee,  1 19 
Sii  T’ung,  52 
Su  Tung-po,  388,  394 
Swatow,  395 

trade,  407 

Sweden,  360 
Swings,  292 
Switzerland,  373 
Sword  Society,  43,  47,  50 
Syria,  II 
Syriac,  16 

Sz  Ch’wan,  11,  91,  103,  120,  182,  200, 
233.  396 

tribes  of,  91 

Sz-ma,  the  historian,  7 

T 

Ta-ako,  54 

Tabu  (see  Social),  132,  163,  255,  404 
T‘ai-chou  Fu,  392 
Taipans,  169,  172 

, Taipings,  24,  29,  32,  46,  255,  336,  349, 

35  L 356,  403 


Index 


423 


Ta-lien  Wan,  57,  65,  341,  345 
Ta-li  Fu,  1 6,  385 
Tanaka,  Dr.,  201 
T‘ang  dynasty,  16,  17,  92 
Tangut,  17,  19,  21 
Tanka  folk,  404 
Tao  division,  196,  232 
Taoism,  69,  80,  83,  92,  357 
Tao-kwang,  Emperor,  90,  134,  224, 
350 

Tao  Mai-sen,  176 
Tarim  river,  12 
Tartar-Generals,  18 1,  229 
Tartars  {see  Turks,  Tunguses,  etc.),  4, 
S,  9,  19,  20,  23,  67,  84,  91,  302,  368, 
396 

Tata,  20 
Tatan,  227 
Ta-ts‘in,  n,  15,  21 
Ta-ts‘ing.  See  Ts‘ing 
Ta-tsz,  20 

Taxes,  4,  33,  59,  63,  351 

Teachers,  178,  180 

Tea  drinking,  242,  271,  302 

revenue,  35 

Teh  Chou,  357 
Telegraphs,  159,  260 
Temples,  81,  92 
Tenasserim,  292 
Teng,  Captain,  202 
“Term”  Question,  117 
Thieves,  200,  378 

Tibet,  5,  10,  22,  28,  54,  123,  150,  265, 
269,  3i3»  333.  339,  386,  403 
Tibetan  prayers,  81 
trade,  62 

tribes,  4,  5,  6,  8,  13,  32 

Tibetans,  early,  17 

Tientsin,  4,  144,  154,  158,  176,  178, 
344,  404 

massacre,  96 

trade,  144,  344 

Treaty,  208 

T‘ien-tsu  Hwei,  47 
“Tiffin,”  169 
Tigers,  279 

Tight-rope  dancing,  292 
Ting,  Admiral,  203,  341 
T'ing  thfais,  186 
Ting-hing,  53 
Ting,  Viceroy,  108 
Tiumen,  299 
Tobacco,  246,  362 
Toba  dynasty,  13,  14,  1 8 
Toilet,  245 

Tombs,  Imperial,  137 
To-min , 404 
Tonic  languages,  5 
Tonnage  dues,  35,  147 
Tonquin,  5,  61,  106,  1 1 3,  126,  188, 
344,  407 


i Tops,  294 
Torkun,  128,  222 
Torture,  381,  387 
Tourane,  114 
Trade,  18,  143 

, early,  9,  12,  14 

routes,  344 

Transit-passes,  196 
Transmigration,  386,  394 
Treason,  387 

Treasurer,  provincial,  2 10,  232,  266, 
334 

Treasury,  336 
Treaties,  165,  208,  340 

, England,  60 

, Russia,  65,  331 

Tremlett,  Consul,  215 
Tribes,  distribution  of,  5 
Tsaichun,  133,  239 
Tsai-i,  52 
Tsaishu,  227 
Tsait'ien,  133,  135,  239 
Ts‘ao-chou  Fu,  360 
Ts‘ao  Ts‘ao,  1 1 

Tseng  Kwoh-fan,  230,  250,  255 
Tseng,  Marquess,  230,  250,  254 
Ts’en  Yuh-ying,  233,  279,  385 
Tsiang  Yii-t’ien,  156 
Ts‘i  dynasty,  399 

(Tartar),  399 

Tsi-nan  Fu,  350,  358 

Tsin  dynasty,  13,  398 

Ts‘in  dynasty,  6,  8,  9,  10,  12,  13 

Ts’in,  “Great,”  15 

Ts‘ing-chou  Fu,  360,  364 

Ts’ing  dynasty  ( see  Manchus),  52, 

130 

Tsitsihar,  37 

Tso  Tsung-t’ang,  Viceroy  and  General, 
233 

Tsung-li  Yamen,  44,  53,  209,  262 

Tsuruhaitu,  332 

Tsushima,  340 

Ts‘z-an,  137 

Ts‘z-hi,  137 

Tug-of-war,  294 

T‘ung-an  city,  391 

T'ung-chi,  Emperor,  52,  129,  13 1, 

I 238 

Tungchow,  155 
Tung  Fuh-siang,  44 
Tung-hwa-luh,  28 
Tungting  lake,  9 
Tunguses,  13,  17,  298 
Tungusic  dynasties,  120 

races,  II,  14,  128,  327 

Tun,  Prince,  52,  131,  134,  238 
Turfan,  287 

Turkestan,  12,  20,  24,  28,  91 

Turkey,  70 

Turkish  dynasties,  17 


Index 


424 


Turkish  language,  16 
Turko-Tartars,  11,  13,  209,  506,  374 
Turks,  i5)  i7)  43,  288,  398 

of  Turkey,  307 

T‘wan-lien , 43,  48,  50 

Twan,  Prince,  52,  53,  70,  129,  131,  132 

U 

Udjana,  91 

Uniform,  194,  203,  209,  243 

United  States  (see  America),  76,  189 

Urga,  6,  386 

Uriangkha,  23 

Usbegs,  299 

Ussuri,  61,  299,  327 

Usury,  246 


V 

Varnish,  278 
Vegetarians,  179 
Verbiest,  94,  112,  123 
Viceroy  of  India,  219 

for  Transport,  352 

Viceroys,  210,  228,  334 
Vilers,  M.  Myre  de,  316 
Visits,  209,  241 

Vladivostock,  76,  300,  312,  342 
Volga,  11,  14 
Volpicelli,  Signor,  289 


W 

Wade,  Sir  T.,  61,  216,  257 
Waising  lottery,  291 
Wakhan,  63 
Wall,  Great,  9 
Walled  cities,  234,  355 
Wang  Chi'-ch'un,  54,  55 
Wang  Mang,  398 
Warrants,  247,  250,  381 
Wei  dynasty,  398,  401 

dynasty  (Tartar),  399 

hien,  360,  362 

Weights  and  Measures,  9 

Wei-hai  Wei,  47,  57,  299,  341,  347 

Wenchow,  108,  159,  186,  237,  390 

Western  Ocean  men,  124 

West,  Far,  6 

West  River,  12 

White  Lily  sect,  50 

Wine.  See  Spirits 

Witte,  M.  de,  323 

Wives,  244,  407.  See  Women 

Wolves,  360 

Women,  86,  89,  97,  120,  162,  173,  177, 
244,  257,  385,  405,  409 


Wong,  Dr.,  176,  273 
Wong  Ko-ung,  175 
Works,  Office  of,  219 
Wrestling,  296 
Writers,  180.  See  Teachers 
Writing,  early,  6,  9,  10,  327 

, respect  for,  87 

Wuch'ang  (see  Hankow),  97 
Wuhu,  4 

| Wu  K‘o-tuh,  135,  224,  239 
] Wu-shih  Shan,  103 
Wusung,  160 
railway,  230 

Y 

Yaksa  (see  Albazin),  331 
Yakub  Beg,  32,  61,  268,  403 
Yalu  River,  62,  202,  328 
Yamens,  180,  240 
Yangchow,  392 
Yang-king  Pang,  160 
Yangtsze,  course  of,  4,  8 

• , Upper  (Kin-sha),  10,  12,  83 

valley,  46,  345 

Year,  Chinese,  87 
Yeh,  Viceroy,  390 
Yellow  races,  44 

River,  4,  9,  12,  28,  30,  32,  40,  47, 

335.  351,  358.  363 

Sea,  64 

Yichu,  52,  133 
Yihin,  53,  133,  239 
Yihwan,  53,  133,  239 
Yin  and  Yang  philosophy,  197 
Yinghan,  Viceroy,  267,  291 
Ying-ki-li  (see  England),  154 
Yitsung,  52,  133,  238 
Yoh-ku,  404 

Younghusband,  Captain,  330,  333 

Yiian  dynasty.  See  Mongols 

Yuan  Shi-k’ai,  49,  54,  120 

Yiieh-chi,  12,  20 

Yiieh-pan,  14 

Yiihien,  47,  52 

Yii  Lien-san,  54,  55 

Yung-cheng,  Emperor,  123,  223,  400 

Yung  Ting  River,  40 

Yiin-jeng,  125 

Yiin  Nan,  10,  12,  16,  18,  24,  30,  62,  91 
Yiin-sz,  125 
Yiin-t’ang,  126 
Yiin-t’i,  126 
j Yii  Yin-lin,  54,  55 

Z 

Zaitun,  388 
Zi,  Paul,  1 12 


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